EVERY MAN MIND HIS OWN BUSINESS.
The observance of this rule would secure universal peace. There would
never be quarrelling, never war, on the smaller or larger scale; but
the breach of it soon produces difficulty, and leads to strife. We
have stated in a former chapter, to the effect, that the causes of the
Abolition movement of this country, cannot be understood, without
allusion to certain cognate events and reforming schemes, that have
been set on foot among us, and to certain extravagant and peculiar
features of those reforms, which fairly entitle them to the name of
_violent_. For example, it was assumed, that the action and scope of
Christian benevolence could not stop short of calling all men to
account for their principles, manners, habits, and especially meats
and drinks, according as these interrogators, _alias_ inquisitors,
might judge to be wrong. Great Societies were formed to give to these
measures the weight and sanction of their publicly declared opinion;
and under the shield of Conventional and solemn resolutions, which
struck at the root of all independence of private opinion and private
character, and excommunicated from good society all that should refuse
a strict conformity to these published “Bulls,” by stamping them with
the _taint_ of immorality, their Agents went forth upon the land to
deal authoritative rebuke and denunciation against dissentients. The
rest is known. All we have to say is, that schools of this kind--and
we have only pointed to _one_ of many--were admirable preparations for
the Abolition movement. A public that would bear all this, it was
thought, would bear any thing else; and they who had been accustomed
freely, and with little opposition, to use these high prerogatives in
the religious and moral sphere, ventured _one_ step farther, into the
_political_. They did it without scruple, seeming to regard themselves
as well entitled to one field, as to the other; and to this day, they
seem not to have discovered the impropriety of the trespass.
Now, let it be understood, that the application of these remarks does
not go a whit farther, than to comprehend those violent reforms, of
which the great body of the religious public of this country, of all
denominations, or nearly all, are heartily tired, and earnestly wish
them a good riddance. We think we are entitled, without offending any
Christian, not an Abolitionist, to point to this indubitable source of
this great movement, inasmuch as it would be impossible to do justice
to this subject without this leave. It is the wide spread sanction
that has been given to _meddling_ and _interference_ in the social
state, and the protracted and almost undisputed use of this
prerogative, that has conjured up the spirit of Abolitionism, and
given it weight and influence among that class of persons, who
sustained the other violent reforms, with few exceptions. They have
generally passed readily and regularly, as a matter of course, from
one sphere of action to the other, accumulating forces as they
advanced. It is even astonishing to observe, how that gem of society,
independence of private character, and the right of private opinion,
has been marred and prostrated before the authoritative edicts of
these high and formidable Associations, the most extravagant of which
were concocted in caucus, and forced upon the public, by those very
men who will generally be found in the Abolition ranks.
We think it a great mistake, in the administration of the social
state, and highly injurious to it, that this title to interfere in the
affairs of our neighbors, has been so widely sanctioned. It is bad in
itself; and bad in all its results. Once give sanction to this
principle by public authority, and there is no end to the modes and
forms of its application, in private life or public affairs, in the
religious or political world; and there is scarcely any thing more
fruitful of strife, or more mischievous in its workings. The reformer
assumes, that he has a right, and is bound, to seek the good of his
neighbour--_in his own way_, of course--and there is the mistake. And
if he can get the sanction of the public, on a large scale, as to the
use of his _particular_ modes, he is then backed by authority, and is
confident. He will then march directly into society, and rebuke and
denounce opposition with little ceremony. We are doubtless understood
by these allusions. The rule laid down becomes a bed of Procustes: If
any one’s legs happen to be too long, they must be cut off; or if too
short, they must be stretched out by force. And so it goes. There is
no such thing as private judgment, private conscience, or independence
of character; but a man’s soul, and body, and every thing must yield
to authority; or, he will have the mark set upon his forehead, and be
denounced, as the enemy of society, because he does not agree in
opinion with these men, as to the best modes of promoting its
interests.
Great and lamentable as the evil of Abolitionism is in our country,
and inauspicious in its aspects, we confess, we are not sorry, since
it has come to this, that these violent reformers have now got into a
position, in which they must encounter an authority that will be
likely to rebuke their _meddling interference_, in terms and in a
manner which they have not heretofore experienced. Having taken
political ground, in violation of the laws of the country, they must
henceforth look “the powers that be” in the face, and render an
account for their temerity.