THE ROMANCE OF ABOLITIONISM.
We live in an age of romantic sympathy and religious sentimentalism.
There is a charity that prefers a remote object, to one that is near.
A blind beggar, with every appearance of want and wretchedness, sits
daily by the way side, to ask alms. Floods of population swim along,
and now and then he gets a penny; but no body stops to ask him of his
misery, or sympathize with his woes. He is a solitary, uncheered being
during the day, in the midst of a busy, moving, and apparently happy
world; and as night comes on, he feels his way to his wretched hovel,
if he has one, and lies down in rags and filth, to sleep as he can. He
may, or may not, have some one to comfort him there; but the world
never asks. In every crowded population there are hundreds of poor and
wretched beings, whose wants are fruitful of sorrow, and whose pains
are without relief. They live in misery, and die without comfort; and
that, too, while surrounded with an affluence that knows not how to
dissipate its treasures. The sound of the light steps of the happy is
heard in the street, but they enter not the uninviting abode to
inquire into the wants of its tenants; the carriages of the wealthy
roll onward; but the suffering poor, so near at hand, are not
remembered. Even if you apply to the public in their behalf, you will
chance to receive for answer, “they are worthy of their doom, and are
only reaping the wages of their sins. We have known them well, and
generally speaking, there is little merit, and a slender reward, in
relieving such objects.”
But, form a Society of these very persons, and send out an Agent to
the Antipodes to hunt up the misery that may be found there, to report
in due form on precisely the same cases of distress, or on such,
perhaps, as are not half so worthy of pity, and the tear of sympathy
will be seen trickling down the cheek of the sentimentalist, as he
reads the printed document in his easy chair, or listens to the fervid
eloquence of the platform orator, who feels the same pleasure in
telling the story which his hearers do in receiving it. “’Tis distance
lends enchantment,” and because these persons can luxuriate in the
indulgence of their benevolence in agreeable circumstances, without
being compelled to come in actual contact with the squalid and
disgusting forms of misery; or like Howard, to sacrifice home and
comfort to look it up, and administer consolation at the expense of
ease and better society.
To all this we have no objection. Even if the statements are
exaggerated, and the pictures highly colored; though the Agents
engaged in this work know well, that their support depends on the
interest they create; though there is not half the good accomplished
that was dreamt of, or is supposed; nay, though all the fruits of this
sympathy were expended on the way to its objects, and in sustaining
this machinery, still the world is made better, and the compensation
is abundant, though nothing else be gained, but the good and kind
feeling it has kindled up at home. It is even better, that they who
will not relieve the miserable objects that lie at their doors, or
perish in the streets, or starve in the comfortless abodes of their
own city or town, should have some small pittances of their abundance
drawn out by the workings of a romantic sympathy for the remotest
objects, than that they should do nothing at all. If they feel not for
the wretched before their eyes, it is yet good that they can be made
to feel for those who are far off.
The Christian missions of the age, and all purely benevolent
enterprises, which meddle not with the political structures of
society, are most worthy of patronage and support, _under a suitable
organization_. However they may, in some degree, fall under these
strictures, our remarks are only an echo of practical and faithful
missionaries, who have themselves written largely on the romance of
Missions, and laboured to chasten the views and expectations of
contributors to the cause, and to establish the work on the basis of
sound Christian principle. As we have before intimated, the Abolition
movement is a wandering star, an eccentric and fiery orb, that has
broken loose from the Religious and Benevolent Society system, with
all its armor on, and betrayed and violated the principles of that
system, by plunging into the battle field of political strife, and
running riot in a wild and mad encounter with the political interests
of mankind. It is a comet out of place, thrown off from its own sphere
by the violence of its centrifugal action, and comes dashing on its
way into a family of planetary worlds, whose orderly course around a
common centre it threatens to throw into confusion, and is likely to
plunge full sweep on that great central ORB which gives us light and
heat, and which, we hope and pray, will be able to sustain the shock
without injury.
The romance of Abolitionism is well illustrated in the history of that
crusade which roused all Europe, and led forth its armies upon the
plains of Western Asia against the infidels, to rescue “the Holy City”
from “the abomination of desolation;” and we will venture to say, that
the great majority of Abolitionists are equally and no more wise, in
the expedition to which they are lending their aid. They know just as
much of the real state of things in the slave-holding States, and seem
to be equally blind to the romantic character of the enterprise.
Let it be always understood, that we make no controversy with the
Abolitionists, as to the right or wrong of slavery, in this country or
any other, or in any case whatever. For in all cases, we presume, that
we are as much opposed to slavery as they are. We consider, that this
question is entirely forced aside by the position assumed by the
Abolitionists, and by principles they have avowed before the public,
which must necessarily supercede this question, till those principles
are practically settled. Abolitionists claim the right to a political
interference, which is denied to them alike by the Constitutional law
of the land, by the expressed opinions of our national authorities, by
the parties most intimately concerned, and by the general voice of
public opinion. And this is the ground upon which we meet them, and
only upon this ground. We have no objection to their opinion
concerning the inexpediency and sin of slavery, or to any proper modes
of expressing that opinion. This has long been known to be the common
opinion of the North, without disturbing society in the South; and the
action of that opinion, in a proper way, was likely to make advances,
and ultimately to gain its object, if it had not been checked by this
inauspicious interference with existing political society and
political claims. Abolition, in the peculiar circumstances and
relations of American political society, can never, as we think, be
_enforced_ by political action from abroad; it can only be gained
through the moral sense of those who have the charge of slavery, in
connexion with their interests. While, therefore, we declare the
general ignorance of Abolitionists of the real state of slavery, as a
reason why they should not meddle with it in the way they propose, we
protest against being represented as the apologist of slavery.
Since, therefore, the people of the North cannot interfere
_politically_ with the slavery of the South--for we deem ourselves
entitled to assume this ground, in view of the reasons already
presented--and since a wide spread and powerful political combination
is in the field, mustering additional forces, and stirring up their
ranks to an onward course, by exaggerated and unfair representations,
we think it important, by all suitable means, to endeavour to break
that spell of romance, which, we conceive, has no small share in this
undertaking. We say, then, that the great body of Abolitionists have
not the means of knowing, and consequently do not know, the real
condition of slavery in the States where it exists, either as to what
it is in itself, or as to what it is in comparison of other states of
society in this and other countries. Instructed and excited by the
documents and various literary emissions of the Society--all of which
appear to be greatly exaggerated in their representation of facts,
inflammatory in their character, and some of the most influential of
them purely fictitious--they have obtained views of slavery at the
South which cannot be sustained by the truth of the case, and have
been stirred up to a sympathy which is for the most part romantic.
_All_ their views of the practicability of that form of action they
have assumed, being itself an unlawful organisation, as we have shown,
and at war with the political structure of our society, are, as we
think, purely romantic. They are generally, therefore, involved in an
atmosphere of romance on this subject.
As to the practicability of _immediate emancipation_--which is the
avowed doctrine and aim of the Abolitionists--either for the good of
the slaves, or the safety of society, it receives the unqualified
negative of all Northern men and foreigners, who have visited the
slave-holding States, without having been previously committed to the
principles of Abolitionism; and that, too, against all the reports
that have been brought from the British West Indies, down to this
time, by the Agents of the American Anti-Slavery Society, or through
other more circuitous or direct channels. Every practical man may see,
that the experiment of emancipation in the West Indies is not yet
fairly tested. We have read Thome’s & Kimball’s “Six Months’ Tour” and
Professor Hovey’s “Letters,” and compared them with other evidence and
the unalterable principles of human nature; and after making those
abatements which experience teaches are always due to ex parte
statements, we honestly conceive, that the argument is neutralised,
and the whole subject is necessarily left in suspense as to the
legitimate influence of such testimony.
We say, then, without fear of contradiction, that every disinterested
_man’s_ report from the South, whether American or foreigner, on the
question of _immediate abolition_, declares decidedly and solemnly to
the Abolitionists, “Gentlemen, you are wrong. It is impossible.”
But the doctrine of _immediate_ abolition, _dictated_ to the
slave-holding States, and _imposed_ upon them, even though it were
safely practicable, assumes the right of interference, and therefore
cannot be expected to be conceded by those concerned, and who claim
the right of originating and deciding this question for themselves.
The same right has been claimed by the Northern States, where slavery
formerly existed, and in no case have they seen fit to attempt
_immediate_ emancipation. To enforce it upon the South by foreign
dictation would be despotic, nay, an invasion, and, as we think,
“contrary to the principles of our republican form of Government.” We
declare, in the first place, that foreign, that is, Northern
Abolitionists are, from the necessities of their position,
_incompetent_ judges of this question; and next, that they are
unconstitutional, and therefore unlawful judges. Certainly, we do not
mean by this to debar the right of opinion, or any constitutional
modes of expressing it; but only, that they have no right to sit in
judgment on this question for the purposes of dictation and
legislation, or for that which is tantamount to legislation, to
_enforce_ this principle.
Moreover, some of the most influential literary emissions of the
American Anti-Slavery Society are _purely fictitious_, and generally
so exaggerated and highly coloured, or so unfaithful in not giving the
whole truth, as to misrepresent the truth. “The narrative of James
Williams,” which has probably had more influence, and excited more
feeling, than any other single document, and which was thought of
sufficient importance to be made conspicuous in the last Annual Report
of the Society, by devoting one third of a page _to attest its
veracity_, notwithstanding the Abolitionists had been sufficiently
advised, _that it was false_. They have at last been forced to make
public confession, _that it is a fiction_! It is impossible to say,
what proportion of the issues of this Society are of this character,
because the proof of a negative, especially in such matters, is always
slow and difficult; but the exceeding avidity of the Abolitionists to
take up and accredit such stories as “the Narrative of James
Williams,” directly in the face of rebutting and conclusive evidence,
and the strong temptations in such circumstances to fiction, may
fairly establish the presumption, that many of their issues are purely
fictitious.
But exaggeration of statement, over-coloring of facts, and keeping
back parts of truth which are essential to a correct judgment, are
precisely of the nature of fiction. Such is the concurrent testimony
from all quarters, and such the evidence of probability in the very
nature of things, that this part of the budget must be immense. Every
body, who has visited the slave States, _knows_, that slavery there is
_not_ what it is represented to be in the publications of the American
Anti-slavery Society, in general, or in particular. Certain specific
evils, necessarily resulting from a system of slavery, no fair man can
deny; that some of these are of a revolting character, candor requires
to be confessed; that there are cruel and inhuman masters, is no less
true. So also are there cruel and inhuman parents, husbands, masters
of indented apprentices, and various other superiors in the relations
of life, _out_ of the slave States. We will venture to say, from
authoritative evidence submitted to the British Parliament, amounting
to many volumes, that there is more maiming of the human body, and
more crushing of the human mind, from infancy to the grave, in the
manufactories of Great Britain, by the cruelties inflicted on that
perpetual bondage which in fact endures from generation to generation,
than the _whole amount_ of the same class of evils inflicted on _all_
the slaves in the United States, notwithstanding the immense
difference between the number of persons in one case and the other;
and that this result may be established by the best certified
evidence. If it should be said, that the bondage of the British
manufactories is voluntary, we reply, _it is not_, and that the _law
of necessity_ which imprisons its victims there, while they can work,
on a bare subsistence, without enough to get away, and dismisses them
when they can work no longer, without providing for their support, is
far more cruel than American bondage, where the law that makes it
hereditary, provides for the sick and superannuated. We are quite
aware, that one of these cases does not justify, though it relieves,
the other, by the light of comparison. There is no state of society in
the world, not even in the free States of North America, where these
cruelties and inhumanities cannot be found in great abundance. And why
do not the Abolitionists begin at home, and tear down society in their
respective Commonwealths, because these enormities are to be found,
notwithstanding the law and public opinion are against them, in the
same manner as law and opinion are against them in the slaveholding
States? Or, since they have a propensity to these foreign missions,
why do they not go to the nations of Europe, where bondage is more
cruel, and where they might, in that proportion, be more useful, if,
peradventure, they are likely to be useful at all? In all these cases,
and in all parts of the world, these cruelties are exceptions to the
general state of society, not the rule.
The decrease of the slave population of the West Indies, and
the better economy--barbarous indeed--of keeping it up by
importation, was adduced in evidence of the inhumanities of the
system. And we think very fairly so. By the same rule, the rapid
increase of the slave population in the Southern States, over the
whites in the same States--it being in the proportion of 80 to 100 of
the whites, and of 112 to 100 of the slaves, in the term of 40
years--proves, that slavery in the United States is comparatively
mild. It is commonly reported and believed, by disinterested visitants
to the slave States of the Union, that, from all appearances, the
slaves, as a body, are the happiest people in the world. And although
we are far from advocating the doctrine, in application to involuntary
and hereditary bondage, as an element of society, that, “where
ignorance is bliss, ’tis folly to be wise;” yet the real condition of
American slavery, when fairly ascertained, may go to show, that the
pains taken by Abolitionists, in the use of false testimony, to awaken
a romantic sympathy in the North, and to muster and urge on a violent
crusade upon the South, in violation of the laws of the land, and of
the obvious proprieties of man’s social condition, thereby disturbing
the public peace, and threatening to bring about a civil war, involves
a very grave responsibility. It is undoubtedly true, that the
Abolitionists of the North know very little about Southern slavery;
and that they know far less about it now, than they did before the
Abolition press, under the American Anti-Slavery Society, began to
instruct them. Nearly all their sympathy is romantic, resting on “the
baseless fabric of a vision;” and they may rely upon it, that their
crusade upon the South has as little hope of good result, as may now
be read in the history of the crusade of the Christian nations of
Europe upon “the Holy land.”