7. So Vespasian's good fortune succeeded to his wishes every where, and

the public affairs were, for the greatest part, already in his hands;

upon which he considered that he had not arrived at the government

without Divine Providence, but that a righteous kind of fate had brought

the empire under his power; for as he called to mind the other signals,

which had been a great many every where, that foretold he should obtain

the government, so did he remember what Josephus had said to him when he

ventured to foretell his coming to the empire while Nero was alive; so

he was much concerned that this man was still in bonds with him. He then

called for Mucianus, together with his other commanders and friends,

and, in the first place, he informed them what a valiant man Josephus

had been, and what great hardships he had made him undergo in the siege

of Jotapata. After that he related those predictions of his 24 which he

had then suspected as fictions, suggested out of the fear he was in,

but which had by time been demonstrated to be Divine. "It is a shameful

thing [said he] that this man, who hath foretold my coming to the empire

beforehand, and been the minister of a Divine message to me, should

still be retained in the condition of a captive or prisoner." So he

called for Josephus, and commanded that he should be set at liberty;

whereupon the commanders promised themselves glorious things, from this

requital Vespasian made to a stranger. Titus was then present with

his father, and said, "O father, it is but just that the scandal [of a

prisoner] should be taken off Josephus, together with his iron chain.

For if we do not barely loose his bonds, but cut them to pieces, he will

be like a man that had never been bound at all." For that is the usual

method as to such as have been bound without a cause. This advice was

agreed to by Vespasian also; so there came a man in, and cut the chain

to pieces; while Josephus received this testimony of his integrity for

a reward, and was moreover esteemed a person of credit as to futurities

also.

CHAPTER 11.

That Upon The Conquest And Slaughter Of Vitellius Vespasian

Hastened His Journey To Rome; But Titus His Son Returned To

Jerusalem.

1. And now, when Vespasian had given answers to the embassages, and had

disposed of the places of power justly, 25 and according to every one's

deserts, he came to Antioch, and consulting which way he had best take,

he preferred to go for Rome, rather than to march to Alexandria, because

he saw that Alexandria was sure to him already, but that the affairs at

Rome were put into disorder by Vitellius; so he sent Mucianus to Italy,

and committed a considerable army both of horsemen and footmen to him;

yet was Mucianus afraid of going by sea, because it was the middle of

winter, and so he led his army on foot through Cappadocia and Phrygia.

2. In the mean time, Antonius Primus took the third of the legions that

were in Mysia, for he was president of that province, and made haste, in

order to fight Vitellius; whereupon Vitellius sent away Cecinna, with

a great army, having a mighty confidence in him, because of his having

beaten Otho. This Cecinna marched out of Rome in great haste, and found

Antonius about Cremona in Gall, which city is in the borders of Italy;

but when he saw there that the enemy were numerous and in good order, he

durst not fight them; and as he thought a retreat dangerous, so he began

to think of betraying his army to Antonius. Accordingly, he assembled

the centurions and tribunes that were under his command, and persuaded

them to go over to Antonius, and this by diminishing the reputation of

Vitellius, and by exaggerating the power of Vespasian. He also told them

that with the one there was no more than the bare name of dominion, but

with the other was the power of it; and that it was better for them to

prevent necessity, and gain favor, and, while they were likely to be

overcome in battle, to avoid the danger beforehand, and go over to

Antonius willingly; that Vespasian was able of himself to subdue what

had not yet submitted without their assistance, while Vitellius could

not preserve what he had already with it.

3. Cecinna said this, and much more to the same purpose, and persuaded

them to comply with him; and both he and his army deserted; but still

the very same night the soldiers repented of what they had done, and a

fear seized on them, lest perhaps Vitellius who sent them should get the

better; and drawing their swords, they assaulted Cecinna, in order to

kill him; and the thing had been done by them, if the tribunes had not

fallen upon their knees, and besought them not to do it; so the soldiers

did not kill him, but put him in bonds, as a traitor, and were about to

send him to Vitellius. When [Antonius] Primus heard of this, he raised

up his men immediately, and made them put on their armor, and led them

against those that had revolted; hereupon they put themselves in order

of battle, and made a resistance for a while, but were soon beaten, and

fled to Cremona; then did Primus take his horsemen, and cut off their

entrance into the city, and encompassed and destroyed a great multitude

of them before the city, and fell into the city together with the rest,

and gave leave to his soldiers to plunder it. And here it was that many

strangers, who were merchants, as well as many of the people of that

country, perished, and among them Vitellius's whole army, being thirty

thousand and two hundred, while Antonius lost no more of those that came

with him from Mysia than four thousand and five hundred: he then loosed

Cecinna, and sent him to Vespasian to tell him the good news. So he

came, and was received by him, and covered the scandal of his treachery

by the unexpected honors he received from Vespasian.

4. And now, upon the news that Antonius was approaching, Sabinus took

courage at Rome, and assembled those cohorts of soldiers that kept watch

by night, and in the night time seized upon the capitol; and, as the

day came on, many men of character came over to him, with Domitian,

his brother's son, whose encouragement was of very great weight for the

compassing the government. Now Vitellius was not much concerned at this

Primus, but was very angry with those that had revolted with Sabinus;

and thirsting, out of his own natural barbarity, after noble blood,

he sent out that part of the army which came along with him to fight

against the capitol; and many bold actions were done on this side, and

on the side of those that held the temple. But at last, the soldiers

that came from Germany, being too numerous for the others, got the hill

into their possession, where Domitian, with many other of the principal

Romans, providentially escaped, while the rest of the multitude were

entirely cut to pieces, and Sabinus himself was brought to Vitellius,

and then slain; the soldiers also plundered the temple of its ornaments,

and set it on fire. But now within a day's time came Antonius, with his

army, and were met by Vitellius and his army; and having had a battle

in three several places, the last were all destroyed. Then did Vitellius

come out of the palace, in his cups, and satiated with an extravagant

and luxurious meal, as in the last extremity, and being drawn along

through the multitude, and abused with all sorts of torments, had his

head cut off in the midst of Rome, having retained the government eight

months and five days 26 and had he lived much longer, I cannot but think

the empire would not have been sufficient for his lust. Of the others

that were slain, were numbered above fifty thousand. This battle was

fought on the third day of the month Apelleus [Casleu]; on the next day

Mucianus came into the city with his army, and ordered Antonius and his

men to leave off killing; for they were still searching the houses,

and killed many of Vitellius's soldiers, and many of the populace, as

supposing them to be of his party, preventing by their rage any accurate

distinction between them and others. He then produced Domitian, and

recommended him to the multitude, until his father should come himself;

so the people being now freed from their fears, made acclamations of

joy for Vespasian, as for their emperor, and kept festival days for his

confirmation, and for the destruction of Vitellius.

5. And now, as Vespasian was come to Alexandria, this good news

came from Rome, and at the same time came embassies from all his own

habitable earth, to congratulate him upon his advancement; and though

this Alexandria was the greatest of all cities next to Rome, it proved

too narrow to contain the multitude that then came to it. So upon this

confirmation of Vespasian's entire government, which was now settled,

and upon the unexpected deliverance of the public affairs of the Romans

from ruin, Vespasian turned his thoughts to what remained unsubdued in

Judea. However, he himself made haste to go to Rome, as the winter was

now almost over, and soon set the affairs of Alexandria in order,

but sent his son Titus, with a select part of his army, to destroy

Jerusalem. So Titus marched on foot as far as Nicopolis, which is

distant twenty furlongs from Alexandria; there he put his army on board

some long ships, and sailed upon the river along the Mendesian Nomus,

as far as the city Tumuis; there he got out of the ships, and walked

on foot, and lodged all night at a small city called Tanis. His second

station was Heracleopolis, and his third Pelusium; he then refreshed his

army at that place for two days, and on the third passed over the mouths

of the Nile at Pelusium; he then proceeded one station over the desert,

and pitched his camp at the temple of the Casian Jupiter, 27 and on the

next day at Ostracine. This station had no water, but the people of

the country make use of water brought from other places. After this he

rested at Rhinocolura, and from thence he went to Raphia, which was

his fourth station. This city is the beginning of Syria. For his fifth

station he pitched his camp at Gaza; after which he came to Ascalon, and

thence to Jamnia, and after that to Joppa, and from Joppa to Cesarea,

having taken a resolution to gather all his other forces together at

that place.

WAR BOOK 4 FOOTNOTES

1 (return) [ Here we have the exact situation of Jeroboam's "at the exit

of Little Jordan into Great Jordan, near the place called Daphne," but

of old Dan. See the note in Antiq. B. VIII. ch. 8. sect. 4. But Reland

suspects flint here we should read Dan instead of there being no where

else mention of a place called Daphne.]

2 (return) [ These numbers in Josephus of thirty furlongs' ascent to the

top of Mount Tabor, whether we estimate it by winding and gradual, or

by the perpendicular altitude, and of twenty-six furlongs' circumference

upon the top, as also fifteen furlongs for this ascent in Polybius, with

Geminus's perpendicular altitude of almost fourteen furlongs, here noted

by Dr. Hudson, do none of' them agree with the authentic testimony of

Mr. Maundrell, an eye-witness, p. 112, who says he was not an hour in

getting up to the top of this Mount Tabor, and that the area of the top

is an oval of about two furlongs in length, and one in breadth. So I

rather suppose Josephus wrote three furlongs for the ascent or altitude,

instead of thirty; and six furlongs for the circumference at the

top, instead of twenty-six,--since a mountain of only three furlongs

perpendicular altitude may easily require near an hour's ascent, and the

circumference of an oval of the foregoing quantity is near six furlongs.

Nor certainly could such a vast circumference as twenty-six furlongs,

or three miles and a quarter, at that height be encompassed with a

wall, including a trench and other fortifications, [perhaps those still

remaining, ibid.] in the small interval of forty days, as Josephus here

says they were by himself.]

3 (return) [ This name Dorcas in Greek, was Tabitha in Hebrew or Syriac,

as Acts 9:36. Accordingly, some of the manuscripts set it down here

Tabetha or Tabeta. Nor can the context in Josephus be made out by

supposing the reading to have been this: "The son of Tabitha; which, in

the language of our country, denotes Dorcas" [or a doe].]

4 (return) [ Here we may discover the utter disgrace and ruin of the

high priesthood among the Jews, when undeserving, ignoble, and vile

persons were advanced to that holy office by the seditious; which sort

of high priests, as Josephus well remarks here, were thereupon obliged

to comply with and assist those that advanced them in their impious

practices. The names of these high priests, or rather ridiculous

and profane persons, were Jesus the son of Damneus, Jesus the son of

Gamaliel, Matthias the son of Theophilus, and that prodigious ignoramus

Phannias, the son of Samuel; all whom we shall meet with in Josephus's

future history of this war; nor do we meet with any other so much as

pretended high priest after Phannias, till Jerusalem was taken and

destroyed.]

5 (return) [ This tribe or course of the high priests, or priests, here

called Eniachim, seems to the learned Mr. Lowth, one well versed in

Josephus, to be that 1 Chronicles 24:12, "the course of Jakim," where

some copies have "the course of Eliakim;" and I think this to be by no

means an improbable conjecture.]

6 (return) [ This Symeon, the son of Gamaliel, is mentioned as the

president of the Jewish sanhedrim, and one that perished in the

destruction of Jerusalem, by the Jewish Rabbins, as Reland observes on

this place. He also tells us that those Rabbins mention one Jesus

the son of Gamala, as once a high priest, but this long before the

destruction of Jerusalem; so that if he were the same person with this

Jesus the son of Gamala, Josephus, he must have lived to be very old, or

they have been very bad chronologers.]

7 (return) [ It is worth noting here, that this Ananus, the best of the

Jews at this time, and the high priest, who was so very uneasy at the

profanation of the Jewish courts of the temple by the zealots, did not

however scruple the profanation of the "court of the Gentiles;" as in

our Savior's days it was very much profaned by the Jews; and made a

market-place, nay, a "den of thieves," without scruple, Matthew 21:12,

13; Mark 11:15-17. Accordingly Josephus himself, when he speaks of the

two inner courts, calls them both hagia or holy places; but, so far as

I remember, never gives that character of the court of the Gentiles. See

B. V. ch. 9. sect. 2.]

8 (return) [ This appellation of Jerusalem given it here by Simon, the

general of the Idumeans, "the common city" of the Idumeans, who were

proselytes of justice, as well as of the original native Jews, greatly

confirms that maxim of the Rabbins, here set down by Reland, that

"Jerusalem was not assigned, or appropriated, to the tribe of Benjamin

or Judah, but every tribe had equal right to it [at their coming to

worship there at the several festivals]." See a little before, ch. 3.

sect. 3, or "worldly worship," as the author to the Hebrews calls the

sanctuary, "a worldly sanctuary."]

9 (return) [ Some commentators are ready to suppose that this

"Zacharias, the son of Baruch," here most unjustly slain by the Jews

in the temple, was the very same person with "Zacharias, the son of

Barachias," whom our Savior says the Jews "slew between the temple and

the altar," Matthew 23:35. This is a somewhat strange exposition; since

Zechariah the prophet was really "the son of Barachiah," and "grandson

of Iddo, Zechariah 1:1; and how he died, we have no other account than

that before us in St. Matthew: while this "Zacharias" was "the son of

Baruch." Since the slaughter was past when our Savior spake these

words, the Jews had then already slain him; whereas this slaughter of

"Zacharias, the son of Baruch," in Josephus, was then about thirty-four

years future. And since the slaughter was "between the temple and the

altar," in the court of the priests, one of the most sacred and remote

parts of the whole temple; while this was, in Josephus's own words, in

the middle of the temple, and much the most probably in the court of

Israel only [for we have had no intimation that the zealots had at this

time profaned the court of the priests. See B. V. ch. 1. sect. 2].

Nor do I believe that our Josephus, who always insists on the peculiar

sacredness of the inmost court, and of the holy house that was in it,

would have omitted so material an aggravation of this barbarous murder,

as perpetrated in. a place so very holy, had that been the true place of

it. See Antiq. B. XI. ch. 7. sect. 1, and the note here on B. V. ch. 1.

sect. 2.]

10 (return) [ This prediction, that the city [Jerusalem] should then "be

taken, and the sanctuary burnt, by right of war, when a sedition should

invade Jews, and their own hands should pollute that temple;" or, as

it is B. VI. ch. 2. sect. 1, "when any one should begin to slay his

countrymen in the city;" is wanting in our present copies of the Old

Testament. See Essay on the Old Test. p. 104--112. But this prediction,

as Josephus well remarks here, though, with the other predictions of

the prophets, it was now laughed at by the seditious, was by their very

means soon exactly fulfilled. However, I cannot but here take notice

of Grotius's positive assertion upon Matthew 26:9, here quoted by Dr.

Hudson, that "it ought to be taken for granted, as a certain truth, that

many predictions of the Jewish prophets were preserved, not in writing,

but by memory." Whereas, it seems to me so far from certain, that I

think it has no evidence nor probability at all.]

11 (return) [ By these hiera, or "holy places," as distinct from cities,

must be meant "proseuchae," or "houses of prayer," out of cities; of

which we find mention made in the New Testament and other authors. See

Luke 6:12; Acts 16:13, 16; Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 23; his Life,

sect. 51. "In qua te quero proseucha?" Juvenal Sat. III. yet. 296. They

were situated sometimes by the sides of rivers, Acts 16:13, or by

the sea-side, Antiq. B. XIV. ch. 10. sect. 23. So did the seventy-two

interpreters go to pray every morning by the sea-side before they went

to their work, B. XII. ch. 2. sect. 12.]

12 (return) [ Gr. Galatia, and so everywhere.]

13 (return) [ Whether this Somorrhon, or Somorrha, ought not to be here

written Gomorrha, as some MSS. in a manner have it, [for the place meant

by Josephus seems to be near Segor, or Zoar, at the very south of

the Dead Sea, hard by which stood Sodom and Gomorrha,] cannot now be

certainly determined, but seems by no means improbable.]

14 (return) [ This excellent prayer of Elisha is wanting in our copies,

2 Kings 2:21, 22, though it be referred to also in the Apostolical

Constitutions, B. VII. ch. 37., and the success of it is mentioned in

them all.]

16 (return) [ Of these Roman affairs and tumults under Galba, Otho, and

Vitellius, here only touched upon by Josephus, see Tacitus, Suelonius,

and Dio, more largely. However, we may observe with Ottius, that

Josephus writes the name of the second of them not Otto, with many

others, but Otho, with the coins. See also the note on ch. 11. sect. 4.]

17 (return) [ Some of the ancients call this famous tree, or grove, an

oak others, a turpentine tree, or grove. It has been very famous in all

the past ages, and is so, I suppose, at this day; and that particularly

for an eminent mart or meeting of merchants there every year, as the

travelers inform us.]

18 (return) [ Puetonius differs hardly three days from Josephus, and

says Otho perished on the ninety-fifth day of his reign. In Anthon. See

the note on ch. 11. sect. 4.]

19 (return) [ This beginning and ending the observation of the Jewish

seventh day, or sabbath, with a priest's blowing of a trumpet, is

remarkable, and no where else mentioned, that I know of. Nor is Reland's

conjecture here improbable, that this was the very place that has

puzzled our commentators so long, called "Musach Sabbati," the "Covert

of the Sabbath," if that be the true reading, 2 Kings 16:18, because

here the proper priest stood dry, under a "covering," to proclaim the

beginning and ending of every Jewish sabbath.]

20 (return) [ The Roman authors that now remain say Vitellius had

children, whereas Josephus introduces here the Roman soldiers in Judea

saying he had none. Which of these assertions was the truth I know not.

Spanheim thinks he hath given a peculiar reason for calling Vitellius

"childless," though he really had children, Diss. de Num. p. 649, 650;

to which it appears very difficult to give our assent.]

21 (return) [ This brother of Vespasian was Flavius Sabinus, as

Suetonius informs us, in Vitell. sect. 15, and in Vespas. sect. 2. He is

also named by Josephus presently ch. 11. sect; 4.]

22 (return) [ It is plain by the nature of the thing, as well as by

Josephus and Eutropius, that Vespasian was first of all saluted emperor

in Judea, and not till some time afterward in Egypt. Whence Tacitus's

and Suetonius's present copies must be correct text, when they both say

that he was first proclaimed in Egypt, and that on the calends of July,

while they still say it was the fifth of the Nones or Ides of the same

July before he was proclaimed in Judea. I suppose the month they there

intended was June, and not July, as the copies now have it; nor does

Tacitus's coherence imply less. See Essay on the Revelation, p. 136.]

23 (return) [ Here we have an authentic description of the bounds and

circumstances of Egypt, in the days of Vespasian and Titus.]

24 (return) [ As Daniel was preferred by Darius and Cyrus, on account of

his having foretold the destruction of the Babylonian monarchy by their

means, and the consequent exaltation of the Medes and Persians, Daniel

5:6 or rather, as Jeremiah, when he was a prisoner, was set at liberty,

and honorably treated by Nebuzaradan, at the command of Nebuchadnezzar,

on account of his having foretold the destruction of Jerusalem by the

Babylonians, Jeremiah 40:1-7; so was our Josephus set at liberty, and

honorably treated, on account of his having foretold the advancement

of Vespasian and Titus to the Roman empire. All these are most eminent

instances of the interposition of Divine Providence, and of the

certainty of Divine predictions in the great revolutions of the four

monarchies. Several such-like examples there are, both in the sacred and

other histories, as in the case of Joseph in Egypt. and of Jaddua the

high priest, in the days of Alexander the Great, etc.]

25 (return) [ This is well observed by Josephus, that Vespasian, in

order to secure his success, and establish his government at first,

distributed his offices and places upon the foot of justice, and

bestowed them on such as best deserved them, and were best fit for

them. Which wise conduct in a mere heathen ought to put those rulers

and ministers of state to shame, who, professing Christianity, act

otherwise, and thereby expose themselves and their kingdoms to vice and

destruction.]

26 (return) [ The numbers in Josephus, ch. 9. sect. 2, 9, for Galba

seven months seven days, for Otho three months two days, and here

for Vitellius eight months five days, do not agree with any Roman

historians, who also disagree among themselves. And, indeed, Sealiger

justly complains, as Dr. Hudson observes on ch. 9. sect. 2, that this

period is very confused and uncertain in the ancient authors. They were

probably some of them contemporary together for some time; one of the

best evidences we have, I mean Ptolemy's Canon, omits them all, as if

they did not all together reign one whole year, nor had a single Thoth,

or new-year's day, [which then fell upon August 6,] in their entire

reigns. Dio also, who says that Vitellius reigned a year within ten

days, does yet estimate all their reigns together at no more than one

year, one month, and two days.]

27 (return) [ There are coins of this Casian Jupiter still extant.]

BOOK V.

Containing The Interval Of Near Six Months.

From The Coming Of Titus To Besiege Jerusalem, To The Great

Extremity To Which The Jews Were Reduced.

CHAPTER 1.

Concerning The Seditions At Jerusalem And What Terrible

Miseries Afflicted The City By Their Means.

1. When therefore Titus had marched over that desert which lies between

Egypt and Syria, in the manner forementioned, he came to Cesarea, having

resolved to set his forces in order at that place, before he began the

war. Nay, indeed, while he was assisting his father at Alexandria, in

settling that government which had been newly conferred upon them by

God, it so happened that the sedition at Jerusalem was revived, and

parted into three factions, and that one faction fought against the

other; which partition in such evil cases may be said to be a good

thing, and the effect of Divine justice. Now as to the attack the

zealots made upon the people, and which I esteem the beginning of the

city's destruction, it hath been already explained after an accurate

manner; as also whence it arose, and to how great a mischief it was

increased. But for the present sedition, one should not mistake if he

called it a sedition begotten by another sedition, and to be like a

wild beast grown mad, which, for want of food from abroad, fell now upon

eating its own flesh.

2. For Eleazar, the son of Simon, who made the first separation of the

zealots from the people, and made them retire into the temple, appeared

very angry at John's insolent attempts, which he made everyday upon the

people; for this man never left off murdering; but the truth was, that

he could not bear to submit to a tyrant who set up after him. So he

being desirous of gaining the entire power and dominion to himself,

revolted from John, and took to his assistance Judas the son of

Chelcias, and Simon the son of Ezron, who were among the men of greatest

power. There was also with him Hezekiah, the son of Chobar, a person of

eminence. Each of these were followed by a great many of the zealots;

these seized upon the inner court of the temple 1 and laid their arms

upon the holy gates, and over the holy fronts of that court. And because

they had plenty of provisions, they were of good courage, for there

was a great abundance of what was consecrated to sacred uses, and they

scrupled not the making use of them; yet were they afraid, on account of

their small number; and when they had laid up their arms there, they did

not stir from the place they were in. Now as to John, what advantage

he had above Eleazar in the multitude of his followers, the like

disadvantage he had in the situation he was in, since he had his enemies

over his head; and as he could not make any assault upon them without

some terror, so was his anger too great to let them be at rest; nay,

although he suffered more mischief from Eleazar and his party than he

could inflict upon them, yet would he not leave off assaulting them,

insomuch that there were continual sallies made one against another, as

well as darts thrown at one another, and the temple was defiled every

where with murders.

3. But now the tyrant Simon, the son of Gioras, whom the people had

invited in, out of the hopes they had of his assistance in the great

distresses they were in, having in his power the upper city, and a great

part of the lower, did now make more vehement assaults upon John and

his party, because they were fought against from above also; yet was he

beneath their situation when he attacked them, as they were beneath the

attacks of the others above them. Whereby it came to pass that John did

both receive and inflict great damage, and that easily, as he was fought

against on both sides; and the same advantage that Eleazar and his party

had over him, since he was beneath them, the same advantage had he, by

his higher situation, over Simon. On which account he easily repelled

the attacks that were made from beneath, by the weapons thrown from

their hands only; but was obliged to repel those that threw their

darts from the temple above him, by his engines of war; for he had such

engines as threw darts, and javelins, and stones, and that in no small

number, by which he did not only defend himself from such as fought

against him, but slew moreover many of the priests, as they were about

their sacred ministrations. For notwithstanding these men were mad with

all sorts of impiety, yet did they still admit those that desired to

offer their sacrifices, although they took care to search the people of

their own country beforehand, and both suspected and watched them; while

they were not so much afraid of strangers, who, although they had gotten

leave of them, how cruel soever they were, to come into that court, were

yet often destroyed by this sedition; for those darts that were thrown

by the engines came with that force, that they went over all the

buildings, and reached as far as the altar, and the temple itself, and

fell upon the priests, and those 2 that were about the sacred offices;

insomuch that many persons who came thither with great zeal from the

ends of the earth, to offer sacrifices at this celebrated place, which

was esteemed holy by all mankind, fell down before their own sacrifices

themselves, and sprinkled that altar which was venerable among all men,

both Greeks and Barbarians, with their own blood; till the dead bodies

of strangers were mingled together with those of their own country, and

those of profane persons with those of the priests, and the blood of all

sorts of dead carcasses stood in lakes in the holy courts themselves.

And now, "O most wretched city, what misery so great as this didst thou

suffer from the Romans, when they came to purify thee from thy intestine

hatred! 'For thou couldst be no longer a place fit for God, nor couldst

thou long continue in being, after thou hadst been a sepulcher for

the bodies of thy own people, and hadst made the holy house itself a

burying-place in this civil war of thine. Yet mayst thou again grow

better, if perchance thou wilt hereafter appease the anger of that God

who is the author of thy destruction." But I must restrain myself from

these passions by the rules of history, since this is not a proper time

for domestical lamentations, but for historical narrations; I therefore

return to the operations that follow in this sedition. 3

4. And now there were three treacherous factions in the city, the one

parted from the other. Eleazar and his party, that kept the sacred

first-fruits, came against John in their cups. Those that were with John

plundered the populace, and went out with zeal against Simon. This

Simon had his supply of provisions from the city, in opposition to the

seditious. When, therefore, John was assaulted on both sides, he made

his men turn about, throwing his darts upon those citizens that came

up against him, from the cloisters he had in his possession, while he

opposed those that attacked him from the temple by his engines of war.

And if at any time he was freed from those that were above him, which

happened frequently, from their being drunk and tired, he sallied out

with a great number upon Simon and his party; and this he did always in

such parts of the city as he could come at, till he set on fire those

houses that were full of corn, and of all other provisions. 4 The same

thing was done by Simon, when, upon the other's retreat, he attacked the

city also; as if they had, on purpose, done it to serve the Romans,

by destroying what the city had laid up against the siege, and by thus

cutting off the nerves of their own power. Accordingly, it so came to

pass, that all the places that were about the temple were burnt down,

and were become an intermediate desert space, ready for fighting on both

sides of it; and that almost all that corn was burnt, which would have

been sufficient for a siege of many years. So they were taken by the

means of the famine, which it was impossible they should have been,

unless they had thus prepared the way for it by this procedure.

5. And now, as the city was engaged in a war on all sides, from these

treacherous crowds of wicked men, the people of the city, between them,

were like a great body torn in pieces. The aged men and the women were

in such distress by their internal calamities, that they wished for

the Romans, and earnestly hoped for an external war, in order to their

delivery from their domestical miseries. The citizens themselves were

under a terrible consternation and fear; nor had they any opportunity of

taking counsel, and of changing their conduct; nor were there any hopes

of coming to an agreement with their enemies; nor could such as had a

mind flee away; for guards were set at all places, and the heads of

the robbers, although they were seditious one against another in other

respects, yet did they agree in killing those that were for peace with

the Romans, or were suspected of an inclination to desert them, as their

common enemies. They agreed in nothing but this, to kill those that were

innocent. The noise also of those that were fighting was incessant, both

by day and by night; but the lamentations of those that mourned exceeded

the other; nor was there ever any occasion for them to leave off

their lamentations, because their calamities came perpetually one upon

another, although the deep consternation they were in prevented their

outward wailing; but being constrained by their fear to conceal their

inward passions, they were inwardly tormented, without daring to open

their lips in groans. Nor was any regard paid to those that were still

alive, by their relations; nor was there any care taken of burial for

those that were dead; the occasion of both which was this, that every

one despaired of himself; for those that were not among the seditious

had no great desires of any thing, as expecting for certain that they

should very soon be destroyed; but for the seditious themselves, they

fought against each other, while they trod upon the dead bodies as they

lay heaped one upon another, and taking up a mad rage from those dead

bodies that were under their feet, became the fiercer thereupon. They,

moreover, were still inventing somewhat or other that was pernicious

against themselves; and when they had resolved upon any thing, they

executed it without mercy, and omitted no method of torment or of

barbarity. Nay, John abused the sacred materials, 5 and employed them in

the construction of his engines of war; for the people and the priests

had formerly determined to support the temple, and raise the holy house

twenty cubits higher; for king Agrippa had at a very great expense, and

with very great pains, brought thither such materials as were proper for

that purpose, being pieces of timber very well worth seeing, both for

their straightness and their largeness; but the war coming on, and

interrupting the work, John had them cut, and prepared for the building

him towers, he finding them long enough to oppose from them those his

adversaries that thought him from the temple that was above him. He also

had them brought and erected behind the inner court over against the

west end of the cloisters, where alone he could erect them; whereas the

other sides of that court had so many steps as would not let them come

nigh enough the cloisters.

6. Thus did John hope to be too hard for his enemies by these engines

constructed by his impiety; but God himself demonstrated that his pains

would prove of no use to him, by bringing the Romans upon him, before

he had reared any of his towers; for Titus, when he had gotten together

part of his forces about him, and had ordered the rest to meet him at

Jerusalem, marched out of Cesarea. He had with him those three legions

that had accompanied his father when he laid Judea waste, together with

that twelfth legion which had been formerly beaten with Cestius; which

legion, as it was otherwise remarkable for its valor, so did it march

on now with greater alacrity to avenge themselves on the Jews, as

remembering what they had formerly suffered from them. Of these legions

he ordered the fifth to meet him, by going through Emmaus, and the tenth

to go up by Jericho; he also moved himself, together with the rest;

besides whom, marched those auxiliaries that came from the kings, being

now more in number than before, together with a considerable number that

came to his assistance from Syria. Those also that had been selected out

of these four legions, and sent with Mucianus to Italy, had their places

filled up out of these soldiers that came out of Egypt with Titus; who

were two thousand men, chosen out of the armies at Alexandria. There

followed him also three thousand drawn from those that guarded the river

Euphrates; as also there came Tiberius Alexander, who was a friend of

his, most valuable, both for his good-will to him, and for his prudence.

He had formerly been governor of Alexandria, but was now thought worthy

to be general of the army [under Titus]. The reason of this was, that he

had been the first who encouraged Vespasian very lately to accept this

his new dominion, and joined himself to him with great fidelity, when

things were uncertain, and fortune had not yet declared for him. He also

followed Titus as a counselor, very useful to him in this war, both by

his age and skill in such affairs.

CHAPTER 2.

How Titus Marched To Jerusalem, And How He Was In Danger As

He Was Taking A View Of The City Of The Place Also Where He

Pitched His Camp

1. Now, as Titus was upon his march into the enemy's country, the

auxiliaries that were sent by the kings marched first, having all the

other auxiliaries with them; after whom followed those that were to

prepare the roads and measure out the camp; then came the commander's

baggage, and after that the other soldiers, who were completely armed

to support them; then came Titus himself, having with him another select

body; and then came the pikemen; after whom came the horse belonging to

that legion. All these came before the engines; and after these engines

came the tribunes and the leaders of the cohorts, with their select

bodies; after these came the ensigns, with the eagle; and before those

ensigns came the trumpeters belonging to them; next these came the main

body of the army in their ranks, every rank being six deep; the servants

belonging to every legion came after these; and before these last their

baggage; the mercenaries came last, and those that guarded them brought

up the rear. Now Titus, according to the Roman usage, went in the

front of the army after a decent manner, and marched through Samaria to

Gophna, a city that had been formerly taken by his father, and was then

garrisoned by Roman soldiers; and when he had lodged there one night, he

marched on in the morning; and when he had gone as far as a day's march,

he pitched his camp at that valley which the Jews, in their own tongue,

call "the Valley of Thorns," near a certain village called Gabaothsath,

which signifies "the Hill of Saul," being distant from Jerusalem about

thirty furlongs. 6 There it was that he chose out six hundred select

horsemen, and went to take a view of the city, to observe what strength

it was of, and how courageous the Jews were; whether, when they saw him,

and before they came to a direct battle, they would be affrighted and

submit; for he had been informed what was really true, that the people

who were fallen under the power of the seditious and the robbers were

greatly desirous of peace; but being too weak to rise up against the

rest, they lay still.

2. Now, so long as he rode along the straight road which led to the wall

of the city, nobody appeared out of the gates; but when he went out of

that road, and declined towards the tower Psephinus, and led the band of

horsemen obliquely, an immense number of the Jews leaped out suddenly at

the towers called the "Women's Towers," through that gate which was over

against the monuments of queen Helena, and intercepted his horse; and

standing directly opposite to those that still ran along the road,

hindered them from joining those that had declined out of it. They

intercepted Titus also, with a few other. Now it was here impossible for

him to go forward, because all the places had trenches dug in them from

the wall, to preserve the gardens round about, and were full of gardens

obliquely situated, and of many hedges; and to return back to his own

men, he saw it was also impossible, by reason of the multitude of the

enemies that lay between them; many of whom did not so much as know that

the king was in any danger, but supposed him still among them. So he

perceived that his preservation must be wholly owing to his own courage,

and turned his horse about, and cried out aloud to those that were about

him to follow him, and ran with violence into the midst of his enemies,

in order to force his way through them to his own men. And hence we may

principally learn, that both the success of wars, and the dangers that

kings 7 are in, are under the providence of God; for while such a number

of darts were thrown at Titus, when he had neither his head-piece on,

nor his breastplate, [for, as I told you, he went out not to fight, but

to view the city,] none of them touched his body, but went aside without

hurting him; as if all of them missed him on purpose, and only made a

noise as they passed by him. So he diverted those perpetually with his

sword that came on his side, and overturned many of those that directly

met him, and made his horse ride over those that were overthrown. The

enemy indeed made a shout at the boldness of Caesar, and exhorted one

another to rush upon him. Yet did these against whom he marched fly

away, and go off from him in great numbers; while those that were in the

same danger with him kept up close to him, though they were wounded both

on their backs and on their sides; for they had each of them but this

one hope of escaping, if they could assist Titus in opening himself a

way, that he might not be encompassed round by his enemies before he got

away from them. Now there were two of those that were with him, but at

some distance; the one of which the enemy compassed round, and slew

him with their darts, and his horse also; but the other they slew as

he leaped down from his horse, and carried off his horse with them. But

Titus escaped with the rest, and came safe to the camp. So this

success of the Jews' first attack raised their minds, and gave them an

ill-grounded hope; and this short inclination of fortune, on their side,

made them very courageous for the future.

3. But now, as soon as that legion that had been at Emmaus was joined to

Caesar at night, he removed thence, when it was day, and came to a place

called Seopus; from whence the city began already to be seen, and a

plain view might be taken of the great temple. Accordingly, this place,

on the north quarter of the city, and joining thereto, was a plain, and

very properly named Scopus, [the prospect,] and was no more than seven

furlongs distant from it. And here it was that Titus ordered a camp

to be fortified for two legions that were to be together; but ordered

another camp to be fortified, at three furlongs farther distance behind

them, for the fifth legion; for he thought that, by marching in the

night, they might be tired, and might deserve to be covered from the

enemy, and with less fear might fortify themselves; and as these were

now beginning to build, the tenth legion, who came through Jericho,

was already come to the place, where a certain party of armed men had

formerly lain, to guard that pass into the city, and had been taken

before by Vespasian. These legions had orders to encamp at the distance

of six furlongs from Jerusalem, at the mount called the Mount of Olives

8 which lies over against the city on the east side, and is parted from

it by a deep valley, interposed between them, which is named Cedron.

4. Now when hitherto the several parties in the city had been dashing

one against another perpetually, this foreign war, now suddenly

come upon them after a violent manner, put the first stop to their

contentions one against another; and as the seditious now saw with

astonishment the Romans pitching three several camps, they began to

think of an awkward sort of concord, and said one to another, "What do

we here, and what do we mean, when we suffer three fortified walls to be

built to coop us in, that we shall not be able to breathe freely? while

the enemy is securely building a kind of city in opposition to us, and

while we sit still within our own walls, and become spectators only of

what they are doing, with our hands idle, and our armor laid by, as if

they were about somewhat that was for our good and advantage. We are, it

seems, [so did they cry out,] only courageous against ourselves,

while the Romans are likely to gain the city without bloodshed by our

sedition." Thus did they encourage one another when they were gotten

together, and took their armor immediately, and ran out upon the tenth

legion, and fell upon the Romans with great eagerness, and with a

prodigious shout, as they were fortifying their camp. These Romans were

caught in different parties, and this in order to perform their several

works, and on that account had in great measure laid aside their arms;

for they thought the Jews would not have ventured to make a sally upon

them; and had they been disposed so to do, they supposed their sedition

would have distracted them. So they were put into disorder unexpectedly;

when some of them left their works they were about, and immediately

marched off, while many ran to their arms, but were smitten and slain

before they could turn back upon the enemy. The Jews became still more

and more in number, as encouraged by the good success of those that

first made the attack; and while they had such good fortune, they seemed

both to themselves and to the enemy to be many more than they really

were. The disorderly way of their fighting at first put the Romans also

to a stand, who had been constantly used to fight skillfully in good

order, and with keeping their ranks, and obeying the orders that were

given them; for which reason the Romans were caught unexpectedly, and

were obliged to give way to the assaults that were made upon them. Now

when these Romans were overtaken, and turned back upon the Jews, they

put a stop to their career; yet when they did not take care enough of

themselves through the vehemency of their pursuit, they were wounded

by them; but as still more and more Jews sallied out of the city, the

Romans were at length brought into confusion, and put to flight, and

ran away from their camp. Nay, things looked as though the entire legion

would have been in danger, unless Titus had been informed of the case

they were in, and had sent them succors immediately. So he reproached

them for their cowardice, and brought those back that were running away,

and fell himself upon the Jews on their flank, with those select troops

that were with him, and slew a considerable number, and wounded more of

them, and put them all to flight, and made them run away hastily down

the valley. Now as these Jews suffered greatly in the declivity of the

valley, so when they were gotten over it, they turned about, and stood

over against the Romans, having the valley between them, and there

fought with them. Thus did they continue the fight till noon; but when

it was already a little after noon, Titus set those that came to the

assistance of the Romans with him, and those that belonged to the

cohorts, to prevent the Jews from making any more sallies, and then sent

the rest of the legion to the upper part of the mountain, to fortify

their camp.

5. This march of the Romans seemed to the Jews to be a flight; and as

the watchman who was placed upon the wall gave a signal by shaking his

garment, there came out a fresh multitude of Jews, and that with such

mighty violence, that one might compare it to the running of the most

terrible wild beasts. To say the truth, none of those that opposed them

could sustain the fury with which they made their attacks; but, as if

they had been cast out of an engine, they brake the enemies' ranks to

pieces, who were put to flight, and ran away to the mountain; none but

Titus himself, and a few others with him, being left in the midst of the

acclivity. Now these others, who were his friends, despised the danger

they were in, and were ashamed to leave their general, earnestly

exhorting him to give way to these Jews that are fond of dying, and not

to run into such dangers before those that ought to stay before him;

to consider what his fortune was, and not, by supplying the place of a

common soldier, to venture to turn back upon the enemy so suddenly; and

this because he was general in the war, and lord of the habitable

earth, on whose preservation the public affairs do all depend. These

persuasions Titus seemed not so much as to hear, but opposed those that

ran upon him, and smote them on the face; and when he had forced them to

go back, he slew them: he also fell upon great numbers as they marched

down the hill, and thrust them forward; while those men were so amazed

at his courage and his strength, that they could not fly directly to the

city, but declined from him on both sides, and pressed after those that

fled up the hill; yet did he still fall upon their flank, and put a stop

to their fury. In the mean time, a disorder and a terror fell again upon

those that were fortifying their camp at the top of the hill, upon their

seeing those beneath them running away; insomuch that the whole legion

was dispersed, while they thought that the sallies of the Jews upon them

were plainly insupportable, and that Titus was himself put to flight;

because they took it for granted, that, if he had staid, the rest would

never have fled for it. Thus were they encompassed on every side by

a kind of panic fear, and some dispersed themselves one way, and some

another, till certain of them saw their general in the very midst of an

action, and being under great concern for him, they loudly proclaimed

the danger he was in to the entire legion; and now shame made them turn

back, and they reproached one another that they did worse than run away,

by deserting Caesar. So they used their utmost force against the Jews,

and declining from the straight declivity, they drove them on heaps into

the bottom of the valley. Then did the Jews turn about and fight them;

but as they were themselves retiring, and now, because the Romans had

the advantage of the ground, and were above the Jews, they drove them

all into the valley. Titus also pressed upon those that were near him,

and sent the legion again to fortify their camp; while he, and those

that were with him before, opposed the enemy, and kept them from doing

further mischief; insomuch that, if I may be allowed neither to add any

thing out of flattery, nor to diminish any thing out of envy, but to

speak the plain truth, Caesar did twice deliver that entire legion when

it was in jeopardy, and gave them a quiet opportunity of fortifying

their camp.

CHAPTER 3.

How The Sedition Was Again Revived Within Jerusalem And Yet

The Jews Contrived Snares For The Romans. How Titus Also

Threatened His Soldiers For Their Ungovernable Rashness.

1. As now the war abroad ceased for a while, the sedition within was

revived; and on the feast of unleavened bread, which was now come, it

being the fourteenth day of the month Xanthicus, [Nisan,] when it is

believed the Jews were first freed from the Egyptians, Eleazar and

his party opened the gates of this [inmost court of the] temple, and

admitted such of the people as were desirous to worship God into it.

9 But John made use of this festival as a cloak for his treacherous

designs, and armed the most inconsiderable of his own party, the greater

part of whom were not purified, with weapons concealed under their

garments, and sent them with great zeal into the temple, in order to

seize upon it; which armed men, when they were gotten in, threw their

garments away, and presently appeared in their armor. Upon which there

was a very great disorder and disturbance about the holy house; while

the people, who had no concern in the sedition, supposed that this

assault was made against all without distinction, as the zealots thought

it was made against themselves only. So these left off guarding the

gates any longer, and leaped down from their battlements before they

came to an engagement, and fled away into the subterranean caverns of

the temple; while the people that stood trembling at the altar, and

about the holy house, were rolled on heaps together, and trampled upon,

and were beaten both with wooden and with iron weapons without mercy.

Such also as had differences with others slew many persons that were

quiet, out of their own private enmity and hatred, as if they were

opposite to the seditious; and all those that had formerly offended

any of these plotters were now known, and were now led away to the

slaughter; and when they had done abundance of horrid mischief to the

guiltless, they granted a truce to the guilty, and let those go off that

came out of the caverns. These followers of John also did now seize upon

this inner temple, and upon all the warlike engines therein, and then

ventured to oppose Simon. And thus that sedition, which had been divided

into three factions, was now reduced to two.

2. But Titus, intending to pitch his camp nearer to the city than

Scopus, placed as many of his choice horsemen and footmen as he thought

sufficient opposite to the Jews, to prevent their sallying out upon

them, while he gave orders for the whole army to level the distance, as

far as the wall of the city. So they threw down all the hedges and walls

which the inhabitants had made about their gardens and groves of trees,

and cut down all the fruit trees that lay between them and the wall

of the city, and filled up all the hollow places and the chasms, and

demolished the rocky precipices with iron instruments; and thereby made

all the place level from Scopus to Herod's monuments, which adjoined to

the pool called the Serpent's Pool.

3. Now at this very time the Jews contrived the following stratagem

against the Romans. The bolder sort of the seditious went out at the

towers, called the Women's Towers, as if they had been ejected out of

the city by those who were for peace, and rambled about as if they

were afraid of being assaulted by the Romans, and were in fear of one

another; while those that stood upon the wall, and seemed to be of the

people's side, cried out aloud for peace, and entreated they might

have security for their lives given them, and called for the Romans,

promising to open the gates to them; and as they cried out after that

manner, they threw stones at their own people, as though they would

drive them away from the gates. These also pretended that they were

excluded by force, and that they petitioned those that were within to

let them in; and rushing upon the Romans perpetually, with violence,

they then came back, and seemed to be in great disorder. Now the Roman

soldiers thought this cunning stratagem of theirs was to be believed

real, and thinking they had the one party under their power, and could

punish them as they pleased, and hoping that the other party would open

their gates to them, set to the execution of their designs accordingly.

But for Titus himself, he had this surprising conduct of the Jews

in suspicion; for whereas he had invited them to come to terms of

accommodation, by Josephus, but one day before, he could then receive

no civil answer from them; so he ordered the soldiers to stay where

they were. However, some of them that were set in the front of the works

prevented him, and catching up their arms ran to the gates; whereupon

those that seemed to have been ejected at the first retired; but as soon

as the soldiers were gotten between the towers on each side of the gate,

the Jews ran out and encompassed them round, and fell upon them behind,

while that multitude which stood upon the wall threw a heap of stones

and darts of all kinds at them, insomuch that they slew a considerable

number, and wounded many more; for it was not easy for the Romans to

escape, by reason those behind them pressed them forward; besides which,

the shame they were under for being mistaken, and the fear they were

in of their commanders, engaged them to persevere in their mistake;

wherefore they fought with their spears a great while, and received many

blows from the Jews, though indeed they gave them as many blows again,

and at last repelled those that had encompassed them about, while the

Jews pursued them as they retired, and followed them, and threw darts at

them as far as the monuments of queen Helena.

4. After this these Jews, without keeping any decorum, grew insolent

upon their good fortune, and jested upon the Romans for being deluded by

the trick they had put upon them, and making a noise with beating their

shields, leaped for gladness, and made joyful exclamations; while these

soldiers were received with threatenings by their officers, and with

indignation by Caesar himself, [who spake to them thus]: These Jews,

who are only conducted by their madness, do every thing with care and

circumspection; they contrive stratagems, and lay ambushes, and fortune

gives success to their stratagems, because they are obedient, and

preserve their goodwill and fidelity to one another; while the Romans,

to whom fortune uses to be ever subservient, by reason of their good

order, and ready submission to their commanders, have now had ill

success by their contrary behavior, and by not being able to restrain

their hands from action, they have been caught; and that which is the

most to their reproach, they have gone on without their commanders,

in the very presence of Caesar. "Truly," says Titus, "the laws of war

cannot but groan heavily, as will my father also himself, when he shall

be informed of this wound that hath been given us, since he who is grown

old in wars did never make so great a mistake. Our laws of war do also

ever inflict capital punishment on those that in the least break into

good order, while at this time they have seen an entire army run into

disorder. However, those that have been so insolent shall be made

immediately sensible, that even they who conquer among the Romans

without orders for fighting are to be under disgrace." When Titus had

enlarged upon this matter before the commanders, it appeared evident

that he would execute the law against all those that were concerned; so

these soldiers' minds sunk down in despair, as expecting to be put to

death, and that justly and quickly. However, the other legions came

round about Titus, and entreated his favor to these their fellow

soldiers, and made supplication to him, that he would pardon the

rashness of a few, on account of the better obedience of all the rest;

and promised for them that they should make amends for their present

fault, by their more virtuous behavior for the time to come.

5. So Caesar complied with their desires, and with what prudence

dictated to him also; for he esteemed it fit to punish single persons

by real executions, but that the punishment of great multitudes should

proceed no further than reproofs; so he was reconciled to the soldiers,

but gave them a special charge to act more wisely for the future; and

he considered with himself how he might be even with the Jews for their

stratagem. And now when the space between the Romans and the wall had

been leveled, which was done in four days, and as he was desirous to

bring the baggage of the army, with the rest of the multitude that

followed him, safely to the camp, he set the strongest part of his army

over against that wall which lay on the north quarter of the city, and

over against the western part of it, and made his army seven deep, with

the foot-men placed before them, and the horsemen behind them, each of

the last in three ranks, whilst the archers stood in the midst in seven

ranks. And now as the Jews were prohibited, by so great a body of men,

from making sallies upon the Romans, both the beasts that bare the

burdens, and belonged to the three legions, and the rest of the

multitude, marched on without any fear. But as for Titus himself, he was

but about two furlongs distant from the wall, at that part of it

where was the corner 10 and over against that tower which was called

Psephinus, at which tower the compass of the wall belonging to the north

bended, and extended itself over against the west; but the other part of

the army fortified itself at the tower called Hippicus, and was distant,

in like manner, by two furlongs from the city. However, the tenth legion

continued in its own place, upon the Mount of Olives.

CHAPTER 4.

The Description Of Jerusalem.

1. The city of Jerusalem was fortified with three walls, on such parts

as were not encompassed with unpassable valleys; for in such places it

had but one wall. The city was built upon two hills, which are opposite

to one another, and have a valley to divide them asunder; at which

valley the corresponding rows of houses on both hills end. Of these

hills, that which contains the upper city is much higher, and in length

more direct. Accordingly, it was called the "Citadel," by king David; he

was the father of that Solomon who built this temple at the first; but

it is by us called the "Upper Market-place." But the other hill, which

was called "Acra," and sustains the lower city, is of the shape of a

moon when she is horned; over against this there was a third hill, but

naturally lower than Acra, and parted formerly from the other by a broad

valley. However, in those times when the Asamoneans reigned, they

filled up that valley with earth, and had a mind to join the city to the

temple. They then took off part of the height of Acra, and reduced it

to be of less elevation than it was before, that the temple might be

superior to it. Now the Valley of the Cheesemongers, as it was called,

and was that which we told you before distinguished the hill of the

upper city from that of the lower, extended as far as Siloam; for that

is the name of a fountain which hath sweet water in it, and this in

great plenty also. But on the outsides, these hills are surrounded by

deep valleys, and by reason of the precipices to them belonging on both

sides they are every where unpassable.

2. Now, of these three walls, the old one was hard to be taken, both by

reason of the valleys, and of that hill on which it was built, and which

was above them. But besides that great advantage, as to the place where

they were situated, it was also built very strong; because David and

Solomon, and the following kings, were very zealous about this work.

Now that wall began on the north, at the tower called "Hippicus," and

extended as far as the "Xistus," a place so called, and then, joining to

the council-house, ended at the west cloister of the temple. But if

we go the other way westward, it began at the same place, and extended

through a place called "Bethso," to the gate of the Essens; and after

that it went southward, having its bending above the fountain Siloam,

where it also bends again towards the east at Solomon's pool, and

reaches as far as a certain place which they called "Ophlas," where it

was joined to the eastern cloister of the temple. The second wall took

its beginning from that gate which they called "Gennath," which belonged

to the first wall; it only encompassed the northern quarter of the city,

and reached as far as the tower Antonia. The beginning of the third wall

was at the tower Hippicus, whence it reached as far as the north quarter

of the city, and the tower Psephinus, and then was so far extended till

it came over against the monuments of Helena, which Helena was queen of

Adiabene, the daughter of Izates; it then extended further to a great

length, and passed by the sepulchral caverns of the kings, and bent

again at the tower of the corner, at the monument which is called the

"Monument of the Fuller," and joined to the old wall at the valley

called the "Valley of Cedron." It was Agrippa who encompassed the parts

added to the old city with this wall, which had been all naked before;

for as the city grew more populous, it gradually crept beyond its old

limits, and those parts of it that stood northward of the temple,

and joined that hill to the city, made it considerably larger, and

occasioned that hill, which is in number the fourth, and is called

"Bezetha," to be inhabited also. It lies over against the tower Antonia,

but is divided from it by a deep valley, which was dug on purpose, and

that in order to hinder the foundations of the tower of Antonia from

joining to this hill, and thereby affording an opportunity for getting

to it with ease, and hindering the security that arose from its superior

elevation; for which reason also that depth of the ditch made the

elevation of the towers more remarkable. This new-built part of the

city was called "Bezetha," in our language, which, if interpreted in the

Grecian language, may be called "the New City." Since, therefore, its

inhabitants stood in need of a covering, the father of the present king,

and of the same name with him, Agrippa, began that wall we spoke of; but

he left off building it when he had only laid the foundations, out of

the fear he was in of Claudius Caesar, lest he should suspect that

so strong a wall was built in order to make some innovation in public

affairs; for the city could no way have been taken if that wall had

been finished in the manner it was begun; as its parts were connected

together by stones twenty cubits long, and ten cubits broad, which could

never have been either easily undermined by any iron tools, or shaken

by any engines. The wall was, however, ten cubits wide, and it would

probably have had a height greater than that, had not his zeal who began

it been hindered from exerting itself. After this, it was erected with

great diligence by the Jews, as high as twenty cubits, above which it

had battlements of two cubits, and turrets of three cubits altitude,

insomuch that the entire altitude extended as far as twenty-five cubits.

3. Now the towers that were upon it were twenty cubits in breadth, and

twenty cubits in height; they were square and solid, as was the wall

itself, wherein the niceness of the joints, and the beauty of the

stones, were no way inferior to those of the holy house itself. Above

this solid altitude of the towers, which was twenty cubits, there were

rooms of great magnificence, and over them upper rooms, and cisterns to

receive rain-water. They were many in number, and the steps by which you

ascended up to them were every one broad: of these towers then the

third wall had ninety, and the spaces between them were each two hundred

cubits; but in the middle wall were forty towers, and the old wall was

parted into sixty, while the whole compass of the city was thirty-three

furlongs. Now the third wall was all of it wonderful; yet was the tower

Psephinus elevated above it at the north-west corner, and there Titus

pitched his own tent; for being seventy cubits high it both afforded a

prospect of Arabia at sun-rising, as well as it did of the utmost limits

of the Hebrew possessions at the sea westward. Moreover, it was an

octagon, and over against it was the tower Hipplicus, and hard by two

others were erected by king Herod, in the old wall. These were for

largeness, beauty, and strength beyond all that were in the habitable

earth; for besides the magnanimity of his nature, and his magnificence

towards the city on other occasions, he built these after such an

extraordinary manner, to gratify his own private affections, and

dedicated these towers to the memory of those three persons who had been

the dearest to him, and from whom he named them. They were his brother,

his friend, and his wife. This wife he had slain, out of his love [and

jealousy], as we have already related; the other two he lost in war, as

they were courageously fighting. Hippicus, so named from his friend,

was square; its length and breadth were each twenty-five cubits, and its

height thirty, and it had no vacuity in it. Over this solid building,

which was composed of great stones united together, there was a

reservoir twenty cubits deep, over which there was a house of two

stories, whose height was twenty-five cubits, and divided into several

parts; over which were battlements of two cubits, and turrets all round

of three cubits high, insomuch that the entire height added together

amounted to fourscore cubits. The second tower, which he named from his

brother Phasaelus, had its breadth and its height equal, each of them

forty cubits; over which was its solid height of forty cubits; over

which a cloister went round about, whose height was ten cubits, and it

was covered from enemies by breast-works and bulwarks. There was also

built over that cloister another tower, parted into magnificent rooms,

and a place for bathing; so that this tower wanted nothing that

might make it appear to be a royal palace. It was also adorned with

battlements and turrets, more than was the foregoing, and the entire

altitude was about ninety cubits; the appearance of it resembled the

tower of Pharus, which exhibited a fire to such as sailed to Alexandria,

but was much larger than it in compass. This was now converted to a

house, wherein Simon exercised his tyrannical authority. The third tower

was Mariamne, for that was his queen's name; it was solid as high as

twenty cubits; its breadth and its length were twenty cubits, and were

equal to each other; its upper buildings were more magnificent, and had

greater variety, than the other towers had; for the king thought it most

proper for him to adorn that which was denominated from his wife, better

than those denominated from men, as those were built stronger than this

that bore his wife's name. The entire height of this tower was fifty

cubits.

4. Now as these towers were so very tall, they appeared much taller by

the place on which they stood; for that very old wall wherein they were

was built on a high hill, and was itself a kind of elevation that was

still thirty cubits taller; over which were the towers situated, and

thereby were made much higher to appearance. The largeness also of the

stones was wonderful; for they were not made of common small stones,

nor of such large ones only as men could carry, but they were of white

marble, cut out of the rock; each stone was twenty cubits in length, and

ten in breadth, and five in depth. They were so exactly united to

one another, that each tower looked like one entire rock of stone, so

growing naturally, and afterward cut by the hand of the artificers into

their present shape and corners; so little, or not at all, did their

joints or connexion appear low as these towers were themselves on the

north side of the wall, the king had a palace inwardly thereto adjoined,

which exceeds all my ability to describe it; for it was so very curious

as to want no cost nor skill in its construction, but was entirely

walled about to the height of thirty cubits, and was adorned with towers

at equal distances, and with large bed-chambers, that would contain beds

for a hundred guests a-piece, in which the variety of the stones is not

to be expressed; for a large quantity of those that were rare of that

kind was collected together. Their roofs were also wonderful, both for

the length of the beams, and the splendor of their ornaments. The number

of the rooms was also very great, and the variety of the figures that

were about them was prodigious; their furniture was complete, and the

greatest part of the vessels that were put in them was of silver and

gold. There were besides many porticoes, one beyond another, round

about, and in each of those porticoes curious pillars; yet were all

the courts that were exposed to the air every where green. There were,

moreover, several groves of trees, and long walks through them, with

deep canals, and cisterns, that in several parts were filled with

brazen statues, through which the water ran out. There were withal many

dove-courts 11 of tame pigeons about the canals. But indeed it is not

possible to give a complete description of these palaces; and the very

remembrance of them is a torment to one, as putting one in mind what

vastly rich buildings that fire which was kindled by the robbers hath

consumed; for these were not burnt by the Romans, but by these internal

plotters, as we have already related, in the beginning of their

rebellion. That fire began at the tower of Antonia, and went on to the

palaces, and consumed the upper parts of the three towers themselves.

CHAPTER 5.

A Description Of The Temple.

1. Now this temple, as I have already said, was built upon a strong

hill. At first the plain at the top was hardly sufficient for the holy

house and the altar, for the ground about it was very uneven, and like

a precipice; but when king Solomon, who was the person that built the

temple, had built a wall to it on its east side, there was then added

one cloister founded on a bank cast up for it, and on the other parts

the holy house stood naked. But in future ages the people added new

banks, 12 and the hill became a larger plain. They then broke down the

wall on the north side, and took in as much as sufficed afterward for

the compass of the entire temple. And when they had built walls on three

sides of the temple round about, from the bottom of the hill, and had

performed a work that was greater than could be hoped for, [in which

work long ages were spent by them, as well as all their sacred treasures

were exhausted, which were still replenished by those tributes which

were sent to God from the whole habitable earth,] they then encompassed

their upper courts with cloisters, as well as they [afterward] did the

lowest [court of the] temple. The lowest part of this was erected to the

height of three hundred cubits, and in some places more; yet did not

the entire depth of the foundations appear, for they brought earth, and

filled up the valleys, as being desirous to make them on a level with

the narrow streets of the city; wherein they made use of stones of forty

cubits in magnitude; for the great plenty of money they then had, and

the liberality of the people, made this attempt of theirs to succeed to

an incredible degree; and what could not be so much as hoped for as ever

to be accomplished, was, by perseverance and length of time, brought to

perfection.

2. Now for the works that were above these foundations, these were not

unworthy of such foundations; for all the cloisters were double, and

the pillars to them belonging were twenty-five cubits in height, and

supported the cloisters. These pillars were of one entire stone each of

them, and that stone was white marble; and the roofs were adorned with

cedar, curiously graven. The natural magnificence, and excellent polish,

and the harmony of the joints in these cloisters, afforded a prospect

that was very remarkable; nor was it on the outside adorned with any

work of the painter or engraver. The cloisters [of the outmost court]

were in breadth thirty cubits, while the entire compass of it was by

measure six furlongs, including the tower of Antonia; those entire

courts that were exposed to the air were laid with stones of all sorts.

When you go through these [first] cloisters, unto the second [court of

the] temple, there was a partition made of stone all round, whose height

was three cubits: its construction was very elegant; upon it stood

pillars, at equal distances from one another, declaring the law of

purity, some in Greek, and some in Roman letters, that "no foreigner

should go within that sanctuary" for that second [court of the] temple

was called "the Sanctuary," and was ascended to by fourteen steps from

the first court. This court was four-square, and had a wall about it

peculiar to itself; the height of its buildings, although it were on the

outside forty cubits, 13 was hidden by the steps, and on the inside that

height was but twenty-five cubits; for it being built over against a

higher part of the hill with steps, it was no further to be entirely

discerned within, being covered by the hill itself. Beyond these

thirteen steps there was the distance of ten cubits; this was all plain;

whence there were other steps, each of five cubits a-piece, that led to

the gates, which gates on the north and south sides were eight, on each

of those sides four, and of necessity two on the east. For since there

was a partition built for the women on that side, as the proper place

wherein they were to worship, there was a necessity for a second gate

for them: this gate was cut out of its wall, over against the first

gate. There was also on the other sides one southern and one northern

gate, through which was a passage into the court of the women; for as

to the other gates, the women were not allowed to pass through them;

nor when they went through their own gate could they go beyond their own

wall. This place was allotted to the women of our own country, and

of other countries, provided they were of the same nation, and that

equally. The western part of this court had no gate at all, but the wall

was built entire on that side. But then the cloisters which were betwixt

the gates extended from the wall inward, before the chambers; for they

were supported by very fine and large pillars. These cloisters were

single, and, excepting their magnitude, were no way inferior to those of

the lower court.

3. Now nine of these gates were on every side covered over with gold and

silver, as were the jambs of their doors and their lintels; but there

was one gate that was without the [inward court of the] holy house,

which was of Corinthian brass, and greatly excelled those that were only

covered over with silver and gold. Each gate had two doors, whose height

was severally thirty cubits, and their breadth fifteen. However, they

had large spaces within of thirty cubits, and had on each side rooms,

and those, both in breadth and in length, built like towers, and their

height was above forty cubits. Two pillars did also support these rooms,

and were in circumference twelve cubits. Now the magnitudes of the other

gates were equal one to another; but that over the Corinthian gate,

which opened on the east over against the gate of the holy house itself,

was much larger; for its height was fifty cubits; and its doors were

forty cubits; and it was adorned after a most costly manner, as having

much richer and thicker plates of silver and gold upon them than the

other. These nine gates had that silver and gold poured upon them by

Alexander, the father of Tiberius. Now there were fifteen steps, which

led away from the wall of the court of the women to this greater gate;

whereas those that led thither from the other gates were five steps

shorter.

4. As to the holy house itself, which was placed in the midst [of the

inmost court], that most sacred part of the temple, it was ascended to

by twelve steps; and in front its height and its breadth were equal, and

each a hundred cubits, though it was behind forty cubits narrower; for

on its front it had what may be styled shoulders on each side, that

passed twenty cubits further. Its first gate was seventy cubits high,

and twenty-five cubits broad; but this gate had no doors; for it

represented the universal visibility of heaven, and that it cannot be

excluded from any place. Its front was covered with gold all over, and

through it the first part of the house, that was more inward, did all of

it appear; which, as it was very large, so did all the parts about the

more inward gate appear to shine to those that saw them; but then, as

the entire house was divided into two parts within, it was only the

first part of it that was open to our view. Its height extended all

along to ninety cubits in height, and its length was fifty cubits, and

its breadth twenty. But that gate which was at this end of the first

part of the house was, as we have already observed, all over covered

with gold, as was its whole wall about it; it had also golden vines

above it, from which clusters of grapes hung as tall as a man's height.

But then this house, as it was divided into two parts, the inner part

was lower than the appearance of the outer, and had golden doors of

fifty-five cubits altitude, and sixteen in breadth; but before these

doors there was a veil of equal largeness with the doors. It was a

Babylonian curtain, embroidered with blue, and fine linen, and scarlet,

and purple, and of a contexture that was truly wonderful. Nor was this

mixture of colors without its mystical interpretation, but was a kind

of image of the universe; for by the scarlet there seemed to be

enigmatically signified fire, by the fine flax the earth, by the blue

the air, and by the purple the sea; two of them having their colors the

foundation of this resemblance; but the fine flax and the purple have

their own origin for that foundation, the earth producing the one, and

the sea the other. This curtain had also embroidered upon it all that

was mystical in the heavens, excepting that of the [twelve] signs,

representing living creatures.

5. When any persons entered into the temple, its floor received them.

This part of the temple therefore was in height sixty cubits, and its

length the same; whereas its breadth was but twenty cubits: but still

that sixty cubits in length was divided again, and the first part of it

was cut off at forty cubits, and had in it three things that were very

wonderful and famous among all mankind, the candlestick, the table [of

shew-bread], and the altar of incense. Now the seven lamps signified the

seven planets; for so many there were springing out of the candlestick.

Now the twelve loaves that were upon the table signified the circle of

the zodiac and the year; but the altar of incense, by its thirteen kinds

of sweet-smelling spices with which the sea replenished it, signified

that God is the possessor of all things that are both in the

uninhabitable and habitable parts of the earth, and that they are all to

be dedicated to his use. But the inmost part of the temple of all was of

twenty cubits. This was also separated from the outer part by a veil. In

this there was nothing at all. It was inaccessible and inviolable, and

not to be seen by any; and was called the Holy of Holies. Now, about the

sides of the lower part of the temple, there were little houses, with

passages out of one into another; there were a great many of them, and

they were of three stories high; there were also entrances on each side

into them from the gate of the temple. But the superior part of the

temple had no such little houses any further, because the temple was

there narrower, and forty cubits higher, and of a smaller body than the

lower parts of it. Thus we collect that the whole height, including the

sixty cubits from the floor, amounted to a hundred cubits.

6. Now the outward face of the temple in its front wanted nothing that

was likely to surprise either men's minds or their eyes; for it was

covered all over with plates of gold of great weight, and, at the first

rising of the sun, reflected back a very fiery splendor, and made those

who forced themselves to look upon it to turn their eyes away, just as

they would have done at the sun's own rays. But this temple appeared to

strangers, when they were coming to it at a distance, like a mountain

covered with snow; for as to those parts of it that were not gilt, they

were exceeding white. On its top it had spikes with sharp points, to

prevent any pollution of it by birds sitting upon it. Of its stones,

some of them were forty-five cubits in length, five in height, and six

in breadth. Before this temple stood the altar, fifteen cubits high,

and equal both in length and breadth; each of which dimensions was fifty

cubits. The figure it was built in was a square, and it had corners like

horns; and the passage up to it was by an insensible acclivity. It was

formed without any iron tool, nor did any such iron tool so much as

touch it at any time. There was also a wall of partition, about a cubit

in height, made of fine stones, and so as to be grateful to the sight;

this encompassed the holy house and the altar, and kept the people that

were on the outside off from the priests. Moreover, those that had the

gonorrhea and the leprosy were excluded out of the city entirely; women

also, when their courses were upon them, were shut out of the temple;

nor when they were free from that impurity, were they allowed to go

beyond the limit before-mentioned; men also, that were not thoroughly

pure, were prohibited to come into the inner [court of the] temple; nay,

the priests themselves that were not pure were prohibited to come into

it also.

7. Now all those of the stock of the priests that could not minister

by reason of some defect in their bodies, came within the partition,

together with those that had no such imperfection, and had their share

with them by reason of their stock, but still made use of none except

their own private garments; for nobody but he that officiated had on his

sacred garments; but then those priests that were without any blemish

upon them went up to the altar clothed in fine linen. They abstained

chiefly from wine, out of this fear, lest otherwise they should

transgress some rules of their ministration. The high priest did also go

up with them; not always indeed, but on the seventh days and new moons,

and if any festivals belonging to our nation, which we celebrate every

year, happened. When he officiated, he had on a pair of breeches that

reached beneath his privy parts to his thighs, and had on an inner

garment of linen, together with a blue garment, round, without seam,

with fringe work, and reaching to the feet. There were also golden bells

that hung upon the fringes, and pomegranates intermixed among them. The

bells signified thunder, and the pomegranates lightning. But that girdle

that tied the garment to the breast was embroidered with five rows of

various colors, of gold, and purple, and scarlet, as also of fine linen

and blue, with which colors we told you before the veils of the temple

were embroidered also. The like embroidery was upon the ephod; but the

quantity of gold therein was greater. Its figure was that of a stomacher

for the breast. There were upon it two golden buttons like small

shields, which buttoned the ephod to the garment; in these buttons were

enclosed two very large and very excellent sardonyxes, having the names

of the tribes of that nation engraved upon them: on the other part there

hung twelve stones, three in a row one way, and four in the other; a

sardius, a topaz, and an emerald; a carbuncle, a jasper, and a sapphire;

an agate, an amethyst, and a ligure; an onyx, a beryl, and a chrysolite;

upon every one of which was again engraved one of the forementioned

names of the tribes. A mitre also of fine linen encompassed his head,

which was tied by a blue ribbon, about which there was another golden

crown, in which was engraven the sacred name [of God]: it consists of

four vowels. However, the high priest did not wear these garments at

other times, but a more plain habit; he only did it when he went into

the most sacred part of the temple, which he did but once in a year,

on that day when our custom is for all of us to keep a fast to God. And

thus much concerning the city and the temple; but for the customs and

laws hereto relating, we shall speak more accurately another time; for

there remain a great many things thereto relating which have not been

here touched upon.

8. Now as to the tower of Antonia, it was situated at the corner of two

cloisters of the court of the temple; of that on the west, and that on

the north; it was erected upon a rock of fifty cubits in height, and

was on a great precipice; it was the work of king Herod, wherein he

demonstrated his natural magnanimity. In the first place, the

rock itself was covered over with smooth pieces of stone, from its

foundation, both for ornament, and that any one who would either try to

get up or to go down it might not be able to hold his feet upon it. Next

to this, and before you come to the edifice of the tower itself, there

was a wall three cubits high; but within that wall all the space of the

tower of Antonia itself was built upon, to the height of forty cubits.

The inward parts had the largeness and form of a palace, it being parted

into all kinds of rooms and other conveniences, such as courts, and

places for bathing, and broad spaces for camps; insomuch that, by having

all conveniences that cities wanted, it might seem to be composed of

several cities, but by its magnificence it seemed a palace. And as the

entire structure resembled that of a tower, it contained also four other

distinct towers at its four corners; whereof the others were but fifty

cubits high; whereas that which lay upon the southeast corner was

seventy cubits high, that from thence the whole temple might be viewed;

but on the corner where it joined to the two cloisters of the temple,

it had passages down to them both, through which the guard [for there

always lay in this tower a Roman legion] went several ways among the

cloisters, with their arms, on the Jewish festivals, in order to watch

the people, that they might not there attempt to make any innovations;

for the temple was a fortress that guarded the city, as was the tower

of Antonia a guard to the temple; and in that tower were the guards

of those three 14. There was also a peculiar fortress belonging to the

upper city, which was Herod's palace; but for the hill Bezetha, it was

divided from the tower Antonia, as we have already told you; and as that

hill on which the tower of Antonia stood was the highest of these three,

so did it adjoin to the new city, and was the only place that hindered

the sight of the temple on the north. And this shall suffice at present

to have spoken about the city and the walls about it, because I have

proposed to myself to make a more accurate description of it elsewhere.

CHAPTER 6.

Concerning The Tyrants Simon And John. How Also As Titus Was

Going Round The Wall Of This City Nicanor Was Wounded By A

Dart; Which Accident Provoked Titus To Press On The Siege.

1. Now the warlike men that were in the city, and the multitude of the

seditious that were with Simon, were ten thousand, besides the Idumeans.

Those ten thousand had fifty commanders, over whom this Simon was

supreme. The Idumeans that paid him homage were five thousand, and had

eight commanders, among whom those of greatest fame were Jacob the son

of Sosas, and Simon the son of Cathlas. Jotre, who had seized upon the

temple, had six thousand armed men under twenty commanders; the zealots

also that had come over to him, and left off their opposition, were

two thousand four hundred, and had the same commander that they had

formerly, Eleazar, together with Simon the son of Arinus. Now, while

these factions fought one against another, the people were their prey

on both sides, as we have said already; and that part of the people who

would not join with them in their wicked practices were plundered by

both factions. Simon held the upper city, and the great wall as far as

Cedron, and as much of the old wall as bent from Siloam to the east,

and which went down to the palace of Monobazus, who was king of the

Adiabeni, beyond Euphrates; he also held that fountain, and the Acra,

which was no other than the lower city; he also held all that reached to

the palace of queen Helena, the mother of Monobazus. But John held the

temple, and the parts thereto adjoining, for a great way, as also Ophla,

and the valley called "the Valley of Cedron;" and when the parts that

were interposed between their possessions were burnt by them, they left

a space wherein they might fight with each other; for this internal

sedition did not cease even when the Romans were encamped near their

very wall. But although they had grown wiser at the first onset the

Romans made upon them, this lasted but a while; for they returned to

their former madness, and separated one from another, and fought it out,

and did everything that the besiegers could desire them to do; for they

never suffered any thing that was worse from the Romans than they made

each other suffer; nor was there any misery endured by the city after

these men's actions that could be esteemed new. But it was most of all

unhappy before it was overthrown, while those that took it did it a

greater kindness for I venture to affirm that the sedition destroyed the

city, and the Romans destroyed the sedition, which it was a much harder

thing to do than to destroy the walls; so that we may justly ascribe our

misfortunes to our own people, and the just vengeance taken on them to

the Romans; as to which matter let every one determine by the actions on

both sides.

2. Now when affairs within the city were in this posture, Titus went

round the city on the outside with some chosen horsemen, and looked

about for a proper place where he might make an impression upon the

walls; but as he was in doubt where he could possibly make an attack on

any side, [for the place was no way accessible where the valleys were,

and on the other side the first wall appeared too strong to be shaken by

the engines,] he thereupon thought it best to make his assault upon

the monument of John the high priest; for there it was that the first

fortification was lower, and the second was not joined to it, the

builders neglecting to build strong where the new city was not much

inhabited; here also was an easy passage to the third wall, through

which he thought to take the upper city, and, through the tower of

Antonia, the temple itself But at this time, as he was going round about

the city, one of his friends, whose name was Nicanor, was wounded with a

dart on his left shoulder, as he approached, together with Josephus, too

near the wall, and attempted to discourse to those that were upon the

wall, about terms of peace; for he was a person known by them. On this

account it was that Caesar, as soon as he knew their vehemence, that

they would not hear even such as approached them to persuade them to

what tended to their own preservation, was provoked to press on the

siege. He also at the same time gave his soldiers leave to set the

suburbs on fire, and ordered that they should bring timber together, and

raise banks against the city; and when he had parted his army into three

parts, in order to set about those works, he placed those that shot

darts and the archers in the midst of the banks that were then raising;

before whom he placed those engines that threw javelins, and darts, and

stones, that he might prevent the enemy from sallying out upon their

works, and might hinder those that were upon the wall from being able

to obstruct them. So the trees were now cut down immediately, and the

suburbs left naked. But now while the timber was carrying to raise the

banks, and the whole army was earnestly engaged in their works, the Jews

were not, however, quiet; and it happened that the people of Jerusalem,

who had been hitherto plundered and murdered, were now of good courage,

and supposed they should have a breathing time, while the others were

very busy in opposing their enemies without the city, and that they

should now be avenged on those that had been the authors of their

miseries, in case the Romans did but get the victory.

3. However, John staid behind, out of his fear of Simon, even while his

own men were earnest in making a sally upon their enemies without. Yet

did not Simon lie still, for he lay near the place of the siege; he

brought his engines of war, and disposed of them at due distances upon

the wall, both those which they took from Cestius formerly, and those

which they got when they seized the garrison that lay in the tower

Antonia. But though they had these engines in their possession, they had

so little skill in using them, that they were in great measure useless

to them; but a few there were who had been taught by deserters how to

use them, which they did use, though after an awkward manner. So they

cast stones and arrows at those that were making the banks; they also

ran out upon them by companies, and fought with them. Now those that

were at work covered themselves with hurdles spread over their banks,

and their engines were opposed to them when they made their excursions.

The engines, that all the legions had ready prepared for them, were

admirably contrived; but still more extraordinary ones belonged to the

tenth legion: those that threw darts and those that threw stones were

more forcible and larger than the rest, by which they not only repelled

the excursions of the Jews, but drove those away that were upon the

walls also. Now the stones that were cast were of the weight of a

talent, and were carried two furlongs and further. The blow they gave

was no way to be sustained, not only by those that stood first in the

way, but by those that were beyond them for a great space. As for the

Jews, they at first watched the coming of the stone, for it was of a

white color, and could therefore not only be perceived by the great

noise it made, but could be seen also before it came by its brightness;

accordingly the watchmen that sat upon the towers gave them notice when

the engine was let go, and the stone came from it, and cried out aloud,

in their own country language, The Stone Cometh 15 so those that were in

its way stood off, and threw themselves down upon the ground; by which

means, and by their thus guarding themselves, the stone fell down

and did them no harm. But the Romans contrived how to prevent that by

blacking the stone, who then could aim at them with success, when the

stone was not discerned beforehand, as it had been till then; and so

they destroyed many of them at one blow. Yet did not the Jews, under all

this distress, permit the Romans to raise their banks in quiet; but they

shrewdly and boldly exerted themselves, and repelled them both by night

and by day.

4. And now, upon the finishing the Roman works, the workmen measured

the distance there was from the wall, and this by lead and a line, which

they threw to it from their banks; for they could not measure it any

otherwise, because the Jews would shoot at them, if they came to measure

it themselves; and when they found that the engines could reach the

wall, they brought them thither. Then did Titus set his engines at

proper distances, so much nearer to the wall, that the Jews might not

be able to repel them, and gave orders they should go to work; and when

thereupon a prodigious noise echoed round about from three places, and

that on the sudden there was a great noise made by the citizens that

were within the city, and no less a terror fell upon the seditious

themselves; whereupon both sorts, seeing the common danger they were in,

contrived to make a like defense. So those of different factions cried

out one to another, that they acted entirely as in concert with their

enemies; whereas they ought however, notwithstanding God did not grant

them a lasting concord, in their present circumstances, to lay aside

their enmities one against another, and to unite together against the

Romans. Accordingly, Simon gave those that came from the temple leave,

by proclamation, to go upon the wall; John also himself, though he could

not believe Simon was in earnest, gave them the same leave. So on both

sides they laid aside their hatred and their peculiar quarrels, and

formed themselves into one body; they then ran round the walls, and

having a vast number of torches with them, they threw them at the

machines, and shot darts perpetually upon those that impelled those

engines which battered the wall; nay, the bolder sort leaped out by

troops upon the hurdles that covered the machines, and pulled them to

pieces, and fell upon those that belonged to them, and beat them, not

so much by any skill they had, as principally by the boldness of their

attacks. However, Titus himself still sent assistance to those that were

the hardest set, and placed both horsemen and archers on the several

sides of the engines, and thereby beat off those that brought the fire

to them; he also thereby repelled those that shot stones or darts from

the towers, and then set the engines to work in good earnest; yet did

not the wall yield to these blows, excepting where the battering ram of

the fifteenth legion moved the corner of a tower, while the wall itself

continued unhurt; for the wall was not presently in the same danger with

the tower, which was extant far above it; nor could the fall of that

part of the tower easily break down any part of the wall itself together

with it.

5. And now the Jews intermitted their sallies for a while; but when they

observed the Romans dispersed all abroad at their works, and in their

several camps, [for they thought the Jews had retired out of weariness

and fear,] they all at once made a sally at the tower Hippicus, through

an obscure gate, and at the same time brought fire to burn the works,

and went boldly up to the Romans, and to their very fortifications

themselves, where, at the cry they made, those that were near them came

presently to their assistance, and those farther off came running after

them; and here the boldness of the Jews was too hard for the good order

of the Romans; and as they beat those whom they first fell upon, so they

pressed upon those that were now gotten together. So this fight about

the machines was very hot, while the one side tried hard to set them

on fire, and the other side to prevent it; on both sides there was a

confused cry made, and many of those in the forefront of the battle

were slain. However, the Jews were now too hard for the Romans, by the

furious assaults they made like madmen; and the fire caught hold of the

works, and both all those works, and the engines themselves, had been in

danger of being burnt, had not many of these select soldiers that came

from Alexandria opposed themselves to prevent it, and had they not

behaved themselves with greater courage than they themselves supposed

they could have done; for they outdid those in this fight that had

greater reputation than themselves before. This was the state of things

till Caesar took the stoutest of his horsemen, and attacked the enemy,

while he himself slew twelve of those that were in the forefront of the

Jews; which death of these men, when the rest of the multitude saw, they

gave way, and he pursued them, and drove them all into the city, and

saved the works from the fire. Now it happened at this fight that a

certain Jew was taken alive, who, by Titus's order, was crucified before

the wall, to see whether the rest of them would be affrighted, and

abate of their obstinacy. But after the Jews were retired, John, who was

commander of the Idumeans, and was talking to a certain soldier of his

acquaintance before the wall, was wounded by a dart shot at him by an

Arabian, and died immediately, leaving the greatest lamentation to the

Jews, and sorrow to the seditious. For he was a man of great eminence,

both for his actions and his conduct also.

CHAPTER 7.

How One Of The Towers Erected By The Romans Fell Down Of Its

Own Accord; And How The Romans After Great Slaughter Had

Been Made Got Possession Of The First Wall. How Also Titus

Made His Assaults Upon The Second Wall; As Also Concerning

Longinus The Roman, And Castor The Jew.

1. Now, on the next night, a surprising disturbance fell upon the

Romans; for whereas Titus had given orders for the erection of three

towers of fifty cubits high, that by setting men upon them at every

bank, he might from thence drive those away who were upon the wall, it

so happened that one of these towers fell down about midnight; and as

its fall made a very great noise, fear fell upon the army, and they,

supposing that the enemy was coming to attack them, ran all to their

arms. Whereupon a disturbance and a tumult arose among the legions,

and as nobody could tell what had happened, they went on after a

disconsolate manner; and seeing no enemy appear, they were afraid one of

another, and every one demanded of his neighbor the watchword with great

earnestness, as though the Jews had invaded their camp. And now were

they like people under a panic fear, till Titus was informed of what

had happened, and gave orders that all should be acquainted with it;

and then, though with some difficulty, they got clear of the disturbance

they had been under.

2. Now these towers were very troublesome to the Jews, who otherwise

opposed the Romans very courageously; for they shot at them out of their

lighter engines from those towers, as they did also by those that threw

darts, and the archers, and those that flung stones. For neither could

the Jews reach those that were over them, by reason of their height; and

it was not practicable to take them, nor to overturn them, they were so

heavy, nor to set them on fire, because they were covered with plates of

iron. So they retired out of the reach of the darts, and did no longer

endeavor to hinder the impression of their rams, which, by continually

beating upon the wall, did gradually prevail against it; so that

the wall already gave way to the Nico, for by that name did the Jews

themselves call the greatest of their engines, because it conquered all

things. And now they were for a long while grown weary of fighting,

and of keeping guards, and were retired to lodge in the night time at a

distance from the wall. It was on other accounts also thought by them

to be superfluous to guard the wall, there being besides that two other

fortifications still remaining, and they being slothful, and their

counsels having been ill concerted on all occasions; so a great many

grew lazy and retired. Then the Romans mounted the breach, where

Nico had made one, and all the Jews left the guarding that wall, and

retreated to the second wall; so those that had gotten over that wall

opened the gates, and received all the army within it. And thus did the

Romans get possession of this first wall, on the fifteenth day of the

siege, which was the seventh day of the month Artemisius, [Jyar,] when

they demolished a great part of it, as well as they did of the northern

parts of the city, which had been demolished also by Cestius formerly.

3. And now Titus pitched his camp within the city, at that place which

was called "the Camp of the Assyrians," having seized upon all that

lay as far as Cedron, but took care to be out of the reach of the Jews'

darts. He then presently began his attacks, upon which the Jews divided

themselves into several bodies, and courageously defended that wall;

while John and his faction did it from the tower of Antonia, and from

the northern cloister of the temple, and fought the Romans before the

monuments of king Alexander; and Sireoh's army also took for their share

the spot of ground that was near John's monument, and fortified it as

far as to that gate where water was brought in to the tower Hippicus.

However, the Jews made violent sallies, and that frequently also, and in

bodies together out of the gates, and there fought the Romans; and when

they were pursued all together to the wall, they were beaten in those

fights, as wanting the skill of the Romans. But when they fought them

from the walls, they were too hard for them; the Romans being encouraged

by their power, joined to their skill, as were the Jews by their

boldness, which was nourished by the fear they were in, and that

hardiness which is natural to our nation under calamities; they were

also encouraged still by the hope of deliverance, as were the Romans by

their hopes of subduing them in a little time. Nor did either side grow

weary; but attacks and rightings upon the wall, and perpetual sallies

out in bodies, were there all the day long; nor were there any sort of

warlike engagements that were not then put in use. And the night itself

had much ado to part them, when they began to fight in the morning; nay,

the night itself was passed without sleep on both sides, and was more

uneasy than the day to them, while the one was afraid lest the wall

should be taken, and the other lest the Jews should make sallies upon

their camps; both sides also lay in their armor during the night time,

and thereby were ready at the first appearance of light to go to the

battle. Now among the Jews the ambition was who should undergo the first

dangers, and thereby gratify their commanders. Above all, they had a

great veneration and dread of Simon; and to that degree was he regarded

by every one of those that were under him, that at his command they were

very ready to kill themselves with their own hands. What made the Romans

so courageous was their usual custom of conquering and disuse of being

defeated, their constant wars, and perpetual warlike exercises, and

the grandeur of their dominion; and what was now their chief

encouragement--Titus who was present every where with them all; for

it appeared a terrible thing to grow weary while Caesar was there,

and fought bravely as well as they did, and was himself at once an

eye-witness of such as behaved themselves valiantly, and he who was to

reward them also. It was, besides, esteemed an advantage at present

to have any one's valor known by Caesar; on which account many of them

appeared to have more alacrity than strength to answer it. And now, as

the Jews were about this time standing in array before the wall, and

that in a strong body, and while both parties were throwing their darts

at each other, Longinus, one of the equestrian order, leaped out of the

army of the Romans, and leaped into the very midst of the army of the

Jews; and as they dispersed themselves upon the attack, he slew two of

their men of the greatest courage; one of them he struck in his mouth as

he was coming to meet him, the other was slain by him by that very dart

which he drew out of the body of the other, with which he ran this man

through his side as he was running away from him; and when he had done

this, he first of all ran out of the midst of his enemies to his own

side. So this man signalized himself for his valor, and many there were

who were ambitious of gaining the like reputation. And now the Jews were

unconcerned at what they suffered themselves from the Romans, and were

only solicitous about what mischief they could do them; and death itself

seemed a small matter to them, if at the same time they could but kill

any one of their enemies. But Titus took care to secure his own soldiers

from harm, as well as to have them overcome their enemies. He also said

that inconsiderate violence was madness, and that this alone was the

true courage that was joined with good conduct. He therefore commanded

his men to take care, when they fought their enemies, that they received

no harm from them at the same time, and thereby show themselves to be

truly valiant men.

4. And now Titus brought one of his engines to the middle tower of the

north part of the wall, in which a certain crafty Jew, whose name was

Castor, lay in ambush, with ten others like himself, the rest being fled

away by reason of the archers. These men lay still for a while, as in

great fear, under their breastplates; but when the tower was shaken,

they arose, and Castor did then stretch out his hand, as a petitioner,

and called for Caesar, and by his voice moved his compassion, and begged

of him to have mercy upon them; and Titus, in the innocency of his

heart, believing him to be in earnest, and hoping that the Jews did now

repent, stopped the working of the battering ram, and forbade them to

shoot at the petitioners, and bid Castor say what he had a mind to say

to him. He said that he would come down, if he would give him his right

hand for his security. To which Titus replied, that he was well pleased

with such his agreeable conduct, and would be well pleased if all

the Jews would be of his mind, and that he was ready to give the like

security to the city. Now five of the ten dissembled with him, and

pretended to beg for mercy, while the rest cried out aloud that they

would never be slaves to the Romans, while it was in their power to die

in a state of freedom. Now while these men were quarrelling for a long

while, the attack was delayed; Castor also sent to Simon, and told him

that they might take some time for consultation about what was to be

done, because he would elude the power of the Romans for a considerable

time. And at the same time that he sent thus to him, he appeared openly

to exhort those that were obstinate to accept of Titus's hand for their

security; but they seemed very angry at it, and brandished their naked

swords upon the breast-works, and struck themselves upon their breast,

and fell down as if they had been slain. Hereupon Titus, and those with

him, were amazed at the courage of the men; and as they were not able

to see exactly what was done, they admired at their great fortitude,

and pitied their calamity. During this interval, a certain person shot

a dart at Castor, and wounded him in his nose; whereupon he presently

pulled out the dart, and showed it to Titus, and complained that this

was unfair treatment; so Caesar reproved him that shot the dart, and

sent Josephus, who then stood by him, to give his right hand to Castor.

But Josephus said that he would not go to him, because these pretended

petitioners meant nothing that was good; he also restrained those

friends of his who were zealous to go to him. But still there was one

Eneas, a deserter, who said he would go to him. Castor also called to

them, that somebody should come and receive the money which he had with

him; this made Eneas the more earnestly to run to him with his bosom

open. Then did Castor take up a great stone, and threw it at him, which

missed him, because he guarded himself against it; but still it wounded

another soldier that was coming to him. When Caesar understood that this

was a delusion, he perceived that mercy in war is a pernicious thing,

because such cunning tricks have less place under the exercise of

greater severity. So he caused the engine to work more strongly than

before, on account of his anger at the deceit put upon him. But Castor

and his companions set the tower on fire when it began to give way, and

leaped through the flame into a hidden vault that was under it, which

made the Romans further suppose that they were men of great courage, as

having cast themselves into the fire.

CHAPTER 8.