9. And now the people could no longer bear the insolence of this

procedure, but did all together run zealously, in order to overthrow

that tyranny; and indeed they were Gorion the son of Josephus, and

Symeon the son of Gamaliel, 6 who encouraged them, by going up and down

when they were assembled together in crowds, and as they saw them

alone, to bear no longer, but to inflict punishment upon these pests

and plagues of their freedom, and to purge the temple of these bloody

polluters of it. The best esteemed also of the high priests, Jesus the

son of Gamalas, and Ananus the son of Ananus when they were at their

assemblies, bitterly reproached the people for their sloth, and excited

them against the zealots; for that was the name they went by, as if they

were zealous in good undertakings, and were not rather zealous in the

worst actions, and extravagant in them beyond the example of others.

10. And now, when the multitude were gotten together to an assembly, and

every one was in indignation at these men's seizing upon the sanctuary,

at their rapine and murders, but had not yet begun their attacks upon

them, [the reason of which was this, that they imagined it to be a

difficult thing to suppress these zealots, as indeed the case was,]

Ananus stood in the midst of them, and casting his eyes frequently at

the temple, and having a flood of tears in his eyes, he said, "Certainly

it had been good for me to die before I had seen the house of God full

of so many abominations, or these sacred places, that ought not to be

trodden upon at random, filled with the feet of these blood-shedding

villains; yet do I, who am clothed with the vestments of the high

priesthood, and am called by that most venerable name [of high priest],

still live, and am but too fond of living, and cannot endure to undergo

a death which would be the glory of my old age; and if I were the only

person concerned, and as it were in a desert, I would give up my life,

and that alone for God's sake; for to what purpose is it to live among

a people insensible of their calamities, and where there is no notion

remaining of any remedy for the miseries that are upon them? for when

you are seized upon, you bear it! and when you are beaten, you are

silent! and when the people are murdered, nobody dare so much as send

out a groan openly! O bitter tyranny that we are under! But why do I

complain of the tyrants? Was it not you, and your sufferance of them,

that have nourished them? Was it not you that overlooked those that

first of all got together, for they were then but a few, and by your

silence made them grow to be many; and by conniving at them when they

took arms, in effect armed them against yourselves? You ought to have

then prevented their first attempts, when they fell a reproaching your

relations; but by neglecting that care in time, you have encouraged

these wretches to plunder men. When houses were pillaged, nobody said

a word, which was the occasion why they carried off the owners of those

houses; and when they were drawn through the midst of the city, nobody

came to their assistance. They then proceeded to put those whom you have

betrayed into their hands into bonds. I do not say how many and of what

characters those men were whom they thus served; but certainly they were

such as were accused by none, and condemned by none; and since nobody

succored them when they were put into bonds, the consequence was, that

you saw the same persons slain. We have seen this also; so that still

the best of the herd of brute animals, as it were, have been still led

to be sacrificed, when yet nobody said one word, or moved his right hand

for their preservation. Will you bear, therefore, will you bear to see

your sanctuary trampled on? and will you lay steps for these profane

wretches, upon which they may mount to higher degrees of insolence? Will

not you pluck them down from their exaltation? for even by this time

they had proceeded to higher enormities, if they had been able to

overthrow any thing greater than the sanctuary. They have seized upon

the strongest place of the whole city; you may call it the temple, if

you please, though it be like a citadel or fortress. Now, while you have

tyranny in so great a degree walled in, and see your enemies over your

heads, to what purpose is it to take counsel? and what have you to

support your minds withal? Perhaps you wait for the Romans, that they

may protect our holy places: are our matters then brought to that pass?

and are we come to that degree of misery, that our enemies themselves

are expected to pity us? O wretched creatures! will not you rise up and

turn upon those that strike you? which you may observe in wild beasts

themselves, that they will avenge themselves on those that strike

them. Will you not call to mind, every one of you, the calamities you

yourselves have suffered? nor lay before your eyes what afflictions you

yourselves have undergone? and will not such things sharpen your souls

to revenge? Is therefore that most honorable and most natural of our

passions utterly lost, I mean the desire of liberty? Truly we are in

love with slavery, and in love with those that lord it over us, as if

we had received that principle of subjection from our ancestors; yet did

they undergo many and great wars for the sake of liberty, nor were they

so far overcome by the power of the Egyptians, or the Medes, but that

still they did what they thought fit, notwithstanding their commands to

the contrary. And what occasion is there now for a war with the Romans?

[I meddle not with determining whether it be an advantageous and

profitable war or not.] What pretense is there for it? Is it not that

we may enjoy our liberty? Besides, shall we not bear the lords of the

habitable earth to be lords over us, and yet bear tyrants of our own

country? Although I must say that submission to foreigners may be borne,

because fortune hath already doomed us to it, while submission to wicked

people of our own nation is too unmanly, and brought upon us by our own

consent. However, since I have had occasion to mention the Romans, I

will not conceal a thing that, as I am speaking, comes into my mind, and

affects me considerably; it is this, that though we should be taken by

them, [God forbid the event should be so!] yet can we undergo nothing

that will be harder to be borne than what these men have already brought

upon us. How then can we avoid shedding of tears, when we see the Roman

donations in our temple, while we withal see those of our own nation

taking our spoils, and plundering our glorious metropolis, and

slaughtering our men, from which enormities those Romans themselves

would have abstained? to see those Romans never going beyond the bounds

allotted to profane persons, nor venturing to break in upon any of our

sacred customs; nay, having a horror on their minds when they view at a

distance those sacred walls; while some that have been born in this very

country, and brought up in our customs, and called Jews, do walk about

in the midst of the holy places, at the very time when their hands are

still warm with the slaughter of their own countrymen. Besides, can

any one be afraid of a war abroad, and that with such as will have

comparatively much greater moderation than our own people have? For

truly, if we may suit our words to the things they represent, it is

probable one may hereafter find the Romans to be the supporters of our

laws, and those within ourselves the subverters of them. And now I am

persuaded that every one of you here comes satisfied before I speak that

these overthrowers of our liberties deserve to be destroyed, and that

nobody can so much as devise a punishment that they have not deserved by

what they have done, and that you are all provoked against them by those

their wicked actions, whence you have suffered so greatly. But perhaps

many of you are affrighted at the multitude of those zealots, and at

their audaciousness, as well as at the advantage they have over us in

their being higher in place than we are; for these circumstances, as

they have been occasioned by your negligence, so will they become still

greater by being still longer neglected; for their multitude is every

day augmented, by every ill man's running away to those that are like to

themselves, and their audaciousness is therefore inflamed, because they

meet with no obstruction to their designs. And for their higher place,

they will make use of it for engines also, if we give them time to do

so; but be assured of this, that if we go up to fight them, they will

be made tamer by their own consciences, and what advantages they have in

the height of their situation they will lose by the opposition of their

reason; perhaps also God himself, who hath been affronted by them, will

make what they throw at us return against themselves, and these

impious wretches will be killed by their own darts: let us but make our

appearance before them, and they will come to nothing. However, it is a

right thing, if there should be any danger in the attempt, to die before

these holy gates, and to spend our very lives, if not for the sake of

our children and wives, yet for God's sake, and for the sake of his

sanctuary. I will assist you both with my counsel and with my hand; nor

shall any sagacity of ours be wanting for your support; nor shall you

see that I will be sparing of my body neither."

11. By these motives Ananus encouraged the multitude to go against the

zealots, although he knew how difficult it would be to disperse them,

because of their multitude, and their youth, and the courage of their

souls; but chiefly because of their consciousness of what they had done,

since they would not yield, as not so much as hoping for pardon at the

last for those their enormities. However, Ananus resolved to undergo

whatever sufferings might come upon him, rather than overlook things,

now they were in such great confusion. So the multitude cried out

to him, to lead them on against those whom he had described in his

exhortation to them, and every one of them was most readily disposed to

run any hazard whatsoever on that account.

12. Now while Ananus was choosing out his men, and putting those that

were proper for his purpose in array for fighting, the zealots got

information of his undertaking, [for there were some who went to them,

and told them all that the people were doing,] and were irritated at

it, and leaping out of the temple in crowds, and by parties, spared none

whom they met with. Upon this Ananus got the populace together on the

sudden, who were more numerous indeed than the zealots, but inferior

to them in arms, because they had not been regularly put into array for

fighting; but the alacrity that every body showed supplied all their

defects on both sides, the citizens taking up so great a passion as was

stronger than arms, and deriving a degree of courage from the temple

more forcible than any multitude whatsoever; and indeed these citizens

thought it was not possible for them to dwell in the city, unless they

could cut off the robbers that were in it. The zealots also thought that

unless they prevailed, there would be no punishment so bad but it

would be inflicted on them. So their conflicts were conducted by their

passions; and at the first they only cast stones at each other in the

city, and before the temple, and threw their javelins at a distance; but

when either of them were too hard for the other, they made use of their

swords; and great slaughter was made on both sides, and a great number

were wounded. As for the dead bodies of the people, their relations

carried them out to their own houses; but when any of the zealots were

wounded, he went up into the temple, and defiled that sacred floor

with his blood, insomuch that one may say it was their blood alone

that polluted our sanctuary. Now in these conflicts the robbers always

sallied out of the temple, and were too hard for their enemies; but

the populace grew very angry, and became more and more numerous, and

reproached those that gave back, and those behind would not afford room

to those that were going off, but forced them on again, till at length

they made their whole body to turn against their adversaries, and the

robbers could no longer oppose them, but were forced gradually to retire

into the temple; when Ananus and his party fell into it at the same time

together with them. 7 This horribly affrighted the robbers, because

it deprived them of the first court; so they fled into the inner court

immediately, and shut the gates. Now Ananus did not think fit to make

any attack against the holy gates, although the other threw their stones

and darts at them from above. He also deemed it unlawful to introduce

the multitude into that court before they were purified; he therefore

chose out of them all by lot six thousand armed men, and placed them as

guards in the cloisters; so there was a succession of such guards

one after another, and every one was forced to attend in his course;

although many of the chief of the city were dismissed by those that then

took on them the government, upon their hiring some of the poorer sort,

and sending them to keep the guard in their stead.

13. Now it was John who, as we told you, ran away from Gischala, and was

the occasion of all these being destroyed. He was a man of great craft,

and bore about him in his soul a strong passion after tyranny, and at

a distance was the adviser in these actions; and indeed at this time he

pretended to be of the people's opinion, and went all about with Ananus

when he consulted the great men every day, and in the night time also

when he went round the watch; but he divulged their secrets to the

zealots, and every thing that the people deliberated about was by his

means known to their enemies, even before it had been well agreed upon

by themselves. And by way of contrivance how he might not be brought

into suspicion, he cultivated the greatest friendship possible with

Ananus, and with the chief of the people; yet did this overdoing of his

turn against him, for he flattered them so extravagantly, that he was

but the more suspected; and his constant attendance every where, even

when he was not invited to be present, made him strongly suspected of

betraying their secrets to the enemy; for they plainly perceived

that they understood all the resolutions taken against them at their

consultations. Nor was there any one whom they had so much reason to

suspect of that discovery as this John; yet was it not easy to get quit

of him, so potent was he grown by his wicked practices. He was also

supported by many of those eminent men, who were to be consulted upon

all considerable affairs; it was therefore thought reasonable to oblige

him to give them assurance of his good-will upon oath; accordingly John

took such an oath readily, that he would be on the people's side, and

would not betray any of their counsels or practices to their enemies,

and would assist them in overthrowing those that attacked them, and that

both by his hand and his advice. So Ananus and his party believed his

oath, and did now receive him to their consultations without further

suspicion; nay, so far did they believe him, that they sent him as

their ambassador into the temple to the zealots, with proposals of

accommodation; for they were very desirous to avoid the pollution of the

temple as much as they possibly could, and that no one of their nation

should be slain therein.

14. But now this John, as if his oath had been made to the zealots, and

for confirmation of his good-will to them, and not against them, went

into the temple, and stood in the midst of them, and spake as follows:

That he had run many hazards on their accounts, and in order to let them

know of every thing that was secretly contrived against them by Ananus

and his party; but that both he and they should be cast into the most

imminent danger, unless some providential assistance were afforded them;

for that Ananus made no longer delay, but had prevailed with the people

to send ambassadors to Vespasian, to invite him to come presently and

take the city; and that he had appointed a fast for the next day against

them, that they might obtain admission into the temple on a religious

account, or gain it by force, and fight with them there; that he did not

see how long they could either endure a siege, or how they could fight

against so many enemies. He added further, that it was by the

providence of God he was himself sent as an ambassador to them for an

accommodation; for that Artanus did therefore offer them such proposals,

that he might come upon them when they were unarmed; that they ought

to choose one of these two methods, either to intercede with those that

guarded them, to save their lives, or to provide some foreign assistance

for themselves; that if they fostered themselves with the hopes of

pardon, in case they were subdued, they had forgotten what desperate

things they had done, or could suppose, that as soon as the actors

repented, those that had suffered by them must be presently reconciled

to them; while those that have done injuries, though they pretend to

repent of them, are frequently hated by the others for that sort of

repentance; and that the sufferers, when they get the power into their

hands, are usually still more severe upon the actors; that the friends

and kindred of those that had been destroyed would always be laying

plots against them; and that a large body of people were very angry

on account of their gross breaches of their laws, and [illegal]

judicatures, insomuch that although some part might commiserate them,

those would be quite overborne by the majority.

CHAPTER 4.

The Idumeans Being Sent For By The Zealots, Came Immediately

To Jerusalem; And When They Were Excluded Out Of The City,

They Lay All Night There. Jesus One Of The High Priests

Makes A Speech To Them; And Simon The Idumean Makes A Reply

To It.

1. Now, by this crafty speech, John made the zealots afraid; yet durst

he not directly name what foreign assistance he meant, but in a covert

way only intimated at the Idumeans. But now, that he might particularly

irritate the leaders of the zealots, he calumniated Ananus, that he was

about a piece of barbarity, and did in a special manner threaten them.

These leaders were Eleazar, the son of Simon, who seemed the most

plausible man of them all, both in considering what was fit to be done,

and in the execution of what he had determined upon, and Zacharias, the

son of Phalek; both of whom derived their families from the priests.

Now when these two men had heard, not only the common threatenings which

belonged to them all, but those peculiarly leveled against themselves;

and besides, how Artanus and his party, in order to secure their own

dominion, had invited the Romans to come to them, for that also was

part of John's lie; they hesitated a great while what they should do,

considering the shortness of the time by which they were straitened;

because the people were prepared to attack them very soon, and because

the suddenness of the plot laid against them had almost cut off all

their hopes of getting any foreign assistance; for they might be under

the height of their afflictions before any of their confederates could

be informed of it. However, it was resolved to call in the Idumeans; so

they wrote a short letter to this effect: That Ananus had imposed on

the people, and was betraying their metropolis to the Romans; that

they themselves had revolted from the rest, and were in custody in the

temple, on account of the preservation of their liberty; that there was

but a small time left wherein they might hope for their deliverance; and

that unless they would come immediately to their assistance, they should

themselves be soon in the power of Artanus, and the city would be in the

power of the Romans. They also charged the messengers to tell many more

circumstances to the rulers of the Idumeans. Now there were two active

men proposed for the carrying this message, and such as were able to

speak, and to persuade them that things were in this posture, and, what

was a qualification still more necessary than the former, they were very

swift of foot; for they knew well enough that these would immediately

comply with their desires, as being ever a tumultuous and disorderly

nation, always on the watch upon every motion, delighting in mutations;

and upon your flattering them ever so little, and petitioning them, they

soon take their arms, and put themselves into motion, and make haste to

a battle, as if it were to a feast. There was indeed occasion for quick

despatch in the carrying of this message, in which point the messengers

were no way defective. Both their names were Ananias; and they soon came

to the rulers of the Idumeans.

2. Now these rulers were greatly surprised at the contents of the

letter, and at what those that came with it further told them; whereupon

they ran about the nation like madmen, and made proclamation that the

people should come to war; so a multitude was suddenly got together,

sooner indeed than the time appointed in the proclamation, and every

body caught up their arms, in order to maintain the liberty of their

metropolis; and twenty thousand of them were put into battle-array, and

came to Jerusalem, under four commanders, John, and Jacob the son of

Sosas; and besides these were Simon, the son of Cathlas, and Phineas,

the son of Clusothus.

3. Now this exit of the messengers was not known either to Ananus or to

the guards, but the approach of the Idumeans was known to him; for as

he knew of it before they came, he ordered the gates to be shut against

them, and that the walls should be guarded. Yet did not he by any means

think of fighting against them, but, before they came to blows, to try

what persuasions would do. Accordingly, Jesus, the eldest of the high

priests next to Artanus, stood upon the tower that was over against

them, and said thus: "Many troubles indeed, and those of various kinds,

have fallen upon this city, yet in none of them have I so much wondered

at her fortune as now, when you are come to assist wicked men, and

this after a manner very extraordinary; for I see that you are come to

support the vilest of men against us, and this with so great alacrity,

as you could hardly put on the like, in case our metropolis had called

you to her assistance against barbarians. And if I had perceived that

your army was composed of men like unto those who invited them, I had

not deemed your attempt so absurd; for nothing does so much cement the

minds of men together as the alliance there is between their manners.

But now for these men who have invited you, if you were to examine

them one by one, every one of them would be found to have deserved ten

thousand deaths; for the very rascality and offscouring of the whole

country, who have spent in debauchery their own substance, and, by way

of trial beforehand, have madly plundered the neighboring villages and

cities, in the upshot of all, have privately run together into this holy

city. They are robbers, who by their prodigious wickedness have profaned

this most sacred floor, and who are to be now seen drinking themselves

drunk in the sanctuary, and expending the spoils of those whom they have

slaughtered upon their unsatiable bellies. As for the multitude that

is with you, one may see them so decently adorned in their armor, as

it would become them to be had their metropolis called them to her

assistance against foreigners. What can a man call this procedure of

yours but the sport of fortune, when he sees a whole nation coming to

protect a sink of wicked wretches? I have for a good while been in doubt

what it could possibly be that should move you to do this so suddenly;

because certainly you would not take on your armor on the behalf of

robbers, and against a people of kin to you, without some very great

cause for your so doing. But we have an item that the Romans are

pretended, and that we are supposed to be going to betray this city

to them; for some of your men have lately made a clamor about those

matters, and have said they are come to set their metropolis free. Now

we cannot but admire at these wretches in their devising such a lie

as this against us; for they knew there was no other way to irritate

against us men that were naturally desirous of liberty, and on that

account the best disposed to fight against foreign enemies, but by

framing a tale as if we were going to betray that most desirable thing,

liberty. But you ought to consider what sort of people they are that

raise this calumny, and against what sort of people that calumny is

raised, and to gather the truth of things, not by fictitious speeches,

but out of the actions of both parties; for what occasion is there for

us to sell ourselves to the Romans, while it was in our power not to

have revolted from them at the first, or when we had once revolted, to

have returned under their dominion again, and this while the neighboring

countries were not yet laid waste? whereas it is not an easy thing to

be reconciled to the Romans, if we were desirous of it, now they have

subdued Galilee, and are thereby become proud and insolent; and to

endeavor to please them at the time when they are so near us, would

bring such a reproach upon us as were worse than death. As for myself,

indeed, I should have preferred peace with them before death; but now we

have once made war upon them, and fought with them, I prefer death, with

reputation, before living in captivity under them. But further, whether

do they pretend that we, who are the rulers of the people, have sent

thus privately to the Romans, or hath it been done by the common

suffrages of the people? If it be ourselves only that have done it, let

them name those friends of ours that have been sent, as our servants, to

manage this treachery. Hath any one been caught as he went out on this

errand, or seized upon as he came back? Are they in possession of our

letters? How could we be concealed from such a vast number of our fellow

citizens, among whom we are conversant every hour, while what is done

privately in the country is, it seems, known by the zealots, who are but

few in number, and under confinement also, and are not able to come out

of the temple into the city. Is this the first time that they are become

sensible how they ought to be punished for their insolent actions? For

while these men were free from the fear they are now under, there was

no suspicion raised that any of us were traitors. But if they lay

this charge against the people, this must have been done at a public

consultation, and not one of the people must have dissented from the

rest of the assembly; in which case the public fame of this matter would

have come to you sooner than any particular indication. But how could

that be? Must there not then have been ambassadors sent to confirm

the agreements? And let them tell us who this ambassador was that was

ordained for that purpose. But this is no other than a pretense of such

men as are loath to die, and are laboring to escape those punishments

that hang over them; for if fate had determined that this city was to be

betrayed into its enemies' hands, no other than these men that accuse

us falsely could have the impudence to do it, there being no wickedness

wanting to complete their impudent practices but this only, that they

become traitors. And now you Idumeans are come hither already with

your arms, it is your duty, in the first place, to be assisting to your

metropolis, and to join with us in cutting off those tyrants that have

infringed the rules of our regular tribunals, that have trampled upon

our laws, and made their swords the arbitrators of right and wrong; for

they have seized upon men of great eminence, and under no accusation,

as they stood in the midst of the market-place, and tortured them with

putting them into bonds, and, without bearing to hear what they had to

say, or what supplications they made, they destroyed them. You may, if

you please, come into the city, though not in the way of war, and take

a view of the marks still remaining of what I now say, and may see the

houses that have been depopulated by their rapacious hands, with those

wives and families that are in black, mourning for their slaughtered

relations; as also you may hear their groans and lamentations all the

city over; for there is nobody but hath tasted of the incursions of

these profane wretches, who have proceeded to that degree of madness,

as not only to have transferred their impudent robberies out of the

country, and the remote cities, into this city, the very face and head

of the whole nation, but out of the city into the temple also; for that

is now made their receptacle and refuge, and the fountain-head whence

their preparations are made against us. And this place, which is adored

by the habitable world, and honored by such as only know it by report,

as far as the ends of the earth, is trampled upon by these wild beasts

born among ourselves. They now triumph in the desperate condition they

are already in, when they hear that one people is going to fight against

another people, and one city against another city, and that your nation

hath gotten an army together against its own bowels. Instead of which

procedure, it were highly fit and reasonable, as I said before, for you

to join with us in cutting off these wretches, and in particular to

be revenged on them for putting this very cheat upon you; I mean, for

having the impudence to invite you to assist them, of whom they ought to

have stood in fear, as ready to punish them. But if you have some regard

to these men's invitation of you, yet may you lay aside your arms, and

come into the city under the notion of our kindred, and take upon you

a middle name between that of auxiliaries and of enemies, and so become

judges in this case. However, consider what these men will gain by being

called into judgment before you, for such undeniable and such flagrant

crimes, who would not vouchsafe to hear such as had no accusations laid

against them to speak a word for themselves. However, let them gain this

advantage by your coming. But still, if you will neither take our part

in that indignation we have at these men, nor judge between us, the

third thing I have to propose is this, that you let us both alone,

and neither insult upon our calamities, nor abide with these plotters

against their metropolis; for though you should have ever so great a

suspicion that some of us have discoursed with the Romans, it is in your

power to watch the passages into the city; and in case any thing that we

have been accused of is brought to light, then to come and defend your

metropolis, and to inflict punishment on those that are found guilty;

for the enemy cannot prevent you who are so near to the city. But if,

after all, none of these proposals seem acceptable and moderate, do not

you wonder that the gates are shut against you, while you bear your arms

about you."

4. Thus spake Jesus; yet did not the multitude of the Idumeans give any

attention to what he said, but were in a rage, because they did not meet

with a ready entrance into the city. The generals also had indignation

at the offer of laying down their arms, and looked upon it as equal to

a captivity, to throw them away at any man's injunction whomsoever.

But Simon, the son of Cathlas, one of their commanders, with much ado

quieted the tumult of his own men, and stood so that the high priests

might hear him, and said as follows: "I can no longer wonder that the

patrons of liberty are under custody in the temple, since there are

those that shut the gates of our common city 8 to their own nation, and

at the same time are prepared to admit the Romans into it; nay, perhaps

are disposed to crown the gates with garlands at their coming, while

they speak to the Idumeans from their own towers, and enjoin them to

throw down their arms which they have taken up for the preservation of

its liberty. And while they will not intrust the guard of our metropolis

to their kindred, profess to make them judges of the differences that

are among them; nay, while they accuse some men of having slain others

without a legal trial, they do themselves condemn a whole nation after

an ignominious manner, and have now walled up that city from their

own nation, which used to be open to even all foreigners that came to

worship there. We have indeed come in great haste to you, and to a war

against our own countrymen; and the reason why we have made such haste

is this, that we may preserve that freedom which you are so unhappy

as to betray. You have probably been guilty of the like crimes against

those whom you keep in custody, and have, I suppose, collected together

the like plausible pretenses against them also that you make use of

against us; after which you have gotten the mastery of those within the

temple, and keep them in custody, while they are only taking care of

the public affairs. You have also shut the gates of the city in general

against nations that are the most nearly related to you; and while you

give such injurious commands to others, you complain that you have been

tyrannized over by them, and fix the name of unjust governors upon such

as are tyrannized over by yourselves. Who can bear this your abuse of

words, while they have a regard to the contrariety of your actions,

unless you mean this, that those Idumeans do now exclude you out of

your metropolis, whom you exclude from the sacred offices of your own

country? One may indeed justly complain of those that are besieged in

the temple, that when they had courage enough to punish those tyrants

whom you call eminent men, and free from any accusations, because of

their being your companions in wickedness, they did not begin with you,

and thereby cut off beforehand the most dangerous parts of this treason.

But if these men have been more merciful than the public necessity

required, we that are Idumeans will preserve this house of God, and will

fight for our common country, and will oppose by war as well those that

attack them from abroad, as those that betray them from within. Here

will we abide before the walls in our armor, until either the Romans

grow weary in waiting for you, or you become friends to liberty, and

repent of what you have done against it."

5. And now did the Idumeans make an acclamation to what Simon had said;

but Jesus went away sorrowful, as seeing that the Idumeans were against

all moderate counsels, and that the city was besieged on both sides. Nor

indeed were the minds of the Idumeans at rest; for they were in a rage

at the injury that had been offered them by their exclusion out of the

city; and when they thought the zealots had been strong, but saw nothing

of theirs to support them, they were in doubt about the matter, and many

of them repented that they had come thither. But the shame that would

attend them in case they returned without doing any thing at all, so far

overcame that their repentance, that they lay all night before the wall,

though in a very bad encampment; for there broke out a prodigious storm

in the night, with the utmost violence, and very strong winds, with

the largest showers of rain, with continued lightnings, terrible

thunderings, and amazing concussions and bellowings of the earth, that

was in an earthquake. These things were a manifest indication that some

destruction was coming upon men, when the system of the world was

put into this disorder; and any one would guess that these wonders

foreshowed some grand calamities that were coming.

6. Now the opinion of the Idumeans and of the citizens was one and the

same. The Idumeans thought that God was angry at their taking arms, and

that they would not escape punishment for their making war upon their

metropolis. Ananus and his party thought that they had conquered without

fighting, and that God acted as a general for them; but truly they

proved both ill conjectures at what was to come, and made those events

to be ominous to their enemies, while they were themselves to undergo

the ill effects of them; for the Idumeans fenced one another by uniting

their bodies into one band, and thereby kept themselves warm, and

connecting their shields over their heads, were not so much hurt by the

rain. But the zealots were more deeply concerned for the danger these

men were in than they were for themselves, and got together, and looked

about them to see whether they could devise any means of assisting them.

The hotter sort of them thought it best to force their guards with their

arms, and after that to fall into the midst of the city, and publicly

open the gates to those that came to their assistance; as supposing the

guards would be in disorder, and give way at such an unexpected attempt

of theirs, especially as the greater part of them were unarmed and

unskilled in the affairs of war; and that besides the multitude of the

citizens would not be easily gathered together, but confined to

their houses by the storm: and that if there were any hazard in their

undertaking, it became them to suffer any thing whatsoever themselves,

rather than to overlook so great a multitude as were miserably perishing

on their account. But the more prudent part of them disapproved of this

forcible method, because they saw not only the guards about them very

numerous, but the walls of the city itself carefully watched, by reason

of the Idumeans. They also supposed that Ananus would be every where,

and visit the guards every hour; which indeed was done upon other

nights, but was omitted that night, not by reason of any slothfulness

of Ananus, but by the overbearing appointment of fate, that so both he

might himself perish, and the multitude of the guards might perish with

him; for truly, as the night was far gone, and the storm very terrible,

Ananus gave the guards in the cloisters leave to go to sleep; while it

came into the heads of the zealots to make use of the saws belonging to

the temple, and to cut the bars of the gates to pieces. The noise of the

wind, and that not inferior sound of the thunder, did here also conspire

with their designs, that the noise of the saws was not heard by the

others.

7. So they secretly went out of the temple to the wall of the city, and

made use of their saws, and opened that gate which was over against the

Idumeans. Now at first there came a fear upon the Idumeans themselves,

which disturbed them, as imagining that Ananus and his party were coming

to attack them, so that every one of them had his right hand upon his

sword, in order to defend himself; but they soon came to know who they

were that came to them, and were entered the city. And had the Idumeans

then fallen upon the city, nothing could have hindered them from

destroying the people every man of them, such was the rage they were in

at that time; but as they first of all made haste to get the zealots out

of custody, which those that brought them in earnestly desired them to

do, and not to overlook those for whose sakes they were come, in the

midst of their distresses, nor to bring them into a still greater

danger; for that when they had once seized upon the guards, it would

be easy for them to fall upon the city; but that if the city were once

alarmed, they would not then be able to overcome those guards, because

as soon as they should perceive they were there, they would put

themselves in order to fight them, and would hinder their coming into

the temple.

CHAPTER V.

The Cruelty Of The Idumeans When They Were Gotten Into The

Temple During The Storm; And Of The Zealots. Concerning The

Slaughter Of Ananus, And Jesus, And Zacharias; And How The

Idumeans Retired Home.

1. This advice pleased the Idumeans, and they ascended through the

city to the temple. The zealots were also in great expectation of

their coming, and earnestly waited for them. When therefore these were

entering, they also came boldly out of the inner temple, and mixing

themselves among the Idumeans, they attacked the guards; and some of

those that were upon the watch, but were fallen asleep, they killed as

they were asleep; but as those that were now awakened made a cry, the

whole multitude arose, and in the amazement they were in caught hold of

their arms immediately, and betook themselves to their own defense; and

so long as they thought they were only the zealots who attacked them,

they went on boldly, as hoping to overpower them by their numbers; but

when they saw others pressing in upon them also, they perceived the

Idumeans were got in; and the greatest part of them laid aside

their arms, together with their courage, and betook themselves to

lamentations. But some few of the younger sort covered themselves

with their armor, and valiantly received the Idumeans, and for a while

protected the multitude of old men. Others, indeed, gave a signal to

those that were in the city of the calamities they were in; but when

these were also made sensible that the Idumeans were come in, none of

them durst come to their assistance, only they returned the terrible

echo of wailing, and lamented their misfortunes. A great howling of the

women was excited also, and every one of the guards were in danger

of being killed. The zealots also joined in the shouts raised by the

Idumeans; and the storm itself rendered the cry more terrible; nor did

the Idumeans spare any body; for as they are naturally a most barbarous

and bloody nation, and had been distressed by the tempest, they made use

of their weapons against those that had shut the gates against them, and

acted in the same manner as to those that supplicated for their lives,

and to those that fought them, insomuch that they ran through those with

their swords who desired them to remember the relation there was between

them, and begged of them to have regard to their common temple. Now

there was at present neither any place for flight, nor any hope of

preservation; but as they were driven one upon another in heaps, so

were they slain. Thus the greater part were driven together by force, as

there was now no place of retirement, and the murderers were upon them;

and, having no other way, threw themselves down headlong into the city;

whereby, in my opinion, they underwent a more miserable destruction than

that which they avoided, because that was a voluntary one. And now the

outer temple was all of it overflowed with blood; and that day, as it

came on, they saw eight thousand five hundred dead bodies there.

2. But the rage of the Idumeans was not satiated by these slaughters;

but they now betook themselves to the city, and plundered every house,

and slew every one they met; and for the other multitude, they esteemed

it needless to go on with killing them, but they sought for the high

priests, and the generality went with the greatest zeal against them;

and as soon as they caught them they slew them, and then standing upon

their dead bodies, in way of jest, upbraided Ananus with his kindness to

the people, and Jesus with his speech made to them from the wall. Nay,

they proceeded to that degree of impiety, as to cast away their dead

bodies without burial, although the Jews used to take so much care of

the burial of men, that they took down those that were condemned and

crucified, and buried them before the going down of the sun. I should

not mistake if I said that the death of Ananus was the beginning of the

destruction of the city, and that from this very day may be dated the

overthrow of her wall, and the ruin of her affairs, whereon they saw

their high priest, and the procurer of their preservation, slain in the

midst of their city. He was on other accounts also a venerable, and a

very just man; and besides the grandeur of that nobility, and dignity,

and honor of which he was possessed, he had been a lover of a kind

of parity, even with regard to the meanest of the people; he was

a prodigious lover of liberty, and an admirer of a democracy in

government; and did ever prefer the public welfare before his own

advantage, and preferred peace above all things; for he was thoroughly

sensible that the Romans were not to be conquered. He also foresaw

that of necessity a war would follow, and that unless the Jews made up

matters with them very dexterously, they would be destroyed; to say

all in a word, if Ananus had survived, they had certainly compounded

matters; for he was a shrewd man in speaking and persuading the people,

and had already gotten the mastery of those that opposed his designs, or

were for the war. And the Jews had then put abundance of delays in the

way of the Romans, if they had had such a general as he was. Jesus

was also joined with him; and although he was inferior to him upon the

comparison, he was superior to the rest; and I cannot but think that it

was because God had doomed this city to destruction, as a polluted city,

and was resolved to purge his sanctuary by fire, that he cut off these

their great defenders and well-wishers, while those that a little before

had worn the sacred garments, and had presided over the public worship;

and had been esteemed venerable by those that dwelt on the whole

habitable earth when they came into our city, were cast out naked, and

seen to be the food of dogs and wild beasts. And I cannot but imagine

that virtue itself groaned at these men's case, and lamented that she

was here so terribly conquered by wickedness. And this at last was the

end of Ananus and Jesus.

3. Now after these were slain, the zealots and the multitude of the

Idumeans fell upon the people as upon a flock of profane animals, and

cut their throats; and for the ordinary sort, they were destroyed in

what place soever they caught them. But for the noblemen and the youth,

they first caught them and bound them, and shut them up in prison, and

put off their slaughter, in hopes that some of them would turn over to

their party; but not one of them would comply with their desires, but

all of them preferred death before being enrolled among such wicked

wretches as acted against their own country. But this refusal of theirs

brought upon them terrible torments; for they were so scourged and

tortured, that their bodies were not able to sustain their torments,

till at length, and with difficulty, they had the favor to be slain.

Those whom they caught in the day time were slain in the night, and then

their bodies were carried out and thrown away, that there might be room

for other prisoners; and the terror that was upon the people was so

great, that no one had courage enough either to weep openly for the dead

man that was related to him, or to bury him; but those that were shut up

in their own houses could only shed tears in secret, and durst not even

groan without great caution, lest any of their enemies should hear them;

for if they did, those that mourned for others soon underwent the same

death with those whom they mourned for. Only in the night time they

would take up a little dust, and throw it upon their bodies; and even

some that were the most ready to expose themselves to danger would do it

in the day time: and there were twelve thousand of the better sort who

perished in this manner.

4. And now these zealots and Idumeans were quite weary of barely killing

men, so they had the impudence of setting up fictitious tribunals and

judicatures for that purpose; and as they intended to have Zacharias 9

the son of Baruch, one of the most eminent of the citizens, slain, so

what provoked them against him was, that hatred of wickedness and love

of liberty which were so eminent in him: he was also a rich man, so that

by taking him off, they did not only hope to seize his effects, but

also to get rid of a mall that had great power to destroy them. So they

called together, by a public proclamation, seventy of the principal men

of the populace, for a show, as if they were real judges, while they had

no proper authority. Before these was Zacharias accused of a design

to betray their polity to the Romans, and having traitorously sent to

Vespasian for that purpose. Now there appeared no proof or sign of

what he was accused; but they affirmed themselves that they were well

persuaded that so it was, and desired that such their affirmation might

be taken for sufficient evidence. Now when Zacharias clearly saw that

there was no way remaining for his escape from them, as having been

treacherously called before them, and then put in prison, but not with

any intention of a legal trial, he took great liberty of speech in that

despair of his life he was under. Accordingly he stood up, and laughed

at their pretended accusation, and in a few words confuted the crimes

laid to his charge; after which he turned his speech to his accusers,

and went over distinctly all their transgressions of the law, and made

heavy lamentation upon the confusion they had brought public affairs

to: in the mean time, the zealots grew tumultuous, and had much ado to

abstain from drawing their swords, although they designed to preserve

the appearance and show of judicature to the end. They were also

desirous, on other accounts, to try the judges, whether they would be

mindful of what was just at their own peril. Now the seventy judges

brought in their verdict that the person accused was not guilty, as

choosing rather to die themselves with him, than to have his death laid

at their doors; hereupon there arose a great clamor of the zealots

upon his acquittal, and they all had indignation at the judges for not

understanding that the authority that was given them was but in jest.

So two of the boldest of them fell upon Zacharias in the middle of the

temple, and slew him; and as he fell down dead, they bantered him,

and said, "Thou hast also our verdict, and this will prove a more sure

acquittal to thee than the other." They also threw him down from the

temple immediately into the valley beneath it. Moreover, they struck the

judges with the backs of their swords, by way of abuse, and thrust them

out of the court of the temple, and spared their lives with no other

design than that, when they were dispersed among the people in the city,

they might become their messengers, to let them know they were no better

than slaves.

5. But by this time the Idumeans repented of their coming, and were

displeased at what had been done; and when they were assembled together

by one of the zealots, who had come privately to them, he declared

to them what a number of wicked pranks they had themselves done in

conjunction with those that invited them, and gave a particular account

of what mischiefs had been done against their metropolis. He said that

they had taken arms, as though the high priests were betraying their

metropolis to the Romans, but had found no indication of any such

treachery; but that they had succored those that had pretended to

believe such a thing, while they did themselves the works of war and

tyranny, after an insolent manner. It had been indeed their business to

have hindered them from such their proceedings at the first, but seeing

they had once been partners with them in shedding the blood of their

own countrymen, it was high time to put a stop to such crimes, and not

continue to afford any more assistance to such as are subverting the

laws of their forefathers; for that if any had taken it ill that the

gates had been shut against them, and they had not been permitted to

come into the city, yet that those who had excluded them have been

punished, and Ananus is dead, and that almost all those people had been

destroyed in one night's time. That one may perceive many of themselves

now repenting for what they had done, and might see the horrid barbarity

of those that had invited them, and that they had no regard to such as

had saved them; that they were so impudent as to perpetrate the vilest

things, under the eyes of those that had supported them, and that their

wicked actions would be laid to the charge of the Idumeans, and would

be so laid to their charge till somebody obstructs their proceedings, or

separates himself from the same wicked action; that they therefore ought

to retire home, since the imputation of treason appears to be a Calumny,

and that there was no expectation of the coming of the Romans at this

time, and that the government of the city was secured by such walls as

cannot easily be thrown down; and, by avoiding any further fellowship

with these bad men, to make some excuse for themselves, as to what they

had been so far deluded, as to have been partners with them hitherto.

CHAPTER 6.

How The Zealots When They Were Freed From The Idumeans, Slew

A Great Many More Of The Citizens; And How Vespasian

Dissuaded The Romans When They Were Very Earnest To March

Against The Jews From Proceeding In The War At That Time.

1. The Idumeans complied with these persuasions; and, in the first

place, they set those that were in the prisons at liberty, being about

two thousand of the populace, who thereupon fled away immediately to

Simon, one whom we shall speak of presently. After which these Idumeans

retired from Jerusalem, and went home; which departure of theirs was

a great surprise to both parties; for the people, not knowing of their

repentance, pulled up their courage for a while, as eased of so many of

their enemies, while the zealots grew more insolent not as deserted by

their confederates, but as freed from such men as might hinder their

designs, and plot some stop to their wickedness. Accordingly, they

made no longer any delay, nor took any deliberation in their enormous

practices, but made use of the shortest methods for all their executions

and what they had once resolved upon, they put in practice sooner than

any one could imagine. But their thirst was chiefly after the blood

of valiant men, and men of good families; the one sort of which they

destroyed out of envy, the other out of fear; for they thought their

whole security lay in leaving no potent men alive; on which account they

slew Gorion, a person eminent in dignity, and on account of his family

also; he was also for democracy, and of as great boldness and freedom

of spirit as were any of the Jews whosoever; the principal thing that

ruined him, added to his other advantages, was his free speaking. Nor

did Niger of Peres escape their hands; he had been a man of great valor

in their war with the Romans, but was now drawn through the middle of

the city, and, as he went, he frequently cried out, and showed the scars

of his wounds; and when he was drawn out of the gates, and despaired of

his preservation, he besought them to grant him a burial; but as they

had threatened him beforehand not to grant him any spot of earth for a

grave, which he chiefly desired of them, so did they slay him [without

permitting him to be buried]. Now when they were slaying him, he made

this imprecation upon them, that they might undergo both famine and

pestilence in this war, and besides all that, they might come to the

mutual slaughter of one another; all which imprecations God confirmed

against these impious men, and was what came most justly upon them,

when not long afterward they tasted of their own madness in their mutual

seditions one against another. So when this Niger was killed, their

fears of being overturned were diminished; and indeed there was no part

of the people but they found out some pretense to destroy them; for

some were therefore slain, because they had had differences with some of

them; and as to those that had not opposed them in times of peace, they

watched seasonable opportunities to gain some accusation against

them; and if any one did not come near them at all, he was under their

suspicion as a proud man; if any one came with boldness, he was esteemed

a contemner of them; and if any one came as aiming to oblige them, he

was supposed to have some treacherous plot against them; while the only

punishment of crimes, whether they were of the greatest or smallest

sort, was death. Nor could any one escape, unless he were very

inconsiderable, either on account of the meanness of his birth, or on

account of his fortune.

2. And now all the rest of the commanders of the Romans deemed this

sedition among their enemies to be of great advantage to them, and were

very earnest to march to the city, and they urged Vespasian, as their

lord and general in all cases, to make haste, and said to him, that "the

providence of God is on our side, by setting our enemies at variance

against one another; that still the change in such cases may be sudden,

and the Jews may quickly be at one again, either because they may be

tired out with their civil miseries, or repent them of such doings." But

Vespasian replied, that they were greatly mistaken in what they thought

fit to be done, as those that, upon the theater, love to make a show

of their hands, and of their weapons, but do it at their own hazard,

without considering, what was for their advantage, and for their

security; for that if they now go and attack the city immediately, "they

shall but occasion their enemies to unite together, and shall convert

their force, now it is in its height, against themselves. But if they

stay a while, they shall have fewer enemies, because they will be

consumed in this sedition: that God acts as a general of the Romans

better than he can do, and is giving the Jews up to them without any

pains of their own, and granting their army a victory without any

danger; that therefore it is their best way, while their enemies

are destroying each other with their own hands, and falling into the

greatest of misfortunes, which is that of sedition, to sit still as

spectators of the dangers they run into, rather than to fight hand to

hand with men that love murdering, and are mad one against another. But

if any one imagines that the glory of victory, when it is gotten without

fighting, will be more insipid, let him know this much, that a glorious

success, quietly obtained, is more profitable than the dangers of

a battle; for we ought to esteem these that do what is agreeable to

temperance and prudence no less glorious than those that have gained

great reputation by their actions in war: that he shall lead on his army

with greater force when their enemies are diminished, and his own army

refreshed after the continual labors they had undergone. However, that

this is not a proper time to propose to ourselves the glory of victory;

for that the Jews are not now employed in making of armor or building of

walls, nor indeed in getting together auxiliaries, while the advantage

will be on their side who give them such opportunity of delay; but

that the Jews are vexed to pieces every day by their civil wars and

dissensions, and are under greater miseries than, if they were once

taken, could be inflicted on them by us. Whether therefore any one

hath regard to what is for our safety, he ought to suffer these Jews to

destroy one another; or whether he hath regard to the greater glory of

the action, we ought by no means to meddle with those men, now they are

afflicted with a distemper at home; for should we now conquer them, it

would be said the conquest was not owing to our bravery, but to their

sedition." 10

3. And now the commanders joined in their approbation of what Vespasian

had said, and it was soon discovered how wise an opinion he had given.

And indeed many there were of the Jews that deserted every day, and fled

away from the zealots, although their flight was very difficult, since

they had guarded every passage out of the city, and slew every one that

was caught at them, as taking it for granted they were going over to the

Romans; yet did he who gave them money get clear off, while he only that

gave them none was voted a traitor. So the upshot was this, that the

rich purchased their flight by money, while none but the poor were

slain. Along all the roads also vast numbers of dead bodies lay in

heaps, and even many of those that were so zealous in deserting at

length chose rather to perish within the city; for the hopes of burial

made death in their own city appear of the two less terrible to them.

But these zealots came at last to that degree of barbarity, as not to

bestow a burial either on those slain in the city, or on those that lay

along the roads; but as if they had made an agreement to cancel both the

laws of their country and the laws of nature, and, at the same time

that they defiled men with their wicked actions, they would pollute the

Divinity itself also, they left the dead bodies to putrefy under the

sun; and the same punishment was allotted to such as buried any as

to those that deserted, which was no other than death; while he that

granted the favor of a grave to another would presently stand in need

of a grave himself. To say all in a word, no other gentle passion was so

entirely lost among them as mercy; for what were the greatest objects of

pity did most of all irritate these wretches, and they transferred their

rage from the living to those that had been slain, and from the dead

to the living. Nay, the terror was so very great, that he who survived

called them that were first dead happy, as being at rest already; as did

those that were under torture in the prisons, declare, that, upon

this comparison, those that lay unburied were the happiest. These men,

therefore, trampled upon all the laws of men, and laughed at the laws

of God; and for the oracles of the prophets, they ridiculed them as

the tricks of jugglers; yet did these prophets foretell many things

concerning [the rewards of] virtue, and [punishments of] vice, which

when these zealots violated, they occasioned the fulfilling of those

very prophecies belonging to their own country; for there was a certain

ancient oracle of those men, that the city should then be taken and

the sanctuary burnt, by right of war, when a sedition should invade the

Jews, and their own hand should pollute the temple of God. Now while

these zealots did not [quite] disbelieve these predictions, they made

themselves the instruments of their accomplishment.

CHAPTER 7.

How John Tyrannized Over The Rest; And What Mischiefs The

Zealots Did At Masada. How Also Vespasian Took Gadara; And

What Actions Were Performed By Placidus.

1. By this time John was beginning to tyrannize, and thought it beneath

him to accept of barely the same honors that others had; and joining to

himself by degrees a party of the wickedest of them all, he broke

off from the rest of the faction. This was brought about by his still

disagreeing with the opinions of others, and giving out injunctions

of his own, in a very imperious manner; so that it was evident he was

setting up a monarchical power. Now some submitted to him out of their

fear of him, and others out of their good-will to him; for he was a

shrewd man to entice men to him, both by deluding them and putting

cheats upon them. Nay, many there were that thought they should be safer

themselves, if the causes of their past insolent actions should now be

reduced to one head, and not to a great many. His activity was so great,

and that both in action and in counsel, that he had not a few guards

about him; yet was there a great party of his antagonists that left him;

among whom envy at him weighed a great deal, while they thought it a

very heavy thing to be in subjection to one that was formerly their

equal. But the main reason that moved men against him was the dread of

monarchy, for they could not hope easily to put an end to his power,

if he had once obtained it; and yet they knew that he would have this

pretense always against them, that they had opposed him when he was

first advanced; while every one chose rather to suffer any thing

whatsoever in war, than that, when they had been in a voluntary slavery

for some time, they should afterward perish. So the sedition was divided

into two parts, and John reigned in opposition to his adversaries over

one of them: but for their leaders, they watched one another, nor

did they at all, or at least very little, meddle with arms in their

quarrels; but they fought earnestly against the people, and contended

one with another which of them should bring home the greatest prey. But

because the city had to struggle with three of the greatest misfortunes,

war, and tyranny, and sedition, it appeared, upon the comparison,

that the war was the least troublesome to the populace of them all.

Accordingly, they ran away from their own houses to foreigners, and

obtained that preservation from the Romans which they despaired to

obtain among their own people.

2. And now a fourth misfortune arose, in order to bring our nation to

destruction. There was a fortress of very great strength not far

from Jerusalem, which had been built by our ancient kings, both as

a repository for their effects in the hazards of war, and for the

preservation of their bodies at the same time. It was called Masada.

Those that were called Sicarii had taken possession of it formerly,

but at this time they overran the neighboring countries, aiming only

to procure to themselves necessaries; for the fear they were then in

prevented their further ravages. But when once they were informed

that the Roman army lay still, and that the Jews were divided between

sedition and tyranny, they boldly undertook greater matters; and at the

feast of unleavened bread, which the Jews celebrate in memory of their

deliverance from the Egyptian bondage, when they were sent back into

the country of their forefathers, they came down by night, without

being discovered by those that could have prevented them, and overran a

certain small city called Engaddi:--in which expedition they prevented

those citizens that could have stopped them, before they could arm

themselves, and fight them. They also dispersed them, and cast them

out of the city. As for such as could not run away, being women and

children, they slew of them above seven hundred. Afterward, when they

had carried every thing out of their houses, and had seized upon all

the fruits that were in a flourishing condition, they brought them into

Masada. And indeed these men laid all the villages that were about the

fortress waste, and made the whole country desolate; while there came to

them every day, from all parts, not a few men as corrupt as themselves.

At that time all the other regions of Judea that had hitherto been at

rest were in motion, by means of the robbers. Now as it is in a human

body, if the principal part be inflamed, all the members are subject to

the same distemper; so, by means of the sedition and disorder that

was in the metropolis,. had the wicked men that were in the country

opportunity to ravage the same. Accordingly, when every one of them had

plundered their own villages, they then retired into the desert; yet

were these men that now got together, and joined in the conspiracy by

parties, too small for an army, and too many for a gang of thieves: and

thus did they fall upon the holy places 11 and the cities; yet did it

now so happen that they were sometimes very ill treated by those upon

whom they fell with such violence, and were taken by them as men are

taken in war: but still they prevented any further punishment as do

robbers, who, as soon as their ravages [are discovered], run their

way. Nor was there now any part of Judea that was not in a miserable

condition, as well as its most eminent city also.

3. These things were told Vespasian by deserters; for although the

seditious watched all the passages out of the city, and destroyed all,

whosoever they were, that came thither, yet were there some that had

concealed themselves, and when they had fled to the Romans, persuaded

their general to come to their city's assistance, and save the remainder

of the people; informing him withal, that it was upon account of the

people's good-will to the Romans that many of them were already slain,

and the survivors in danger of the same treatment. Vespasian did indeed

already pity the calamities these men were in, and arose, in appearance,

as though he was going to besiege Jerusalem, but in reality to deliver

them from a [worse] siege they were already under. However, he was

obliged first to overthrow what remained elsewhere, and to leave nothing

out of Jerusalem behind him that might interrupt him in that siege.

Accordingly, he marched against Gadara, the metropolis of Perea, which

was a place of strength, and entered that city on the fourth day of the

month Dystrus [Adar]; for the men of power had sent an embassage to

him, without the knowledge of the seditious, to treat about a surrender;

which they did out of the desire they had of peace, and for saving their

effects, because many of the citizens of Gadara were rich men. This

embassy the opposite party knew nothing of, but discovered it as

Vespasian was approaching near the city. However, they despaired of

keeping possession of the city, as being inferior in number to their

enemies who were within the city, and seeing the Romans very near to

the city; so they resolved to fly, but thought it dishonorable to do it

without shedding some blood, and revenging themselves on the authors

of this surrender; so they seized upon Dolesus, [a person not only the

first in rank and family in that city, but one that seemed the occasion

of sending such an embassy,] and slew him, and treated his dead body

after a barbarous manner, so very violent was their anger at him, and

then ran out of the city. And as now the Roman army was just upon them,

the people of Gadara admitted Vespasian with joyful acclamations, and

received from him the security of his right hand, as also a garrison

of horsemen and footmen, to guard them against the excursions of the

runagates; for as to their wall, they had pulled it down before

the Romans desired them so to do, that they might thereby give them

assurance that they were lovers of peace, and that, if they had a mind,

they could not now make war against them.

4. And now Vespasian sent Placidus against those that had fled from

Gadara, with five hundred horsemen, and three thousand footmen, while he

returned himself to Cesarea, with the rest of the army. But as soon

as these fugitives saw the horsemen that pursued them just upon their

backs, and before they came to a close fight, they ran together to a

certain village, which was called Bethennabris, where finding a great

multitude of young men, and arming them, partly by their own consent,

partly by force, they rashly and suddenly assaulted Placidus and the

troops that were with him. These horsemen at the first onset gave way a

little, as contriving to entice them further off the wall; and when they

had drawn them into a place fit for their purpose, they made their horse

encompass them round, and threw their darts at them. So the horsemen cut

off the flight of the fugitives, while the foot terribly destroyed those

that fought against them; for those Jews did no more than show their

courage, and then were destroyed; for as they fell upon the Romans when

they were joined close together, and, as it were, walled about with

their entire armor, they were not able to find any place where the darts

could enter, nor were they any way able to break their ranks, while they

were themselves run through by the Roman darts, and, like the wildest

of wild beasts, rushed upon the point of others' swords; so some of them

were destroyed, as cut with their enemies' swords upon their faces, and

others were dispersed by the horsemen.

5. Now Placidus's concern was to exclude them in their flight from

getting into the village; and causing his horse to march continually on

that side of them, he then turned short upon them, and at the same time

his men made use of their darts, and easily took their aim at those that

were the nearest to them, as they made those that were further off turn

back by the terror they were in, till at last the most courageous of

them brake through those horsemen and fled to the wall of the village.

And now those that guarded the wall were in great doubt what to do;

for they could not bear the thoughts of excluding those that came from

Gadara, because of their own people that were among them; and yet, if

they should admit them, they expected to perish with them, which came

to pass accordingly; for as they were crowding together at the wall, the

Roman horsemen were just ready to fall in with them. However, the guards

prevented them, and shut the gates, when Placidus made an assault upon

them, and fighting courageously till it was dark, he got possession

of the wall, and of the people that were in the city, when the useless

multitude were destroyed; but those that were more potent ran away, and

the soldiers plundered the houses, and set the village on fire. As for

those that ran out of the village, they stirred up such as were in the

country, and exaggerating their own calamities, and telling them that

the whole army of the Romans were upon them, they put them into great

fear on every side; so they got in great numbers together, and fled to

Jericho, for they knew no other place that could afford them any hope of

escaping, it being a city that had a strong wall, and a great multitude

of inhabitants. But Placidus, relying much upon his horsemen, and his

former good success, followed them, and slew all that he overtook,

as far as Jordan; and when he had driven the whole multitude to the

river-side, where they were stopped by the current, [for it had been

augmented lately by rains, and was not fordable,] he put his soldiers

in array over against them; so the necessity the others were in provoked

them to hazard a battle, because there was no place whither they could

flee. They then extended themselves a very great way along the banks of

the river, and sustained the darts that were thrown at them, as well as

the attacks of the horsemen, who beat many of them, and pushed them into

the current. At which fight, hand to hand, fifteen thousand of them were

slain, while the number of those that were unwillingly forced to leap

into Jordan was prodigious. There were besides two thousand and two

hundred taken prisoners. A mighty prey was taken also, consisting of

asses, and sheep, and camels, and oxen.

6. Now this destruction that fell upon the Jews, as it was not inferior

to any of the rest in itself, so did it still appear greater than it

really was; and this, because not only the whole country through which

they fled was filled with slaughter, and Jordan could not be passed

over, by reason of the dead bodies that were in it, but because the lake

Asphaltites was also full of dead bodies, that were carried down into

it by the river. And now Placidus, after this good success that he had,

fell violently upon the neighboring smaller cities and villages; when he

took Abila, and Julias, and Bezemoth, and all those that lay as far as

the lake Asphaltites, and put such of the deserters into each of them as

he thought proper. He then put his soldiers on board the ships, and

slew such as had fled to the lake, insomuch that all Perea had

either surrendered themselves, or were taken by the Romans, as far as

Machaerus.

CHAPTER 8.

How Vespasian Upon Hearing Of Some Commotions In Gall, <a

href="#link4note-12" name="link4noteref-12" id="link4noteref-12">12</a>

Made Haste To Finish The Jewish War. A Description Of

Jericho, And Of The Great Plain; With An Account Besides Of

The Lake Asphaltites.

1. In the mean time, an account came that there were commotions in Gall,

and that Vindex, together with the men of power in that country, had

revolted from Nero; which affair is more accurately described elsewhere.

This report, thus related to Vespasian, excited him to go on briskly

with the war; for he foresaw already the civil wars which were coming

upon them, nay, that the very government was in danger; and he thought,

if he could first reduce the eastern parts of the empire to peace, he

should make the fears for Italy the lighter; while therefore the winter

was his hinderance [from going into the field], he put garrisons into

the villages and smaller cities for their security; he put decurions

also into the villages, and centurions into the cities: he besides

this rebuilt many of the cities that had been laid waste; but at the

beginning of the spring he took the greatest part of his army, and led

it from Cesarea to Antipatris, where he spent two days in settling the

affairs of that city, and then, on the third day, he marched on, laying

waste and burning all the neighboring villages. And when he had laid

waste all the places about the toparchy of Thamnas, he passed on to

Lydda and Jamnia; and when both these cities had come over to him,

he placed a great many of those that had come over to him [from other

places] as inhabitants therein, and then came to Emmaus, where he seized

upon the passage which led thence to their metropolis, and fortified his

camp, and leaving the fifth legion therein, he came to the toparchy of

Bethletephon. He then destroyed that place, and the neighboring places,

by fire, and fortified, at proper places, the strong holds all about

Idumea; and when he had seized upon two villages, which were in the very

midst of Idumea, Betaris and Caphartobas, he slew above ten thousand of

the people, and carried into captivity above a thousand, and drove away

the rest of the multitude, and placed no small part of his own forces

in them, who overran and laid waste the whole mountainous country; while

he, with the rest of his forces, returned to Emmaus, whence he came down

through the country of Samaria, and hard by the city, by others called

Neapolis, [or Sichem,] but by the people of that country Mabortha, to

Corea, where he pitched his camp, on the second day of the month Desius

[Sivan]; and on the day following he came to Jericho; on which day

Trajan, one of his commanders, joined him with the forces he brought out

of Perea, all the places beyond Jordan being subdued already.

2. Hereupon a great multitude prevented their approach, and came out

of Jericho, and fled to those mountainous parts that lay over against

Jerusalem, while that part which was left behind was in a great measure

destroyed; they also found the city desolate. It is situated in a plain;

but a naked and barren mountain, of a very great length, hangs over it,

which extends itself to the land about Scythopolis northward, but as far

as the country of Sodom, and the utmost limits of the lake Asphaltites,

southward. This mountain is all of it very uneven and uninhabited, by

reason of its barrenness: there is an opposite mountain that is situated

over against it, on the other side of Jordan; this last begins at

Julias, and the northern quarters, and extends itself southward as far

as Somorrhon, 13 which is the bounds of Petra, in Arabia. In this ridge

of mountains there is one called the Iron Mountain, that runs in length

as far as Moab. Now the region that lies in the middle between these

ridges of mountains is called the Great Plain; it reaches from the

village Ginnabris, as far as the lake Asphaltites; its length is two

hundred and thirty furlongs, and its breadth a hundred and twenty, and

it is divided in the midst by Jordan. It hath two lakes in it, that of

Asphaltites, and that of Tiberias, whose natures are opposite to each

other; for the former is salt and unfruitful, but that of Tiberias is

sweet and fruitful. This plain is much burnt up in summer time, and, by

reason of the extraordinary heat, contains a very unwholesome air; it is

all destitute of water excepting the river Jordan, which water of Jordan

is the occasion why those plantations of palm trees that are near its

banks are more flourishing, and much more fruitful, as are those that

are remote from it not so flourishing, or fruitful.

3. Notwithstanding which, there is a fountain by Jericho, that runs

plentifully, and is very fit for watering the ground; it arises near

the old city, which Joshua, the son of Naue, the general of the Hebrews,

took the first of all the cities of the land of Canaan, by right of war.

The report is, that this fountain, at the beginning, caused not only the

blasting of the earth and the trees, but of the children born of women,

and that it was entirely of a sickly and corruptive nature to all

things whatsoever; but that it was made gentle, and very wholesome and

fruitful, by the prophet Elisha. This prophet was familiar with Elijah,

and was his successor, who, when he once was the guest of the people at

Jericho, and the men of the place had treated him very kindly, he both

made them amends as well as the country, by a lasting favor; for he went

out of the city to this fountain, and threw into the current an earthen

vessel full of salt; after which he stretched out his righteous hand

unto heaven, and, pouring out a mild drink-offering, he made this

supplication, That the current might be mollified, and that the veins of

fresh water might be opened; that God also would bring into the place

a more temperate and fertile air for the current, and would bestow upon

the people of that country plenty of the fruits of the earth, and a

succession of children; and that this prolific water might never fail

them, while they continued to be righteous. To these prayers Elisha

14 joined proper operations of his hands, after a skillful manner, and

changed the fountain; and that water, which had been the occasion of

barrenness and famine before, from that time did supply a numerous

posterity, and afforded great abundance to the country. Accordingly, the

power of it is so great in watering the ground, that if it do but once

touch a country, it affords a sweeter nourishment than other waters do,

when they lie so long upon them, till they are satiated with them. For

which reason, the advantage gained from other waters, when they flow in

great plenty, is but small, while that of this water is great when it

flows even in little quantities. Accordingly, it waters a larger space

of ground than any other waters do, and passes along a plain of seventy

furlongs long, and twenty broad; wherein it affords nourishment to those

most excellent gardens that are thick set with trees. There are in it

many sorts of palm trees that are watered by it, different from each

other in taste and name; the better sort of them, when they are pressed,

yield an excellent kind of honey, not much inferior in sweetness to

other honey. This country withal produces honey from bees; it also bears

that balsam which is the most precious of all the fruits in that place,

cypress trees also, and those that bear myrobalanum; so that he who

should pronounce this place to be divine would not be mistaken, wherein

is such plenty of trees produced as are very rare, and of the must

excellent sort. And indeed, if we speak of those other fruits, it will

not be easy to light on any climate in the habitable earth that can

well be compared to it, what is here sown comes up in such clusters;

the cause of which seems to me to be the warmth of the air, and the

fertility of the waters; the warmth calling forth the sprouts, and

making them spread, and the moisture making every one of them take root

firmly, and supplying that virtue which it stands in need of in summer

time. Now this country is then so sadly burnt up, that nobody cares to

come at it; and if the water be drawn up before sun-rising, and after

that exposed to the air, it becomes exceeding cold, and becomes of a

nature quite contrary to the ambient air; as in winter again it becomes

warm; and if you go into it, it appears very gentle. The ambient air is

here also of so good a temperature, that the people of the country are

clothed in linen-only, even when snow covers the rest of Judea. This

place is one hundred and fifty furlongs from Jerusalem, and sixty from

Jordan. The country, as far as Jerusalem, is desert and stony; but that

as far as Jordan and the lake Asphaltites lies lower indeed, though it

be equally desert and barren. But so much shall suffice to have said

about Jericho, and of the great happiness of its situation.

4. The nature of the lake Asphaltites is also worth describing. It is,

as I have said already, bitter and unfruitful. It is so light [or thick]

that it bears up the heaviest things that are thrown into it; nor is it

easy for any one to make things sink therein to the bottom, if he had a

mind so to do. Accordingly, when Vespasian went to see it, he commanded

that some who could not swim should have their hands tied behind them,

and be thrown into the deep, when it so happened that they all swam as

if a wind had forced them upwards. Moreover, the change of the color of

this lake is wonderful, for it changes its appearance thrice every

day; and as the rays of the sun fall differently upon it, the light is

variously reflected. However, it casts up black clods of bitumen in many

parts of it; these swim at the top of the water, and resemble both in

shape and bigness headless bulls; and when the laborers that belong to

the lake come to it, and catch hold of it as it hangs together, they

draw it into their ships; but when the ship is full, it is not easy to

cut off the rest, for it is so tenacious as to make the ship hang upon

its clods till they set it loose with the menstrual blood of women, and

with urine, to which alone it yields. This bitumen is not only

useful for the caulking of ships, but for the cure of men's bodies;

accordingly, it is mixed in a great many medicines. The length of this

lake is five hundred and eighty furlongs, where it is extended as far as

Zoar in Arabia; and its breadth is a hundred and fifty. The country of

Sodom borders upon it. It was of old a most happy land, both for the

fruits it bore and the riches of its cities, although it be now all

burnt up. It is related how, for the impiety of its inhabitants, it

was burnt by lightning; in consequence of which there are still the

remainders of that Divine fire, and the traces [or shadows] of the

five cities are still to be seen, as well as the ashes growing in their

fruits; which fruits have a color as if they were fit to be eaten, but

if you pluck them with your hands, they dissolve into smoke and ashes.

And thus what is related of this land of Sodom hath these marks of

credibility which our very sight affords us.

CHAPTER 9.

That Vespasian, After He Had Taken Gadara Made Preparation

For The Siege Of Jerusalem; But That, Upon His Hearing Of

The Death Of Nero, He Changed His Intentions. As Also

Concerning Simon Of Geras.

1. And now Vespasian had fortified all the places round about Jerusalem,

and erected citadels at Jericho and Adida, and placed garrisons in them

both, partly out of his own Romans, and partly out of the body of his

auxiliaries. He also sent Lucius Annius to Gerasa, and delivered to him

a body of horsemen, and a considerable number of footmen. So when he had

taken the city, which he did at the first onset, he slew a thousand of

those young men who had not prevented him by flying away; but he took

their families captive, and permitted his soldiers to plunder them of

their effects; after which he set fire to their houses, and went away to

the adjoining villages, while the men of power fled away, and the weaker

part were destroyed, and what was remaining was all burnt down. And now

the war having gone through all the mountainous country, and all the

plain country also, those that were at Jerusalem were deprived of

the liberty of going out of the city; for as to such as had a mind to

desert, they were watched by the zealots; and as to such as were not yet

on the side of the Romans, their army kept them in, by encompassing the

city round about on all sides.

2. Now as Vespasian was returned to Cesarea, and was getting ready with

all his army to march directly to Jerusalem, he was informed that Nero

was dead, after he had reigned thirteen years and eight days. But as to

any narration after what manner he abused his power in the government,

and committed the management of affairs to those vile wretches,

Nymphidius and Tigellinus, his unworthy freed-men; and how he had a plot

laid against him by them, and was deserted by all his guards, and ran

away with four of his most trusty freed-men, and slew himself in the

suburbs of Rome; and how those that occasioned his death were in no long

time brought themselves to punishment; how also the war in Gall ended;

and how Galba was made emperor 16 and returned out of Spain to Rome; and

how he was accused by the soldiers as a pusillanimous person, and slain

by treachery in the middle of the market-place at Rome, and Otho was

made emperor; with his expedition against the commanders of Vitellius,

and his destruction thereupon; and besides what troubles there were

under Vitellius, and the fight that was about the capitol; as also how

Antonius Primus and Mucianus slew Vitellius, and his German legions, and

thereby put an end to that civil war; I have omitted to give an exact

account of them, because they are well known by all, and they are

described by a great number of Greek and Roman authors; yet for the sake

of the connexion of matters, and that my history may not be incoherent,

I have just touched upon every thing briefly. Wherefore Vespasian put

off at first his expedition against Jerusalem, and stood waiting whither

the empire would be transferred after the death of Nero. Moreover, when

he heard that Galba was made emperor, he attempted nothing till he also

should send him some directions about the war: however, he sent his son

Titus to him, to salute him, and to receive his commands about the Jews.

Upon the very same errand did king Agrippa sail along with Titus to

Galba; but as they were sailing in their long ships by the coasts of

Achaia, for it was winter time, they heard that Galba was slain, before

they could get to him, after he had reigned seven months and as many

days. After whom Otho took the government, and undertook the management

of public affairs. So Agrippa resolved to go on to Rome without any

terror; on account of the change in the government; but Titus, by a

Divine impulse, sailed back from Greece to Syria, and came in great

haste to Cesarea, to his father. And now they were both in suspense

about the public affairs, the Roman empire being then in a fluctuating

condition, and did not go on with their expedition against the Jews, but

thought that to make any attack upon foreigners was now unseasonable, on

account of the solicitude they were in for their own country.

3. And now there arose another war at Jerusalem. There was a son of

Giora, one Simon, by birth of Gerasa, a young man, not so cunning

indeed as John [of Gisehala], who had already seized upon the city, but

superior in strength of body and courage; on which account, when he had

been driven away from that Acrabattene toparchy, which he once had, by

Ananus the high priest, he came to those robbers who had seized upon

Masada. At the first they suspected him, and only permitted him to come

with the women he brought with him into the lower part of the fortress,

while they dwelt in the upper part of it themselves. However, his manner

so well agreed with theirs, and he seemed so trusty a man, that he went

out with them, and ravaged and destroyed the country with them about

Masada; yet when he persuaded them to undertake greater things, he could

not prevail with them so to do; for as they were accustomed to dwell in

that citadel, they were afraid of going far from that which was

their hiding-place; but he affecting to tyrannize, and being fond of

greatness, when he had heard of the death of Ananus, he left them, and

went into the mountainous part of the country. So he proclaimed liberty

to those in slavery, and a reward to those already free, and got

together a set of wicked men from all quarters.

4. And as he had now a strong body of men about him, he overran the

villages that lay in the mountainous country, and when there were still

more and more that came to him, he ventured to go down into the lower

parts of the country, and since he was now become formidable to the

cities, many of the men of power were corrupted by him; so that his army

was no longer composed of slaves and robbers, but a great many of the

populace were obedient to him as to their king. He then overran the

Acrabattene toparchy, and the places that reached as far as the Great

Idumea; for he built a wall at a certain village called Nain, and made

use of that as a fortress for his own party's security; and at the

valley called Paran, he enlarged many of the caves, and many others he

found ready for his purpose; these he made use of as repositories for

his treasures, and receptacles for his prey, and therein he laid up the

fruits that he had got by rapine; and many of his partizans had their

dwelling in them; and he made no secret of it that he was exercising his

men beforehand, and making preparations for the assault of Jerusalem.

5. Whereupon the zealots, out of the dread they were in of his attacking

them, and being willing to prevent one that was growing up to oppose

them, went out against him with their weapons. Simon met them, and

joining battle with them, slew a considerable number of them, and drove

the rest before him into the city, but durst not trust so much upon his

forces as to make an assault upon the walls; but he resolved first to

subdue Idumea, and as he had now twenty thousand armed men, he marched

to the borders of their country. Hereupon the rulers of the Idumeans

got together on the sudden the most warlike part of their people, about

twenty-five thousand in number, and permitted the rest to be a guard

to their own country, by reason of the incursions that were made by the

Sicarii that were at Masada. Thus they received Simon at their borders,

where they fought him, and continued the battle all that day; and the

dispute lay whether they had conquered him, or been conquered by him. So

he went back to Nain, as did the Idumeans return home. Nor was it long

ere Simon came violently again upon their country; when he pitched his

camp at a certain village called Thecoe, and sent Eleazar, one of his

companions, to those that kept garrison at Herodium, and in order to

persuade them to surrender that fortress to him. The garrison received

this man readily, while they knew nothing of what he came about; but as

soon as he talked of the surrender of the place, they fell upon him with

their drawn swords, till he found that he had no place for flight, when

he threw himself down from the wall into the valley beneath; so he died

immediately: but the Idumeans, who were already much afraid of Simon's

power, thought fit to take a view of the enemy's army before they

hazarded a battle with them.

6. Now there was one of their commanders named Jacob, who offered to

serve them readily upon that occasion, but had it in his mind to betray

them. He went therefore from the village Alurus, wherein the army of the

Idumeans were gotten together, and came to Simon, and at the very first

he agreed to betray his country to him, and took assurances upon oath

from him that he should always have him in esteem, and then promised him

that he would assist him in subduing all Idumea under him; upon which

account he was feasted after an obliging manner by Simon, and elevated

by his mighty promises; and when he was returned to his own men, he at

first belied the army of Simon, and said it was manifold more in number

than what it was; after which, he dexterously persuaded the commanders,

and by degrees the whole multitude, to receive Simon, and to surrender

the whole government up to him without fighting. And as he was doing

this, he invited Simon by his messengers, and promised him to disperse

the Idumeans, which he performed also; for as soon as their army was

nigh them, he first of all got upon his horse, and fled, together with

those whom he had corrupted; hereupon a terror fell upon the whole

multitude; and before it came to a close fight, they broke their ranks,

and every one retired to his own home.

7. Thus did Simon unexpectedly march into Idumea, without bloodshed, and

made a sudden attack upon the city Hebron, and took it; wherein he got

possession of a great deal of prey, and plundered it of a vast quantity

of fruit. Now the people of the country say that it is an ancienter

city, not only than any in that country, but than Memphis in Egypt, and

accordingly its age is reckoned at two thousand and three hundred

years. They also relate that it had been the habitation of Abram, the

progenitor of the Jews, after he had removed out of Mesopotamia; and

they say that his posterity descended from thence into Egypt, whose

monuments are to this very time showed in that small city; the fabric of

which monuments are of the most excellent marble, and wrought after the

most elegant manner. There is also there showed, at the distance of six

furlongs from the city, a very large turpentine tree 17 and the report

goes, that this tree has continued ever since the creation of the world.

Thence did Simon make his progress over all Idumea, and did not only

ravage the cities and villages, but lay waste the whole country; for,

besides those that were completely armed, he had forty thousand men that

followed him, insomuch that he had not provisions enough to suffice such

a multitude. Now, besides this want of provisions that he was in, he

was of a barbarous disposition, and bore great anger at this nation, by

which means it came to pass that Idumea was greatly depopulated; and as

one may see all the woods behind despoiled of their leaves by locusts,

after they have been there, so was there nothing left behind Simon's

army but a desert. Some places they burnt down, some they utterly

demolished, and whatsoever grew in the country, they either trod it

down or fed upon it, and by their marches they made the ground that was

cultivated harder and more untractable than that which was barren. In

short, there was no sign remaining of those places that had been laid

waste, that ever they had had a being.

8. This success of Simon excited the zealots afresh; and though they

were afraid to fight him openly in a fair battle, yet did they lay

ambushes in the passes, and seized upon his wife, with a considerable

number of her attendants; whereupon they came back to the city

rejoicing, as if they had taken Simon himself captive, and were

in present expectation that he would lay down his arms, and make

supplication to them for his wife; but instead of indulging any merciful

affection, he grew very angry at them for seizing his beloved wife; so

he came to the wall of Jerusalem, and, like wild beasts when they are

wounded, and cannot overtake those that wounded them, he vented his

spleen upon all persons that he met with. Accordingly, he caught all

those that were come out of the city gates, either to gather herbs

or sticks, who were unarmed and in years; he then tormented them and

destroyed them, out of the immense rage he was in, and was almost ready

to taste the very flesh of their dead bodies. He also cut off the hands

of a great many, and sent them into the city to astonish his enemies,

and in order to make the people fall into a sedition, and desert those

that had been the authors of his wife's seizure. He also enjoined them

to tell the people that Simon swore by the God of the universe, who sees

all things, that unless they will restore him his wife, he will break

down their wall, and inflict the like punishment upon all the citizens,

without sparing any age, and without making any distinction between the

guilty and the innocent. These threatenings so greatly affrighted, not

the people only, but the zealots themselves also, that they sent his

wife back to him; when he became a little milder, and left off his

perpetual blood-shedding.

9. But now sedition and civil war prevailed, not only over Judea, but

in Italy also; for now Galba was slain in the midst of the Roman

market-place; then was Otho made emperor, and fought against Vitellius,

who set up for emperor also; for the legions in Germany had chosen him.

But when he gave battle to Valens and Cecinna, who were Vitellius's

generals, at Betriacum, in Gaul, Otho gained the advantage on the first

day, but on the second day Vitellius's soldiers had the victory; and

after much slaughter Otho slew himself, when he had heard of this defeat

at Brixia, and after he had managed the public affairs three months and

two days. 18 Otho's army also came over to Vitellius's generals, and he

came himself down to Rome with his army. But in the mean time Vespasian

removed from Cesarea, on the fifth day of the month Desius, [Sivan,] and

marched against those places of Judea which were not yet overthrown.

So he went up to the mountainous country, and took those two toparchies

that were called the Gophnitick and Acrabattene toparchies. After

which he took Bethel and Ephraim, two small cities; and when he had put

garrisons into them, he rode as far as Jerusalem, in which march he took

many prisoners, and many captives; but Cerealis, one of his commanders,

took a body of horsemen and footmen, and laid waste that part of

Idumea which was called the Upper Idumea, and attacked Caphethra, which

pretended to be a small city, and took it at the first onset, and burnt

it down. He also attacked Caphatabira, and laid siege to it, for it had

a very strong wall; and when he expected to spend a long time in that

siege, those that were within opened their gates on the sudden, and came

to beg pardon, and surrendered themselves up to him. When Cerealis had

conquered them, he went to Hebron, another very ancient city. I have

told you already that this city is situated in a mountainous country not

far off Jerusalem; and when he had broken into the city by force, what

multitude and young men were left therein he slew, and burnt down the

city; so that as now all the places were taken, excepting Herodlum, and

Masada, and Machaerus, which were in the possession of the robbers, so

Jerusalem was what the Romans at present aimed at.

10. And now, as soon as Simon had set his wife free, and recovered her

from the zealots, he returned back to the remainders of Idumea, and

driving the nation all before him from all quarters, he compelled a

great number of them to retire to Jerusalem; he followed them himself

also to the city, and encompassed the wall all round again; and when he

lighted upon any laborers that were coming thither out of the country,

he slew them. Now this Simon, who was without the wall, was a greater

terror to the people than the Romans themselves, as were the zealots who

were within it more heavy upon them than both of the other; and during

this time did the mischievous contrivances and courage [of John] corrupt

the body of the Galileans; for these Galileans had advanced this John,

and made him very potent, who made them suitable requital from the

authority he had obtained by their means; for he permitted them to do

all things that any of them desired to do, while their inclination to

plunder was insatiable, as was their zeal in searching the houses of the

rich; and for the murdering of the men, and abusing of the women, it was

sport to them. They also devoured what spoils they had taken, together

with their blood, and indulged themselves in feminine wantonness,

without any disturbance, till they were satiated therewith; while they

decked their hair, and put on women's garments, and were besmeared over

with ointments; and that they might appear very comely, they had paints

under their eyes, and imitated not only the ornaments, but also the

lusts of women, and were guilty of such intolerable uncleanness, that

they invented unlawful pleasures of that sort. And thus did they roll

themselves up and down the city, as in a brothel-house, and defiled it

entirely with their impure actions; nay, while their faces looked like

the faces of women, they killed with their right hands; and when their

gait was effeminate, they presently attacked men, and became warriors,

and drew their swords from under their finely dyed cloaks, and ran every

body through whom they alighted upon. However, Simon waited for such as

ran away from John, and was the more bloody of the two; and he who had

escaped the tyrant within the wall was destroyed by the other that lay

before the gates, so that all attempts of flying and deserting to the

Romans were cut off, as to those that had a mind so to do.

11. Yet did the army that was under John raise a sedition against him,

and all the Idumeans separated themselves from the tyrant, and attempted

to destroy him, and this out of their envy at his power, and hatred of

his cruelty; so they got together, and slew many of the zealots, and

drove the rest before them into that royal palace that was built by

Grapte, who was a relation of Izates, the king of Adiabene; the Idumeans

fell in with them, and drove the zealots out thence into the temple, and

betook themselves to plunder John's effects; for both he himself was in

that palace, and therein had he laid up the spoils he had acquired by

his tyranny. In the mean time, the multitude of those zealots that were

dispersed over the city ran together to the temple unto those that fled

thither, and John prepared to bring them down against the people and the

Idumeans, who were not so much afraid of being attacked by them [because

they were themselves better soldiers than they] as at their madness,

lest they should privately sally out of the temple and get among them,

and not only destroy them, but set the city on fire also. So they

assembled themselves together, and the high priests with them, and took

counsel after what manner they should avoid their assault. Now it was

God who turned their opinions to the worst advice, and thence they

devised such a remedy to get themselves free as was worse than the

disease itself. Accordingly, in order to overthrow John, they determined

to admit Simon, and earnestly to desire the introduction of a second

tyrant into the city; which resolution they brought to perfection, and

sent Matthias, the high priest, to beseech this Simon to come in to

them, of whom they had so often been afraid. Those also that had fled

from the zealots in Jerusalem joined in this request to him, out of

the desire they had of preserving their houses and their effects.

Accordingly he, in an arrogant manner, granted them his lordly

protection, and came into the city, in order to deliver it from the

zealots. The people also made joyful acclamations to him, as their

savior and their preserver; but when he was come in, with his army, he

took care to secure his own authority, and looked upon those that had

invited him in to be no less his enemies than those against whom the

invitation was intended.

12. And thus did Simon get possession of Jerusalem, in the third year

of the war, in the month Xanthicus [Nisan]; whereupon John, with his

multitude of zealots, as being both prohibited from coming out of the

temple, and having lost their power in the city, [for Simon and

his party had plundered them of what they had,] were in despair of

deliverance. Simon also made an assault upon the temple, with the

assistance of the people, while the others stood upon the cloisters and

the battlements, and defended themselves from their assaults. However,

a considerable number of Simon's party fell, and many were carried off

wounded; for the zealots threw their darts easily from a superior place,

and seldom failed of hitting their enemies; but having the advantage of

situation, and having withal erected four very large towers aforehand,

that their darts might come from higher places, one at the north-east

corner of the court, one above the Xystus, the third at another corner

over against the lower city, and the last was erected above the top of

the Pastophoria, where one of the priests stood of course, and gave a

signal beforehand, with a trumpet 19 at the beginning of every seventh

day, in the evening twilight, as also at the evening when that day was

finished, as giving notice to the people when they were to leave off

work, and when they were to go to work again. These men also set their

engines to cast darts and stones withal, upon those towers, with their

archers and slingers. And now Simon made his assault upon the temple

more faintly, by reason that the greatest part of his men grew weary of

that work; yet did he not leave off his opposition, because his army

was superior to the others, although the darts which were thrown by the

engines were carried a great way, and slew many of those that fought for

him.

CHAPTER 10.

How The Soldiers, Both In Judea And Egypt, Proclaimed

Vespasian Emperor; And How Vespasian Released Josephus From

His Bonds.

1. Now about this very time it was that heavy calamities came about Rome

on all sides; for Vitellius was come from Germany with his soldiery, and

drew along with him a great multitude of other men besides. And when the

spaces allotted for soldiers could not contain them, he made all Rome

itself his camp, and filled all the houses with his armed men; which

men, when they saw the riches of Rome with those eyes which had never

seen such riches before, and found themselves shone round about on all

sides with silver and gold, they had much ado to contain their covetous

desires, and were ready to betake themselves to plunder, and to the

slaughter of such as should stand in their way. And this was the state

of affairs in Italy at that time.

2. But when Vespasian had overthrown all the places that were near to

Jerusalem, he returned to Cesarea, and heard of the troubles that were

at Rome, and that Vitellius was emperor. This produced indignation in

him, although he well knew how to be governed as well as to govern,

and could not, with any satisfaction, own him for his lord who acted so

madly, and seized upon the government as if it were absolutely destitute

of a governor. And as this sorrow of his was violent, he was not able to

support the torments he was under, nor to apply himself further in other

wars, when his native country was laid waste; but then, as much as his

passion excited him to avenge his country, so much was he restrained

by the consideration of his distance therefrom; because fortune might

prevent him, and do a world of mischief before he could himself sail

over the sea to Italy, especially as it was still the winter season; so

he restrained his anger, how vehement soever it was at this time.

3. But now his commanders and soldiers met in several companies, and

consulted openly about changing the public affairs; and, out of their

indignation, cried out, how "at Rome there are soldiers that live

delicately, and when they have not ventured so much as to hear the fame

of war, they ordain whom they please for our governors, and in hopes

of gain make them emperors; while you, who have gone through so many

labors, and are grown into years under your helmets, give leave to

others to use such a power, when yet you have among yourselves one

more worthy to rule than any whom they have set up. Now what juster

opportunity shall they ever have of requiting their generals, if they

do not make use of this that is now before them? while there is so much

juster reasons for Vespasian's being emperor than for Vitellius; as they

are themselves more deserving than those that made the other emperors;

for that they have undergone as great wars as have the troops that come

from Germany; nor are they inferior in war to those that have brought

that tyrant to Rome, nor have they undergone smaller labors than

they; for that neither will the Roman senate, nor people, bear such a

lascivious emperor as Vitellius, if he be compared with their chaste

Vespasian; nor will they endure a most barbarous tyrant, instead of

a good governor, nor choose one that hath no child 20 to preside over

them, instead of him that is a father; because the advancement of men's

own children to dignities is certainly the greatest security kings can

have for themselves. Whether, therefore, we estimate the capacity

of governing from the skill of a person in years, we ought to have

Vespasian, or whether from the strength of a young man, we ought to have

Titus; for by this means we shall have the advantage of both their ages,

for that they will afford strength to those that shall be made emperors,

they having already three legions, besides other auxiliaries from the

neighboring kings, and will have further all the armies in the east to

support them, as also those in Europe, so they as they are out of the

distance and dread of Vitellius, besides such auxiliaries as they may

have in Italy itself; that is, Vespasian's brother, 21 and his other son

[Domitian]; the one of whom will bring in a great many of those

young men that are of dignity, while the other is intrusted with the

government of the city, which office of his will be no small means of

Vespasian's obtaining the government. Upon the whole, the case may be

such, that if we ourselves make further delays, the senate may choose an

emperor, whom the soldiers, who are the saviors of the empire, will have

in contempt."

4. These were the discourses the soldiers had in their several

companies; after which they got together in a great body, and,

encouraging one another, they declared Vespasian emperor, 22 and

exhorted him to save the government, which was now in danger. Now

Vespasian's concern had been for a considerable time about the public,

yet did he not intend to set up for governor himself, though his actions

showed him to deserve it, while he preferred that safety which is in a

private life before the dangers in a state of such dignity; but when he

refused the empire, the commanders insisted the more earnestly upon his

acceptance; and the soldiers came about him, with their drawn swords

in their hands, and threatened to kill him, unless he would now live

according to his dignity. And when he had shown his reluctance a great

while, and had endeavored to thrust away this dominion from him, he at

length, being not able to persuade them, yielded to their solicitations

that would salute him emperor.

5. So upon the exhortations of Mucianus, and the other commanders, that

he would accept of the empire, and upon that of the rest of the army,

who cried out that they were willing to be led against all his opposers,

he was in the first place intent upon gaining the dominion over

Alexandria, as knowing that Egypt was of the greatest consequence, in

order to obtain the entire government, because of its supplying of corn

[to Rome]; which corn, if he could be master of, he hoped to dethrone

Vitellius, supposing he should aim to keep the empire by force [for he

would not be able to support himself, if the multitude at Rome should

once be in want of food]; and because he was desirous to join the two

legions that were at Alexandria to the other legions that were with him.

He also considered with himself, that he should then have that country

for a defense to himself against the uncertainty of fortune; for Egypt

23 is hard to be entered by land, and hath no good havens by sea. It

hath on the west the dry deserts of Libya; and on the south Siene, that

divides it from Ethiopia, as well as the cataracts of the Nile, that

cannot be sailed over; and on the east the Red Sea extended as far as

Coptus; and it is fortified on the north by the land that reaches to

Syria, together with that called the Egyptian Sea, having no havens in

it for ships. And thus is Egypt walled about on every side. Its length

between Pelusium and Siene is two thousand furlongs, and the passage by

sea from Plinthine to Pelusium is three thousand six hundred furlongs.

Its river Nile is navigable as far as the city called Elephantine, the

forenamed cataracts hindering ships from going any farther, The haven

also of Alexandria is not entered by the mariners without difficulty,

even in times of peace; for the passage inward is narrow, and full of

rocks that lie under the water, which oblige the mariners to turn from

a straight direction: its left side is blocked up by works made by men's

hands on both sides; on its right side lies the island called Pharus,

which is situated just before the entrance, and supports a very great

tower, that affords the sight of a fire to such as sail within three

hundred furlongs of it, that ships may cast anchor a great way off in

the night time, by reason of the difficulty of sailing nearer. About

this island are built very great piers, the handiwork of men, against

which, when the sea dashes itself, and its waves are broken against

those boundaries, the navigation becomes very troublesome, and the

entrance through so narrow a passage is rendered dangerous; yet is the

haven itself, when you are got into it, a very safe one, and of thirty

furlongs in largeness; into which is brought what the country wants in

order to its happiness, as also what abundance the country affords more

than it wants itself is hence distributed into all the habitable earth.

6. Justly, therefore, did Vespasian desire to obtain that government,

in order to corroborate his attempts upon the whole empire; so he

immediately sent to Tiberius Alexander, who was then governor of Egypt

and of Alexandria, and informed him what the army had put upon him,

and how he, being forced to accept of the burden of the government, was

desirous to have him for his confederate and supporter. Now as soon as

ever Alexander had read this letter, he readily obliged the legions

and the multitude to take the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, both which

willingly complied with him, as already acquainted with the courage

of the man, from that his conduct in their neighborhood. Accordingly

Vespasian, looking upon himself as already intrusted with the

government, got all things ready for his journey [to Rome]. Now fame

carried this news abroad more suddenly than one could have thought, that

he was emperor over the east, upon which every city kept festivals, and

celebrated sacrifices and oblations for such good news; the legions

also that were in Mysia and Pannonia, who had been in commotion a little

before, on account of this insolent attempt of Vitellius, were very

glad to take the oath of fidelity to Vespasian, upon his coming to

the empire. Vespasian then removed from Cesarea to Berytus, where

many embassages came to him from Syria, and many from other provinces,

bringing with them from every city crowns, and the congratulations of

the people. Mucianus came also, who was the president of the province,

and told him with what alacrity the people [received the news of his

advancement], and how the people of every city had taken the oath of

fidelity to him.