CHAPTER XIX

SEPTEMBER 18, 1831--SEPTEMBER 21, 1832

Takes rooms with Horatio Greenough.--Political talk with Lafayette.--

Riots in Paris.--Letters from Greenough.--Bunker Hill Monument.--Letters

from Fenimore Cooper.--Cooper's portrait by Verboeckhoven.--European

criticisms.--Reminiscences of R.W. Habersham.--Hints of an electric

telegraph.--Not remembered by Morse.--Early experiments in photography.--

Painting of the Louvre.--Cholera in Paris.--Baron von Humboldt.--Morse

presides at 4th of July dinner.--Proposes toast to Lafayette.--Letter to

New York "Observer" on Fenimore Cooper.--Also on pride in American

citizenship.--Works with Lafayette in behalf of Poles.--Letter from

Lafayette.--Morse visits London before sailing for home.--Sits to Leslie

for head of Sterne.

The diary was not continued beyond this time and was never seriously

resumed, so that we must now depend on letters to and from Morse, on

fugitive notes, or on the reminiscences of others for a record of his

life.

The first letter which I shall introduce was written from Paris to his

brothers on September 18, 1831:--

"I arrived safely in this city on Monday noon in excellent health and

spirits. My last letter to you was from Venice just as I was about to

leave it, quite debilitated and unwell from application to my painting,

but more, I believe, from the climate, from the perpetual sirocco which

reigned uninterrupted for weeks. I have not time now to give you an

account of my most interesting journey through Lombardy, Switzerland,

part of Germany, and through the eastern part of France. I found, on my

arrival here, my friend Mr. Greenough, the sculptor, who had come from

Florence to model the bust of General Lafayette, and we are in excellent,

convenient rooms together, within a few doors of the good General.

"I called yesterday on General Lafayette early in the morning. The

servant told me that he was obliged to meet the Polish Committee at an

early hour, and feared he could not see me. I sent in my card, however,

and the servant returned immediately saying that the General wished to

see me in his chamber. I followed him through several rooms and entered

the chamber. The General was in dishabille, but, with his characteristic

kindness, he ran forward, and, seizing both my hands, expressed with

great warmth how glad he was to see me safely returned from Italy, and

appearing in such good health. He then told me to be seated, and without

any ceremony began familiarly to question me about my travels, etc. The

conversation, however, soon turned upon the absorbing topic of the day,

the fate of Poland, the news of the fall of Warsaw having just been

received by telegraphic dispatch. I asked him if there was now any hope

for Poland. He replied: 'Oh, yes! Their cause is not yet desperate; their

army is safe; but the conduct of France, and more especially of England,

has been most pusillanimous and culpable. Had the English Government

shown the least disposition to coalesce in vigorous measures with France

for the assistance of the Poles, they would have achieved their

independence.'

"The General looks better and younger than ever. There is a healthy

freshness of complexion, like that of a young man in full vigor, and his

frame and step (allowing for his lameness) are as firm and strong as when

he was our nation's guest. I sat with him ten or fifteen minutes and then

took my leave, for I felt it a sin to consume any more of the time of a

man engaged as he is in great plans of benevolence, and whose every

moment is, therefore, invaluable.

"The news of the fall of Warsaw is now agitating Paris to a degree not

known since the trial of the ex-ministers. About three o'clock our

servant told us that there was fighting at the Palais Royal, and we

determined to go as far as we prudently could to see the tumult. We

proceeded down the Rue Saint-Honoré. There was evident agitation in the

multitudes that filled the sidewalks--an apprehension of something to be

dreaded. There were groups at the corners; the windows were filled,

persons looking out as if in expectation of a procession or of some fête.

The shops began to be shut, and every now and then the drum was heard

beating to arms. The troops were assembling and bodies of infantry and

cavalry were moving through the various streets. During this time no

noise was heard from the people--a mysterious silence was observed, but

they were moved by the slightest breath. If one walked quicker than the

rest, or suddenly stopped, thither the enquiring look and step were

directed, and a group instantly assembled. At the Palais Royal a larger

crowd had collected and a greater body of troops were marching and

countermarching in the Place du Palais Royal. The Palais Royal itself had

the interior cleared and all the courts. Everything in this place of

perpetual gayety was now desolate; even the fountains had ceased to play,

and the seared autumnal leaves of the trees, some already fallen, seemed

congruous with the sentiment of the hour. Most of the shops were also

shut and the stalls deserted. Still there was no outcry and no

disturbance.

"Passing through the Rue Vivienne the same collections of crowds and of

troops were seen. Some were reading a police notice just posted on the

walls, designed to prevent the riotous assembling of the people, and

advising them to retire when the riot act should be read. The notice was

read with murmurs and groans, and I had scarcely ascertained its contents

before it was torn from the walls with acclamations. As night approached

we struck into the Boulevard de la Madeleine. At the corner of this

boulevard and the Rue des Capucines is the hotel of General Sebastiani.

We found before the gates a great and increasing crowd.

"We took a position on the opposite corner, in such a place as secured a

safe retreat in case of need, but allowed us to observe all that passed.

Here there was an evident intention in the crowd of doing some violence,

nor was it at all doubtful what would be the object of their attack. They

seemed to wait only for the darkness and for a leader.

"The sight of such a crowd is fearful, and its movements, as it was

swayed by the incidents of the moment, were in the highest degree

exciting. A body of troops of the line would pass; the crowd would

silently open for their passage and close immediately behind them. A body

of the National Guard would succeed, and these would be received with

loud cheers and gratulations. A soldier on guard would exercise a little

more severity than was, perhaps, necessary for the occasion; yells, and

execrations, and hisses would be his reward.

"Night had now set in; heavy, dark clouds, with a misty rain, had made

the heavens above more dark and gloomy. A man rushed forward toward the

gate, hurling his hat in the air, and followed by the crowd, which

suddenly formed into long lines behind him. I now looked for something

serious. A body of troops was in line before the gate. At this moment two

police officers, on horseback, in citizens' dress, but with a tricolored

belt around their bodies, rode through the crowd and up to the gate, and

in a moment after I perceived the multitude from one of the streets

rushing in wild confusion into the boulevard, and the current of the

people setting back in all directions.

"While wondering at the cause of this sudden movement, I heard the

trampling of horses, and a large band of carabiniers, with their bright

helmets glittering in the light of the lamps, dashed down the street and

drew up before the gate. The police officers put themselves at their head

and harangued the people. The address was received with groans. The

_carabiniers_ drew their swords, orders were given for the charge, and in

an instant they dashed down the street, the people dispersing like the

mist before the wind. The charge was made down the opposite sidewalk from

that where we had placed ourselves, so I kept my station, and, when they

returned up the middle of the street to charge on the other side, I

crossed over behind them and avoided them."

I have given enough of this letter to show that Morse was still

surrounded by dangers of various sorts, and it is also a good pen-picture

of the irresponsible actions of a cowardly mob, especially of a Parisian

mob.

The letters which passed between Morse and his friends, James Fenimore

Cooper, the novelist, and Horatio Greenough, the sculptor, are most

interesting, and would of themselves fill a volume. Both Cooper and

Greenough wrote fluently and entertainingly, and I shall select a few

characteristic sentences from the letters of each, resisting the strong

temptation to include the whole correspondence.

Greenough returned to Florence after having roomed with Morse in Paris,

and wrote as follows from there:--

As for the commission from Government, I don't speak of it yet. After

about a fortnight I shall be calm, I think. Morse, I have made up my mind

on one score, namely, that this order shall not be fruitless to the

greater men who are now in our rear. They are sucking now and rocking in

cradles, but I can hear the pung! pung! puffetty! of their hammers, and I

am prophetic, too. We'll see if Yankee land can't muster some ten or a

dozen of them in the course of as many years...

You were right, I had heard of the resolution submitted to Congress, etc.

Mr. Cooper wrote me about it. I have not much faith in Congress, however.

I will confess that, when the spectre Debt has leaned over my pillow of

late, and, smiling ghastlily, has asked if she and I were not intended as

companions through life, I snap my fingers at her and tell her that

Brother Jonathan talks of adopting me, and that he won't have her of his

household. "Go to London, you hag," says I, "where they say you're

handsome and wholesome; don't grind your long teeth at me, or I'll read

the Declaration of Independence to ye." So you see I make uncertain hopes

fight certain fears, and borrow from the generous, good-natured Future

the motives for content which are denied me by the stinted Present...

What shall I say in answer to your remarks on my opinions? Shall I go all

over the ground again? It were useless. That my heart is wrong in a

thousand ways I daily feel, but 't is my stubborn head which refuses to

comprehend the creation as you comprehend it. That we should be grateful

for all we have, I feel--for all we have is given us; nor do I think we

have little. For my part I would be blest in mere existence were I not

goaded by a wish to make my one talent two; and we have Scripture for the

rectitude of such a wish. I don't think the stubborn resistance of the

tide of ill-fortune can be called rebellion against Providence. "Help

yourself and Heaven will help you," says the proverb....

There hangs before me a print of the Bunker Hill Monument. Pray be judge

between me and the building committee of that monument. There you observe

that my model was founded solidly, and on each of its square plinths were

trophies, or groups, or cannon, as might be thought fit. (No. I.)

Well, they have taken away the foundation, made the shaft start sheer

from the dirt like a spear of asparagus, and, instead of an acute angle,

by which I hoped to show the work was done and lead off the eye, they

have made an obtuse one, producing the broken-chimney-like effect which

your eye will not fail to condemn in No. II. Then they have enclosed

theirs with a light, elegant fence, _à la Parigina_, as though the

austere forms of Egypt were compatible with the decorative flummery of

the boulevards. Let 'em go for dunderheads as they are....

I congratulate you on your sound conscience with regard to the affair

that you wot of. As for your remaining free, that's all very well to

think during the interregnum, but a man without a true love is a ship

without ballast, a one-tined fork, half a pair of scissors, an utter

flash in the pan.... So you are going home, my dear Morse, and God knows

if ever I shall see you again. Pardon, I pray you, anything of levity

which you may have been offended at in me. Believe me it arose from my so

rarely finding one to whom I could be natural and give loose without fear

of good faith or good nature ever failing. Wherever I am your approbation

will be dearer to me than the hurrah of a world. I shall write to

glorious Fenimore in a few days. My love to Allston and Dana. God bless

you,

H. GREENOUGH.

These extracts are from different letters, but they show, I think, the

charming character of the man and reflect his admiration for Morse. From

the letters of James Fenimore Cooper, written while they were both in

Europe, I select the two following as characteristic:

July 31, 1832.

My dear Morse,--Here we are at Spa--the famous hard-drinking, dissipated,

gambling, intriguing Spa--where so much folly has been committed, so many

fortunes squandered, and so many women ruined! How are the mighty fallen!

We have just returned from a ramble in the environs, among deserted

reception-houses and along silent roads. The country is not unlike

Ballston, though less wooded, more cultivated, and perhaps a little more

varied.... I have had a great compliment paid me, Master Samuel, and, as

it is nearly the only compliment I have received in travelling over

Europe, I am the more proud of it. Here are the facts.

You must know there is a great painter in Brussels of the name of

Verboeckhoven (which, translated into the vernacular, means a _bull and a

book baked in an oven!_), who is another Paul Potter. He outdoes all

other men in drawing cattle, etc., with a suitable landscape. In his way

he is truly admirable. Well, sir, this artist did me the favor to call at

Brussels with the request that I would let him sketch my face. He came

after the horses were ordered, and, knowing the difficulty of the task, I

thanked him, but was compelled to refuse. On our arrival at Liège we were

told that a messenger from the Governor had been to enquire for us, and I

began to bethink me of my sins. There was no great cause for fear,

however, for it proved that Mr. Bull-and-book-baked had placed himself in

the diligence, come down to Liège (sixty-three miles), and got the

Governor to give him notice, by means of my passport, when we came. Of

course I sat.

I cannot say the likeness is good, but it has a vastly life-like look and

is like all the other pictures you have seen of my chameleon face. Let

that be as it will, the compliment is none the less, and, provided the

artist does not mean to serve me up as a specimen of American wild

beasts, I shall thank him for it. To be followed twelve posts by a

first-rate artist, who is in favor with the King, is so unusual that I

was curious to know how far our minds were in unison, and so I probed him

a little. I found him well skilled in his art, of course, but ignorant on

most subjects. As respects our general views of men and things there was

scarcely a point in common, for he has few salient qualities, though he

is liberal; but his gusto for natural subjects is strong, and his

favorite among all my books is "The Prairie," which, you know, is filled

with wild beasts. Here the secret was out. That picture of animal nature

had so caught his fancy that he followed me sixty miles to paint a

sketch.

While this letter of Cooper's was written in lighter vein, the following

extracts from one written on August 19 show another side of his

character:--

The criticisms of which you speak give me no concern.... The

"Heidenmauer" is not equal to the "Bravo," but it is a good book and

better than two thirds of Scott's. They may say it is like his if they

please; they have said so of every book I have written, even the "Pilot."

But the "Heidenmauer" is like and was intended to be like, in order to

show how differently a democrat and an aristocrat saw the same thing. As

for French criticisms they have never been able to exalt me in my own

opinion nor to stir my bile, for they are written with such evident

ignorance (I mean of English books) as to be beneath notice. What the

deuce do I care whether my books are on their shelves or not? What did I

ever get from France or Continental Europe? Neither personal favors nor

money. But this they cannot understand, for so conceited is a Frenchman

that many of them think that I came to Paris to be paid. Now I never got

the difference in the boiling of the pot between New York and Paris in my

life. The "Journal des Débats" was snappish with "Water Witch," merve [?]

I believe with "Bravo," and let it bark at "Heidenmauer" and be hanged.

No, no more. The humiliation comes from home. It is biting to find that

accident has given me a country which has not manliness and pride to

maintain its own opinions, while it is overflowing with conceit. But

never mind all this. See that you do not decamp before my departure and

I'll promise not to throw myself into the Rhine....

I hope the Fourth of July is not breaking out in Habersham's noddle, for

I can tell him that was the place most affected during the dinner. Adieu,

Yours as ever,

J. FENIMORE COOPER.

The Mr. Habersham here jokingly referred to was R.W. Habersham, of

Augusta, Georgia, who in the year 1831 was an art student in the

_atelier_ of Baron Gros, and between whom and Morse a friendship sprang

up. They roomed together at a time when the cholera was raging in Paris,

but, owing to Mr. Habersham's wise insistence that all the occupants of

the house should take a teaspoonful of charcoal every morning, all

escaped the disease.

Mr. Habersham in after years wrote and sent to Morse some of his

reminiscences of that period, and from these I shall quote the following

as being of more than ordinary interest:--

"The Louvre was always closed on Monday to clean up the gallery after the

popular exhibition of the paintings on Sunday, so that Monday was our day

for visits, excursions, etc. On one occasion I was left alone, and two or

three times during the week he was absent. This was unusual, but I asked

no questions and made no remarks. But on Saturday evening, sitting by our

evening lamp, he seemed lost in thought, till suddenly he remarked: 'The

mails in our country are too slow; this French telegraph is better, and

would do even better in our clear atmosphere than here, where half the

time fogs obscure the skies. But this will not be fast enough--_the

lightning would serve us better_.'

"These may not be the exact words, but they convey the sense, and I,

laughing, said: 'Aha! I see what you have been after, you have been

examining the French system of telegraphing.' He admitted that he had

taken advantage of the kind offer of one in authority to do so....

"There was, on one occasion, another reference made to the conveyance of

sound under water, and to the length of time taken to communicate the

letting in of the water into the Erie Canal by cannon shots to New York,

and other means, during which the suggestion of using keys and wires,

like the piano, was rejected as requiring too many wires, if other things

were available. I recollect also that in our frequent visits to Mr. J.

Fenimore Cooper's, in the Rue St. Dominique, these subjects, so

interesting to Americans, were often introduced, and that Morse seemed to

harp on them, constantly referring to Franklin and Lord Bacon. Now I,

while recognizing the intellectual grandeur of both these men, had

contracted a small opinion of their moral strength; but Morse would

uphold and excuse, or rather deny, the faults attributed. Lord Bacon,

especially, he held to have _sacrificed himself to serve the queen in her

aberrations_; while of Franklin, 'the Great American,' recognized by the

French, he was particularly proud."

Cooper also remembered some such hints of a telegraph made by Morse at

that time, for in "The Sea Lions,"[1] on page 161, he says:--

[Footnote 1: The Riverside Press, 1870.]

"We pretend to no knowledge on the subject of the dates of discoveries in

the arts and sciences, but well do we remember the earnestness, and

single-minded devotion to a laudable purpose, with which our worthy

friend first communicated to us his ideas on the subject of using the

electric spark by way of a telegraph. It was in Paris and during the

winter of 1831-82 and the succeeding spring, and we have a satisfaction

in recording this date that others may prove better claims if they can."

Curiously enough, Morse himself could, in after years, never remember

having suggested at that time the possibility of using electricity to

convey intelligence. He always insisted that the idea first came to him a

few months later on his return voyage to America, and in 1849 he wrote to

Mr. Cooper saying that he must be mistaken, to which the latter replied,

under date of May 18:--

"For the time I still stick to Paris, so does my wife, so does my eldest

daughter. You did no more than to throw out the general idea, but I feel

quite confident this occurred in Paris. I confess I thought the notion

evidently chimerical, and as such spoke of it in my family. I always set

you down as a sober-minded, common-sense sort of a fellow, and thought it

a high flight for a painter to make to go off on the wings of the

lightning. We may be mistaken, but you will remember that the priority of

the invention was a question early started, and my impressions were the

same much nearer to the time than it is to-day."

That the recollections of his friends were probably clearer than his own

on this point is admitted by Morse in the following letter:--

IRVING HOUSE,

NEW YORK, September 5, 1849.

My Dear Sir,--I was agreeably surprised this morning in conversing with

Professor Renwick to find that he corroborates the fact you have

mentioned in your "Sea Lions" respecting the earlier conception of my

telegraph by me, than the date I had given, and which goes only so far

back in my own recollection as 1832. Professor Renwick insists that

immediately after Professor Dana's lectures at the New York Athenaeum, I

consulted with him on the subject of the velocity of electricity and in

such a way as to indicate to him that I was contriving an electric

telegraph. The consultation I remember, but I did not recollect the time.

He will depose that it was before I went to Europe, after those lectures;

now I went in 1829; this makes it almost certain that the impression you

and Mrs. Cooper and your daughter had that I conversed with you on the

subject in 1831 after my return from Italy is correct.

If you are still persuaded that this is so, your deposition before the

Commission in this city to that fact will render me an incalculable

service. I will cheerfully defray your expenses to and from the city if

you will meet me here this week or beginning of next.

In haste, but with best respects to Mrs. Cooper and family,

I am, dear sir, as ever your friend and servant,

SAML. F. B. MORSE.

J. FENIMORE COOPER, ESQ.

All this is interesting, but, of course, has no direct bearing on the

actual date of invention. It is more than probable that Morse did, while

he was studying the French semaphores, and at an even earlier date, dream

vaguely of the possibility of using electricity for conveying

intelligence, and that he gave utterance among his intimates to these

dreams; but the practical means of so utilizing this mysterious agent did

not take shape in his mind until 1832. An inchoate vision of the

possibility of using electricity is far different from an actual plan

eventually elaborated into a commercial success.

Another extract from Mr. Habersham's reminiscences, on a totally

different subject, will be found interesting: "I have forgot to mention

that one day, while in the Rue Surenne, I was studying from my own face

reflected in a glass, as is often done by young artists, when I remarked

how grand it would be if we could invent a method of fixing the image on

the mirror. Professor Morse replied that he had thought of it while a

pupil at Yale, and that Professor Silliman (I think) and himself had

tried it with a wash of nitrate of silver on a piece of paper, but that,

unfortunately, it made the lights _dark_ and the shadows _light_, but

that if they could be reversed, we should have a facsimile like India-ink

drawings. Had they thought of using glass, as is now done, the

daguerreotype would have been perhaps anticipated--certainly the

photograph."

This is particularly interesting because, as I shall note later on, Morse

was one of the pioneers in experimenting with the daguerreotype in

America.

Among the paintings which Morse executed while he was in Paris was a very

ambitious one. This was an interior of one of the galleries in the Louvre

with carefully executed miniature copies of some of the most celebrated

canvases. Writing of it, and of the dreadful epidemic of cholera, to his

brothers on May 6, 1832, he says:--

"My anxiety to finish my picture and to return drives me, I fear, to too

great application and too little exercise, and my health has in

consequence been so deranged that I have been prevented from the speedy

completion of my picture. From nine o'clock until four daily I paint

uninterruptedly at the Louvre, and, with the closest application, I shall

not be able to finish it before the close of the gallery on the 10th of

August. The time each morning before going to the gallery is wholly

employed in preparation for the day, and, after the gallery closes at

four, dinner and exercise are necessary, so that I have no time for

anything else.

"The cholera is raging here, and I can compare the state of mind in each

man of us only to that of soldiers in the heat of battle; all the usual

securities of life seem to be gone. Apprehension and anxiety make the

stoutest hearts quail. Any one feels, when he lays himself down at night,

that he will in all probability be attacked before daybreak; for the

disease is a pestilence that walketh in darkness, and seizes the greatest

number of its victims at the most helpless hour of the night. Fifteen

hundred were seized in a day, and fifteen thousand at least have already

perished, although the official accounts will not give so many.

"_May 14._ My picture makes progress and I am sanguine of success if

nothing interferes to prevent its completion. I shall take no more

commissions here and shall only complete my large picture and a few

unfinished works.

"General Lafayette told me a few weeks ago, when I was returning with him

in his carriage, that the financial condition of the United States was a

subject of great importance, and he wished that I would write you and

others, who were known as statistical men, and get your views on the

subject. There never was a better time for demonstrating the principles

of our free institutions by showing a result favorable to our country."

Among the men of note whom Morse met while he was in Paris was Baron

Alexander von Humboldt, the famous traveller and naturalist, who was much

attracted towards the artist, and often went to the Louvre to watch him

while he was at work, or to wander through the galleries with him, deep

in conversation. He was afterwards one of the first to congratulate Morse

on the successful exhibition of his telegraph before the French Academy

of Science.

As we have already seen, Morse was intensely patriotic. He followed with

keen interest the developments in our national progress as they unrolled

themselves before his eyes, and when the occasion offered he took active

part in furthering what he considered the right and in vigorously

denouncing the wrong. He was never blind to our national or party

failings, but held the mirror up before his countrymen's eyes with steady

hand, and yet he was prouder of being an American than of anything else,

and, as I have had occasion to remark before, his ruling passion was an

intense desire to accomplish some great good for his beloved country, to

raise her in the estimation of the rest of the world.

On the 4th of July, 1832, he was called on to preside at the banquet

given by the Americans resident in Paris, with Mr. Cooper as

vice-president. General Lafayette was the guest of honor, and the

American Minister Hon. William C. Rives, G.W. Haven, and many others were

present.

Morse, in proposing the toast to General Lafayette, spoke as follows:--

"I cannot propose the next toast, gentlemen, so intimately connected with

the last, without adverting to the distinguished honor and pleasure we

this day enjoy above the thousands, and I may say hundreds of thousands,

of our countrymen who are at this moment celebrating this great national

festival--the honor and pleasure of having at our board our venerable

guest on my right hand, the hero whom two worlds claim as their own. Yes,

gentlemen, he belongs to America as well as to Europe. He is our fellow

citizen, and the universal voice of our country would cry out against us

did we not manifest our nation's interest in his person and character.

"With the mazes of European politics we have nothing to do; to changing

schemes of good or bad government we cannot make ourselves a party; with

the success or defeat of this or that faction we can have no sympathy;

but with the great principles of rational liberty, of civil and religious

liberty, those principles for which our guest fought by the side of our

fathers, and which he has steadily maintained for a long life, 'through

good report and evil report,' we do sympathize. We should not be

Americans if we did not sympathize with them, nor can we compromise one

of these principles and preserve our self-respect as loyal American

citizens. They are the principles of order and good government, of

obedience to law; the principles which, under Providence, have made our

country unparalleled in prosperity; principles which rest, not in

visionary theory, but are made palpable by the sure test of experiment

and time.

"But, gentlemen, we honor our guest as the stanch, undeviating defender

of these principles, of our principles, of American principles. Has he

ever deserted them? Has he ever been known to waver? Gentlemen, there are

some men, some, too, who would wish to direct public opinion, who are

like the buoys upon tide-water. They float up and down as the current

sets this way or that. If you ask at an emergency where they are, we

cannot tell you; we must first consult the almanac; we must know the

quarter of the moon, the way of the wind, the time of the tide, and then

we may guess where you will find them.

"But, gentlemen, our guest is not of this fickle class. He is a tower

amid the waters, his foundation is upon a rock, he moves not with the ebb

and flow of the stream. The storm may gather, the waters may rise and

even dash above his head, or they may subside at his feet, still he

stands unmoved. We know his site and his bearings, and with the fullest

confidence we point to where he stood six-and-fifty years ago. He stands

there now. The winds have swept by him, the waves have dashed around him,

the snows of winter have lighted upon him, but still he is there.

"I ask you, therefore, gentlemen, to drink with me in honor of General

Lafayette."

Portions of many of Morse's letters to his brothers were published in the

New York "Observer," owned and edited by them. Part of the following

letter was so published, I believe, but, at Mr. Cooper's request, the

sentences referring to his personal sentiments were omitted. There can be

no harm, however, in giving them publicity at this late day.

The letter was written on July 18, 1832, and begins by gently chiding his

brothers for not having written to him for nearly four months, and he

concludes this part by saying, "But what is past can't be helped. I am

glad, exceedingly glad, to hear of your prosperity and hope it may be

continued to you." And then he says:--

"I am diligently occupied every moment of my time at the Louvre finishing

the great labor which I have there undertaken. I say 'finishing,' I mean

that part of it which can only be completed there, namely, the copies of

the pictures. All the rest I hope to do at home in New York, such as the

frames of the pictures, the figures, etc. It is a great labor, but it

will be a splendid and valuable work. It excites a great deal of

attention from strangers and the French artists. I have many compliments

upon it, and I am sure it is the most correct one of its kind ever

painted, for every one says I have caught the style of each of the

masters. Cooper is delighted with it and I think he will own it. He is

with me two or three hours at the gallery (the hours of his relaxation)

every day as regularly as the day comes. I spend almost every evening at

his house in his fine family.

"Cooper is very little understood, I believe, by our good people. He has

a bold, original, independent mind, thoroughly American. He loves his

country and her principles most ardently; he knows the hollowness of all

the despotic systems of Europe, and especially is he thoroughly

conversant with the heartless, false, selfish system of Great Britain;

the perfect antipodes of our own. He fearlessly supports American

principles in the face of all Europe, and braves the obloquy and

intrigues against him of all the European powers. I say all the European

powers, for Cooper is more read, and, therefore, more feared, than any

American,--yes, more than any European with the exception, possibly, of

Scott. His works are translated into all the languages of the Continent;

editions of every work he publishes are printed in, I think, more than

thirty different cities, and all this without any pains on his part. He

deals, I believe, with only one publisher in Paris and one in London. He

never asks what effect any of his sentiments will have upon the sale of

his works; the only question he asks is--'Are they just and true?'

"I know of no man, short of a true Christian, who is so truly guided by

high principles as Cooper. He is not a religious man (I wish from my

heart he was), yet he is theoretically orthodox, a great respecter of

religion and religious men, a man of unblemished moral character. He is

courted by the greatest and the most aristocratic, yet he never

compromises the dignity of an American citizen, which he contends is the

highest distinction a man can have in Europe, and there is not a doubt

but he commands the respect of the exclusives here in a tenfold degree

more than those who truckle and cringe to European opinions and customs.

They love an independent man and know enough of their own heartless

system to respect a real freeman. I admire exceedingly his proud

assertion of the rank of an American (I speak from a political point of

view), for I know no reason why an American should not take rank, and

assert it, too, above any of the artificial distinctions that Europe has

made. We have no aristocratic grades, no titles of nobility, no ribbons,

and garters, and crosses, and other gewgaws that please the great babies

of Europe; are we, therefore, to take rank below or above them? I say

above them, and I hope that every American who comes abroad will feel

that he is bound, for his country's sake, to take that stand. I don't

mean ostentatiously, or offensively, or obtrusively, but he ought to have

an American self-respect.

"There can be no _condescension_ to an American. An American gentleman is

equal to any title or rank in Europe, kings and emperors not excepted.

Why is he not? By what law are we bound to consider ourselves inferior

because we have stamped _folly_ upon the artificial and unjust grades of

European systems, upon these antiquated remnants of feudal barbarism?

"Cooper sees and feels the absurdity of these distinctions, and he

asserts his American rank and maintains it, too, I believe, from a pure

patriotism. Such a man deserves the support and respect of his

countrymen, and I have no doubt he has them.... It is high time we should

assume a more American tone while Europe is leaving no stone unturned to

vilify and traduce us, because the rotten despotisms of Europe fear our

example and hate us. You are not aware, perhaps, that the _Trollope_

system is political altogether. You think that, because we know the

grossness of her libels and despise her abuse, England and Europe do the

same. You are mistaken; they wish to know no good of us. Mrs. Trollope's

book is more popular in England (and that, too, among a class who you

fain would think know better) than any book of travels ever published in

America.[1] It is also translating into French, and will be puffed and

extolled by France, who is just entering upon the system of vilification

of America and her institutions, that England has been pursuing ever

since we as colonies resisted her oppressive measures. Tory England,

aristocratic England, is the same now towards us as she was then, and

Tory France, aristocratic France, follows in her steps. We may deceive

ourselves on this point by knowing the kindly feeling manifested by

religious and benevolent men towards each other in both countries, but we

shall be wanting in our usual Yankee penetration if the good feeling of

these excellent and pious men shall lead us to think that their

governments, or even the mass of their population, are actuated by the

same kindly regard. No, they hate us, cordially hate us. We should not

disguise the truth, and I will venture to say that no genuine American,

one who loves his country and her distinctive principles, can live abroad

in any of the countries of Europe, and not be thoroughly convinced that

Europe, as it is, and America, as it is, can have no feeling of

cordiality for each other.

[Footnote 1: This refers to Mrs. Frances Trollope's book _Domestic

Manners of the Americans_, which created quite a stir in its day.]

"America is the stronghold of the popular principle, Europe of the

despotic. These cannot unite; there can be, at present, no sympathy....

We need not quarrel with Europe, but we must keep ourselves aloof and

suspect all her manoeuvres. She has no good will towards us and we must

not be duped by her soft speeches and fair words, on the one side, nor by

her contemptible detraction on the other."

Morse found time, in spite of his absorption in his artistic work, to

interest himself and others in behalf of the Poles who had unsuccessfully

struggled to maintain their independence as a nation. He was an active

member of a committee organized to extend help to them, and this

committee was instrumental in obtaining the release from imprisonment in

Berlin of Dr. S.G. Howe, who "had been entrusted with twenty thousand

francs for the relief of the distressed Poles." In this work he was

closely associated with General Lafayette, already his friend, and their

high regard for each other was further strengthened and resulted in an

interchange of many letters. Some of these were given away by Morse to

friends desirous of possessing autographs of the illustrious Lafayette;

others are still among his papers, and some of these I shall introduce in

their proper chronological order. The following one was written on

September 27, 1832, from La Grange:--

My Dear Sir,--I am sorry to see you will not take Paris and La Grange in

your way to Havre, unless you were to wait for the packet of the 10th in

company with General Cadwalader, Commodore Biddle, and those young,

amiable Philadelphians who contemplate sailing on that day. But if you

persist to go by the next packet, I beg you here to receive my best

wishes and those of my family for your happy voyage.

Upon you, my dear sir, I much depend to give our friends in the United

States a proper explanation of the state of things in Europe. You have

been very attentive to what has passed since the Revolution of 1830. Much

has been obtained here and in other parts of Europe in this whirlwind of

a week. Further consequences here and in other countries--Great Britain

and Ireland included--will be the certain result, though they have been

mauled and betrayed where they ought to have received encouragement. But

it will not be so short and so cheap as we had a right to anticipate it

might be. I think it useful, on both sides of the water, to dispel the

cloud which ignorance or design may throw over the real state of European

and French politics.

In the mean while I believe it to be the duty of every American returned

home to let his fellow citizens know what wretched handle is made of the

violent collisions, threats of a separation, and reciprocal abuse, to

injure the character and question the stability of republican

institutions. I too much depend upon the patriotism and good sense of the

several parties in the United States to be afraid that those dissensions

may terminate in a final dissolution of the Union; and should such an

event be destined in future to take place, deprecated as it has been by

the best wishes of the departed founders of the Revolution,--Washington

at their head,--it ought at least, in charity, not to take place before

the not remote period when every one of those who have fought and bled in

the cause shall have joined their contemporaries.

What is to be said of Poland and the situation of her heroic, unhappy

sons, you well know, having been a constant and zealous member of our

committee.

You know what sort of mental perturbation, among the ignorant part of

every European nation, has accompanied the visit of the cholera in

Russia, Germany, Hungary, and several parts of Great Britain and France--

suspicions of poison, prejudices against the politicians, and so forth. I

would tike to know whether the population of the United States has been

quite free of these aberrations, as it would be an additional argument in

behalf of republican institutions and superior civilization resulting

from them.

Most truly and affectionately,

Your friend,

LAFAYETTE

As we see from the beginning of this letter, Morse had now determined to

return home. He had executed all the commissions for copies which had

been given to him, and his ambitious painting of the interior of the

Louvre was so far finished that he could complete it at home. He sailed

from Havre on the 1st of October in the packetship Sully. The name of

this ship has now become historic, and a chance conversation in mid-ocean

was destined to mark an epoch in human evolution. Before sailing,

however, he made a flying trip to England, and he writes to his brothers

from London on September 21:--

"Here I am once more in England and on the wing _home_. I shall probably

sail from Havre in the packet of October 1 (the Sully), and I shall leave

London for Southampton and Havre on the 26th inst., to be prepared for

sailing.

"I am visiting old friends and renewing old associations in London.

Twenty years make a vast difference as well in the aspect of this great

city as in the faces of old acquaintances. London may be said literally

to have gone into the country. Where I once was accustomed to walk in the

fields, so far out of town as even to shoot at a target against the trees

with impunity, now there are spacious streets and splendid houses and

gardens.

"I spend a good deal of my spare time with Leslie. He is the same

amiable, intelligent, unassuming gentleman that I left in 1815. He is

painting a little picture--'Sterne recovering his Manuscripts from the

Curls of his Hostess at Lyons.' I have been sitting to him for the head

of Sterne, whom he thinks I resemble very strongly. At any rate, he has

made no alteration in the character of the face from the one he had drawn

from Sterne's portrait, and has simply attended to the expression.

"When I left Paris I was feeble in health, so much so that I was fearful

of the effects of the journey to London, especially as I passed through

villages suffering severely from the cholera. But I proceeded moderately,

lodged the first night at Boulogne-sur-Mer, crossed to Dover in a severe

southwest gale, and passed the next night at Canterbury, and the next day

came to London. I think the ride did me good, and I have been exercising

a great deal, riding and walking, since, and my general health is

certainly improving. I am in hopes that the voyage will completely set me

up again."

Samuel F. B. Morse, His Letters and Journals In Two Volumes, Volume I. · 第 19 / 20 章