Britain, in the meanwhile, was altogether barren of events which

might deserve a place in a general history. Commerce and manufacture

flourished again, to such a degree of increase as had never been known

in the island; but this advantage was attended with an irresistible tide

of luxury and excess, which flowed through all degrees of the people,

breaking down all the mounds of civil polity, and opening a way for

license and immorality. The highways were infested with rapine and

assassination; the cities teemed with the brutal votaries of lewdness,

intemperance, and profligacy. The whole land was overspread with a

succession of tumult, riot, and insurrection, excited in different parts

of the kingdom by the erection of new turnpikes, which the legislature

judged necessary for the convenience of inland carriage. In order

to quell these disturbances, recourse was had to the military power;

several individuals were slain, and some were executed as examples.

SESSION OPENED.

In the month of November the session of parliament was opened with a

speech from the throne, in which his majesty expressed a particular

pleasure in meeting them at a time when the perfect re-establishment of

a general peace had restored to his people the blessings of quiet and

tranquillity. He said, the good effects of these already appeared in the

flourishing condition of national commerce, and in the rise of public

credit, which were the foundations of strength and prosperity to these

kingdoms. He declared, that, during the summer, he had used every

opportunity of cementing and securing the peace; that it was his firm

resolution to do everything in his power for the preservation of it,

and religiously adhere to the engagements into which he had entered.

Finally, he took notice of the good disposition he had found in the

other contracting parties to the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle to cherish

the public tranquillity of Europe; and he earnestly recommended to the

two houses the maintenance of a strong naval power, as the bulwark of

national security.

When the motion was made for an address of thanks in the house of

commons, the first paragraph of his majesty’s speech furnished the

opposition with a handle to declaim against the late treaty. Sir John

Hinde Cotton observed, that the peace could not be properly styled

complete, as nothing had been stipulated with respect to the article

of “No search;” alluding to the interruption our commerce had sustained

from the Spaniards in the West Indies; a stipulation, without which both

houses of parliament had formerly voted that there should be no peace

with that kingdom.

{1749}

In the present conjuncture of affairs, such an objection savoured rather

of party than of patriotism; and indeed sir John declared, that the

remarks he made upon the occasion were rather in discharge of the duty

he owed to his country, than in hope of seeing his sentiments espoused

by the majority. Some sharp altercation was used in the debate which

arose on this subject; and many severe invectives were levelled at

those who negotiated, as well as at those who approved and confirmed the

treaty. But Mr. Pelham, who sustained the whole weight of the debate

on the side of the administration, answered every objection with equal

candour and ability; and if he failed in proving that the terms of peace

were as favourable as could be expected, considering the unfortunate

events of the war, and the situation of the contending powers; he at

least demonstrated, that it would be the interest of the kingdom to

acquiesce for the present in the treaty which had been concluded,

and endeavour to remedy its imperfections by subsequent conventions,

amicably opened among those powers between whom any cause of dispute

remained. With respect to the vote of both houses, mentioned by sir John

Hinde Cotton, he declared that he had never approved of that step, when

it was first taken; or if he had, times and circumstances, which could

not be foreseen, would have justified his deviating from it in the

re-establishment of peace. He reminded them that a parliament of Great

Britain had once voted “no peace while any part of the West Indies

should remain in possession of the Spanish king;” yet a train of

incidents, which they could not possibly foresee, afterwards rendered it

expedient to adopt a peace without insisting upon the accomplishment of

that condition. In a word, we must own, that, in the majority of debates

excited in the course of this session, the ministry derived their

triumphs from the force of reason, as well as from the weight of

influence. We shall always, however, except the efforts that were

made for reducing the number of land-forces to fifteen thousand, and

maintaining a greater number of seamen than the ministry proposed. On

these constitutional points the earl of Egmont, and the other chiefs

of the opposition, expatiated with all the energy of eloquence; which

however was frustrated by the power of superior numbers. Ten thousand

seamen were voted for the service of the ensuing year, notwithstanding

his majesty’s injunction to maintain a considerable navy; and the number

of land-forces was continued at eighteen thousand eight hundred and

fifty-seven. The sums granted for making good his majesty’s engagements

with the electors of Bavaria and Mentz, and the duke of Brunswick

Wolfenbuttle, amounted to fifty-three thousand two hundred and

twenty-five pounds sterling. The services done by the colonies in North

America, during the war, were gratified with the sum of one hundred

and twenty-two thousand two hundred and forty-six pounds. The expense

incurred by the new colony of Nova-Scotia exceeded seventy-six thousand

pounds. A small sum was voted for the improvement of Georgia; and ten

thousand pounds were granted towards the support of the British forts

and settlements on the coast of Africa.. The sum total granted in this

session arose to four millions one hundred and forty-one thousand six

hundred and sixty-one pounds, nine shillings and eleven pence halfpenny,

to be raised by the land-tax, at three shillings in the pound; the malt,

and other duties, the surplus of divers impositions remaining in the

bank and exchequer; one million by annuities at three per cent., charged

on the sinking fund, until redeemed by parliament; and nine hundred

thousand pounds out of the excess or overplus of monies denominated the

sinking fund.

SCHEME FOR REDUCING THE INTEREST OF THE NATIONAL DEBT.

But the capital measure which distinguished this session of parliament

was the reduction of the interest on the public funds; a scheme

which was planned and executed by the minister, without any national

disturbance or disquiet, to the astonishment of all Europe; the

different nations of which could not comprehend how it would be possible

for the government, at the close of a long expensive war, which had so

considerably drained the country, and augmented the enormous burden of

national debt, to find money for paying off such of the public creditors

as might choose to receive the principal, rather than submit to a

reduction of the interest. It was not very much for the honour of the

opposition, that some of its leading members endeavoured to impede this

great machine of civil economy, by taking opportunities of affirming in

parliament, in opposition to his majesty’s speech, that the nation, far

from being in a flourishing condition, was almost entirely exhausted;

that commerce drooped and declined; that public credit stood tottering

on the brink of ruin; and that all the treaties lately concluded among

the different powers of Europe were, in effect, disadvantageous and

prejudicial to the interests of Great Britain. In answer to these

assertions, Mr. Pelham undertook to prove, from the register of exports

and imports, that the commerce of the kingdom was more extensive at this

than at any former period; and that the public credit was strong enough

to admit of an experiment, which he would not presume to hazard, except

upon a moral certainty of its being firmly rooted beyond the power of

accident and faction to shake or overturn. He declared, that his design

of reducing the interest upon the funds was the result of the love he

bore his country, and an opinion that it was the duty of the servants of

the crown to ease the burdens of the people. He said, he had conferred

on this subject with persons of the most approved knowledge, and

undoubted experience; and chose to promulgate the method proposed for

alleviating the load of the national debt, that the public, in knowing

the particulars of the scheme, might have time to consider them at

leisure, and start such objections as should occur to their reflection,

before it might be too late to adopt amendments. He observed, that

nothing could more clearly demonstrate the vigour of public credit, and

the augmentation of national commerce, than the price of stock, which

had within three years risen to a very considerable increase; and the

duties on imports, which in nine months had added one million to the

sinking fund, notwithstanding a very extraordinary sum which had been

paid as bounties for exported corn. He expressed great tenderness and

regard for the interests of those who had advanced their money for the

service of the government; declaring, that his aim was to contrive

a fair, honest, and equitable method for lessening the national

incumbrances, by lowering the interest, conformable to parliamentary

faith, and agreeable to the rules of eternal justice. His plan was

accordingly communicated, canvassed, and ap proved in the house of

commons, and an act passed for reducing the interest of the funds which

constitute the national debt. [321] _[See note 2 Q, at the end of this

Vol.]_ In pursuance of this act for the reduction of the interest, the

greater part of the creditors complied with the terms proposed, and

subscribed their respective annuities before the end of February; but

the three great companies at first kept aloof, and refused to subscribe

any part of their capital.

About the middle of March the commons ordered the proper officers to lay

before them an account of the sums which had been subscribed, and these

were taken into consideration by a committee of the whole house. It was

then that Mr. Pelham, as chancellor of the exchequer, observed, that

besides the debts due to the three great companies in their corporate

capacity, all the rest, carrying four per centum interest, had been

subscribed, except about eight or nine millions, the proprietors of

which had forfeited the favour designed them by parliament; but as many

of these had been misled by evil counsellors, who perhaps were more

intent on distressing the government, than solicitous to serve their

friends; and as many were foreigners, residing beyond sea, who had not

time to take proper advice, and give the necessary instruction; and

as these could not possibly be distinguished from such as refused to

subscribe from mere obstinacy or disaffection, it might be thought cruel

to take the most rigorous advantage of the forfeiture they had incurred.

With respect to the proprietors of the stock or capital belonging to the

three great companies, he asserted, that many of them would willingly

have subscribed their properties within the time limited, but were

necessarily excluded by the majority on the ballot; and as it was

equally impossible to know those who were against the question on the

ballot, he thought that some tenderness was due even to the proprietors

of those three companies; his opinion therefore was, that they and the

uncomplying annuitants should be indulged with further time to

complete their subscription; but, in order to preserve the authority of

parliament, and the respect due to that august assembly, they ought

not to be gratified with such advantageous terms as were allowed to the

annuitants who at first cheerfully complied with the proposals offered

by the legislature. For these reasons he proposed, that although the

term of subscribing should be protracted till the thirtieth day of May,

the encouragement of three pounds ten shillings per centum per annum

should not be continued to the second subscribers longer than till

the fifth day of December, in the year one thousand seven hundred and

fifty-five. The proposal being approved, a bill was framed for this

purpose, as well as for redeeming such annuities as should not be

subscribed, which passed through both houses, and was enacted into a

law, after having received an additional clause, empowering the East

India company, in case they should subscribe all their stock bearing

an interest of four per centum, to borrow, with the consent of the

treasury, any sums not exceeding four millions two hundred thousand

pounds, after the several rates of interest before proposed to be paid

by the public, and one million more at three per centum per annum. They

were also vested with a power to raise money by bonds as formerly; yet

so as the whole, including the annuities, should not exceed what they

were by former acts empowered to borrow. The objections to the execution

of this project, which by many were deemed insurmountable, entirely

vanished before the fortitude, perseverance, and caution of the

minister; who had secured, among the monied men of the nation, the

promise of such sums as would have been sufficient to pay off the

capital belonging to those creditors who might refuse to accept the

interest thus reduced. The second subscription had the desired effect.

The three great companies acquiesced, and their example was followed

by the other scrupulous annuitants; the national burden was comfortably

lightened, and the sinking fund considerably increased, without

producing the least perplexity or disturbance in the commonwealth; a

circumstance that could not fail to excite the admiration and envy of

all Christendom.

{1750}

NEW MUTINY BILL.

The mutiny bill for the ensuing year was mitigated with an essential

alteration, relating to the oath of secrecy imposed upon the members of

every court-martial, who were now released from this reserve if required

to give evidence, by due course of law, in any court of judicature; and

whereas, by the former mutiny bill, a general was empowered to order the

revival of any sentence by a court-martial as often as he pleased, and,

on that pretence, to keep in confinement a man who had been acquitted

upon a fair trial; it was now enacted, that no sentence pronounced by

any court-martial, and signed by the president, should be more than

once liable to revisal. Colonel George Townshend, son of lord viscount

Townshend, who had equally distinguished himself by his civil and

military accomplishments, proposed another clause, for preventing any

noncommissioned officer’s being broke or reduced into the ranks; or any

soldier’s being punished, but by the sentence of a court-martial. He

gave the house to understand, that certain persons attended at the door,

who from the station of non-commissioned officers had been broke, and

reduced into the ranks, without trial, or any cause assigned; and he

expatiated not only upon the iniquity of such proceedings, but also

upon the danger of leaving such arbitrary power in the hands of any

individual officer. A warm debate was the consequence of this motion,

which, however, was overruled by the majority.

BILL FOR ENCOURAGING the IMPORTATION OF IRON FROM AMERICA.

Among other regulations made in the course of this session for the

encouragement of the British manufactures, a large duty was laid upon

Irish sail-cloth, which being sold at an under price, was found to

interfere with the same species of commodity fabricated in the island

of Great Britain; and, for the farther benefit of this last, the bounty

upon the exportation of it, which had been deducted from a defective

fund, was now made payable out of the customs. This measure, however,

was not of such importance to the nation, as the act which they passed

for encouraging the importation of pig and bar iron from the British

colonies in North America. Every well-wisher to his country reflected

with concern on the nature of the British trade with Sweden, from which

kingdom the subjects of his Britannic majesty imported more iron and

steel than all the other countries in Europe. For this article they paid

a very great balance in ready money, which the Swedes again expended

in purchasing from the French, and other mercantile powers, those

necessaries and superfluities with which they might have been as cheaply

furnished by Great Britain. In the meantime, the English colonies in

America were restricted by severe duties from making advantage of their

own produce, in exchanging their iron for such commodities as they

were under the necessity of procuring from their mother country. Such

restrictions was not only a cruel grievance upon our own settlements,

but also attended with manifest prejudice to the interest of Great

Britain, annually drained of great sums in favour of an ungrateful

nation, from which no part of them returned; whereas the iron

imported from America must of necessity come in exchange for our own

manufactures. The commons having appointed a day for taking this affair

into consideration, carefully examined into the state of the British

commerce carried on with Sweden, as well as into the accounts of iron

imported from the plantations of America; and a committee of the whole

house having resolved, that the duties on American pig and bar iron

should be removed, a bill [322] _[See note 2 R, at the end of this

Vol.]_ was brought in for that purpose, containing a clause, however, to

prevent his majesty’s subjects from making steel, and establishing mills

for slitting and rolling iron within the British colonies of America:

this precaution being taken, that the colonists might not interfere with

the manufactures of their mother country.

ERECTION OF THE BRITISH HERRING FISHERY.

The next commercial improvement of which we shall take notice, was

the bill for the encouragement of the British white herring and

cod fisheries. This was likewise the result of mature deliberation,

importing, that a bounty of thirty shillings per ton should be granted,

and paid out of the customs, to all new vessels from twenty to fourscore

tons burden, which should be built for that purpose, and actually

employed in the fishery; that a society should be incorporated, under

the name of the Free British Fishery, by a charter, not exclusive, with

power to raise a capital not exceeding five hundred thousand pounds; and

that three pounds ten shillings per centum per annum, should be granted

and paid out of the customs to the proprietors for fourteen years,

for so much of the capital as should be actually employed in the said

fisheries. Corresponding chambers were proposed to be erected in remote

parts of North Britain, for taking in subscriptions, and prosecuting the

trade, under the directions of the company at London; and the nation

in general seemed eager to dispute this branch of commerce with the

subjects of Holland, whom they considered as ungrateful interlopers. In

the house of peers, however, the bill met with a formidable opposition

from the earl of Winchelsea and lord Sandys, who justly observed, that

it was a crude indigested scheme, which in the execution would never

answer the expectations of the people; that in contending with the

Dutch, who are the patterns of unwearied industry and the most rigid

economy, nothing could be more absurd than a joint-stock company, which

is always clogged with extraordinary expense; and the resolution of

fitting out vessels at the port of London, where all sorts of materials,

labour, and seamen, are so much dearer than in any other part of the

united kingdom, exclusive of the great distance and dangerous voyage

between the metropolis and the sound of Brassa in Shetland, the

rendezvous at which all the herring-busses were to assemble in the

beginning of the fishing season. They likewise took notice of the

heavy duty on salt, used in curing the fish for sale, and the beef

for provisions to the mariners; a circumstance of itself sufficient

to discourage adventurers from embarking in a commerce which, at

best, yields but very slender profits to the trade in particular, how

important soever it might prove to the community in general. These

objections were answered by the duke of Argyle and the earl of

Granville, who seemed to think that this branch of trade could not

be fairly set on foot, without such a considerable sum of money as no

single individual would care to advance; that a joint-stock company

would be able to prosecute the fishery at a smaller expense than that

which particular traders must necessarily incur; that the present spirit

of the nation, which was eagerly bent upon trying the experiment, ought

not to be balked by delay, lest it should evaporate; and that though the

plan was not unexceptionable, the defects of it might in the sequel

be remedied by the legislature. In a word, the bill was adopted by

the majority, with a small amendment in the title, which produced some

disquiets in the lower house; but this dispute was compromised, and it

was enacted into a law towards the close of the session. Nothing could

be more agreeable to the public than the sanction of the legislature to

this favourite plan, which was ardently promoted, and patronised by men

of the greatest eminence for wealth and popularity. The company chose

for their governor the prince of Wales, who received this proof of

their attachment and respect with particular marks of satisfaction;

the president and vice-president were both aldermen of London; and the

council was composed of thirty gentlemen, the majority of whom were

members of parliament. Great pains were taken, and some artifice was

used, to learn the Dutch method of curing the fish. People crowded with

their subscriptions; a number of hands were employed in building and

equipping the busses or vessels used in the fishery; and the most

favourable consequences were expected from the general vigour and

alacrity which animated these preparations. But the success did not

gratify the sanguine hopes of the projectors and adventurers. The

objections made in the house of lords soon appeared to have been well

founded; these co-operating with mismanagement in the directors,

the spirit of the company began to flag, the natural consequences of

commercial disappointment; and now the British fishery seems to languish

under the neglect of the legislature.

NEW AFRICAN COMPANY.

Touching the trade to the coast of Africa, petitions were renewed by

the company and its creditors, the merchants of Bristol, Liverpool,

and Lancaster; and a remonstrance was presented by the planters and

merchants interested in the British sugar settlements in America; but

the commons adhered to their former resolutions of laying open the

trade, maintaining the forts at the public expense, and regulating the

commerce by a committee of merchants, representing the chief trading

towns in the kingdom, to be superintended by the board of trade and

plantations. The bill was accordingly framed and presented, and having

proceeded through both houses without opposition, obtained the royal

assent. Over and above these wise, salutary, and patriotic measures for

the improvement of commerce, they encouraged the importation of raw silk

by an act, reducing the duties formerly payable on that which was the

growth of China to the same that is raised on the raw silk from Italy,

and allowing the same drawback upon the exportation of the one which had

been usually granted on the other. A second bill was brought in for the

encouragement of the growth and culture of silk in Carolina and Georgia,

where it had been lately produced with extraordinary success, by

freeing from all duties that which should be imported from his majesty’s

dominions in America; and a third was framed, permitting raw silk of the

growth or produce of Persia, purchased in Russia, to be imported into

Great Britain, from any port or place belonging to the empire of Russia.

Divers efforts were made, by different members in the opposition, to

rectify certain abuses in the army and administration; some bills were

brought in, and several petitions were left on the table; but all of

them proved abortive, from the power and influence of the minister, who

seemed resolved that no benefit should flow upon the nation through

any channel but his own. Nevertheless, it must be acknowledged, for the

honour of his memory, that there is no session on record so productive

as this was of measures advantageous to the community.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}

WESTMINSTER ELECTION.

The people, however, were not entirely satisfied with the conduct of the

administration, if we may judge from the ferment and commotions raised

during the progress of an election for a citizen to represent the city

of Westminster in parliament. The seat which had been filled by lord

Trentham, eldest son of earl Gower, having become vacant, in consequence

of that nobleman’s accepting a place at the board of admiralty, he again

declared himself a candidate, and met with a violent opposition. Those

who styled themselves the independent electors of Westminster, being

now incensed to an uncommon degree of turbulence by the interposition

of ministerial influence, determined to use their utmost endeavours to

baffle the designs of the court, and at the same time take vengeance on

the family of earl Gower, who had entirely abandoned the opposition, of

which he was formerly one of the most respected leaders. With this view

they held consultations, agreed to resolutions, and set up a private

gentleman, named sir George Vandeput, as the competitor of lord

Trentham, declaring that they would support his pretensions at their own

expense, being the more encouraged to this enterprise by the countenance

and assistance of the prince of Wales and his adherents. They

accordingly opened houses of entertainment for their partisans,

solicited votes, circulated remonstrances, and propagated abuse; in a

word, they canvassed, with surprising spirit and perseverance, against

the whole interest of St. James’. Mobs were hired and processions made

on both sides, and the city of Westminster was filled with tumult and

uproar. The mutual animosity of the parties seemed every day to increase

during the election, and a great number of unqualified votes were

presented on both sides; all the powers of insinuation, obloquy, and

ridicule, were employed to vilify and depreciate both candidates. At

length the poll being closed, a majority of votes appeared in behalf

of lord Trentham; but a scrutiny being demanded by the other side, the

returning officer complied with their request. The speaker of the lower

house had issued his warrant for a new writ of election about the middle

of November; and towards the end of February, Mr. Fox, secretary at

war, standing up and observing that no return had yet been made, thought

proper to move that the clerk of the crown, the messenger-extraordinary

attending the great seal, the under-sheriff of Middlesex, and the

high-bailiff of Westminster, should attend next morning and give an

account of their issuing, delivering, and executing the writ of

election. These being examined, and the high-bailiff declaring that he

would proceed with all possible despatch in the scrutiny which had been

demanded and was begun, Mr. Speaker explained to him some particulars

of his duty, in the discharge of which, he was given to understand, he

might depend upon the protection of the house, should he meet with any

obstruction which he could not otherwise surmount, By the violence and

caprice with which a great number of votes were contested on both sides,

the scrutiny was protracted a long time, and the return attended with

some extraordinary consequences, which shall be particularized among the

transactions of the next year. In the meantime, the present session of

parliament was closed on the twelfth day of April, with a speech from

the throne, commending the commons for having seized the very first

opportunity of reducing the interest of the national debt, without the

least infringement upon the faith of parliament; and congratulating them

on the flourishing state of the public credit, which could not fail to

add strength and reputation to the government, both at home and abroad.

Immediately after the rising of the parliament, his majesty appointed

a regency to govern the kingdom in his absence, and embarked for the

continent in order to visit his German dominions.

EARTHQUAKES IN LONDON.

The month of January and the beginning of February were distinguished,

the first day by a very remarkable Aurora Borealis appearing at night to

the north-east, of a deep and dusky red colour, like the reflection

of some great fire, for which it was by many people mistaken; and the

coruscations, unlike those that are generally observed, did not meet in

the zenith, but in a point some degrees to the southward. February was

ushered in by terrible peals of thunder, flashes of lightning, and

such a tempest of wind, hail, and rain, as overwhelmed with fear and

consternation the inhabitants of Bristol, where it chiefly raged. On the

eighth day of the same month, between twelve and one in the afternoon,

the people of London were still more dreadfully alarmed by the shock of

an earthquake, which shook all the houses with such violence, that the

furniture rocked on the floors, the pewter and porcelain rattled on the

shelves, the chamber-bells rang, and the whole of this commotion was

attended by a clap of noise resembling that produced by the fall of

some heavy piece of furniture. The shock extended through the cities of

London and Westminster, and was felt on both sides of the river Thames,

from Greenwich to the westward of London; but not perceptible at a

considerable distance. On the very same day of the next month, between

five and six o’clock in the morning, the inhabitants of the metropolis

were again affrighted by a second shock, more violent than the first,

and abundantly more alarming, as it waked the greater part of the people

from their repose. It was preceded by a succession of thick low flashes

of lightning, and a rumbling noise, like that of a heavy carriage

rolling over a hollow pavement. The shock itself consisted of repeated

vibrations, which lasted some seconds, and violently shook every house

from top to bottom. Again the chairs rocked, the shelves clattered, the

small bells rang, and in some places public clocks were heard to strike.

Many persons, roused by this terrible visitation, started naked from

their beds, and ran to their doors and windows in distraction; yet no

life was lost, and no house overthrown by this concussion, though it was

so dreadful as to threaten an immediate dissolution of the globe. The

circumstance, however, did not fail to make a deep impression upon

ignorant, weak, and superstitious minds, which were the more affected by

the consideration that the two shocks were periodical; that the second,

which happened exactly one month after the first, had been the more

violent; and that the next, increasing in proportion, might be attended

with the most dismal consequences. This general notion was confirmed,

and indeed propagated, among all ranks of people, by the admonitions

of a fanatic soldier, who publicly preached up repentance, and boldly

prophesied that the next shock would happen on the same day of April,

and totally destroy the cities of London and Westminster. Considering

the infectious nature of fear and superstition, and the emphatic manner

in which the imagination had been prepared and prepossessed, it was no

wonder that the prediction of this illiterate enthusiast should have

contributed, in a great measure, to augment the general terror. The

churches were crowded with penitent sinners; the sons of riot and

profligacy were overawed into sobriety and decorum. The streets

no longer resounded with execrations, or the noise of brutal

licentiousness; and the iand of charity was liberally opened. Those whom

fortune had enabled to retire from the devoted city, fled to the country

with hurry and precipitation, insomuch that the highways were encumbered

with horses and carriages. Many who had in the beginning combated

these groundless fears with the weapons of reason and ridicule, began

insensibly to imbibe the contagion, and felt their hearts fail in

proportion as the hour of probation approached; even science and

philosophy were not proof against the unaccountable effects of this

communication. In after ages it will hardly be believed, that on the

evening of the eighth day of April, the open fields that skirt the

metropolis were filled with an incredible number of people assembled in

chairs, in chaises, and coaches, as well as on foot, who waited in the

most fearful suspense until morning, and the return of day disproved the

truth of the dreaded prophecy. Then their fears vanished; they returned

to their respective habitations in a transport of joy; and were soon

reconciled to their abandoned vices, which they seemed to resume with

redoubled affection, and once more bade defiance to the vengeance of

heaven.

PESTILENTIAL FEVER AT THE SESSION IN THE OLD BAILEY.

By this time all the gaols in England were filled with the refuse of

the army and navy, which having been dismissed at the peace, and either

averse to labour or excluded from employment, had naturally preyed

upon the commonwealth. Great numbers of those wretches who, by proper

regulations, might have been rendered serviceable to the community, were

executed as examples; and the rest perished miserably, amidst the stench

and horrors of noisome dungeons. Even the prison of Newgate was rendered

so infectious by the uncommon crowds of confined felons stowed together

in close apartments, that the very air they breathed acquired a

pestilential degree of putrefaction. It was this putrefied air, which,

adhering to the clothes of the malefactors brought to trial at the bar

of the Old Bailey, in May, produced among the audience a pestilential

fever, which infected and proved fatal to the lord mayor of London,

to one alderman, two of the judges, divers lawyers who attended the

session, the greatest part of the jury, and a considerable number of the

spectators. In order to prevent such disasters for the future, the gaols

were cleansed, and accommodated with ventilators, which exhaust the foul

and supply a circulation of fresh air; and other humane precautions were

taken for the benefit of the prisoners.

DISPUTES BETWEEN RUSSIA AND SWEDEN.

The affairs of the continent underwent no remarkable alteration. An

ambassador-extraordinary being sent to Petersburgh from the court of

London, declared to the czarina’s minister, that, in case of a rupture

between Russia and Sweden, occasioned by the hostilities committed by

the former power, his Britannic majesty would consider Russia as the

aggressor, and the czarina could not expect that he would supply her

with the succours which he was engaged by treaty to furnish for her

defence, in case she should be attacked. A declaration of the same

nature was made by the ambassador of her Imperial majesty the queen of

Hungary, while the ministers of France and Prussia, who were in strict

alliance with Sweden, gave her to understand that they would punctually

fulfil their engagements with the court of Stockholm, should she

actually invade the Swedish territories of Finland. The spirit with

which the king of Prussia exerted himself on this occasion, gave

infinite umbrage to the czarina, who, indeed, expressed her resentment,

by treating the minister of Brandenburgh with contemptuous neglect, and

even refused to favour him with an audience till he should be

vested with the character of ambassador. Thus were sewn the seeds of

misunderstanding between those two powers, which, in the sequel, grew

up to the most bitter animosity, and served to inflame those dissensions

which have desolated the fairest provinces of Germany. The remonstrance

of his Prussian majesty, with respect to the troubles of the North,

was couched in such terms as gave dissatisfaction to the court of

Petersburgh. The Russian minister retired from Berlin without the

ceremony of taking leave, and the Prussian ambassador Warendorf was

recalled from the court of the czarina.

PLAN FOR ELECTING THE ARCHDUKE JOSEPH KING OF THE ROMANS.

The attention of his Britannic majesty was not wholly engrossed by the

disputes between Russia and Sweden. He had another object in view, which

more nearly concerned the interests of his German dominions; and had set

on foot two negotiations of the utmost importance to the commerce

and advantage of Great Britain. His first and principal aim was, in

conjunction with the court of Vienna, to take such measures as would

secure the succession of the Imperial dignity to the archduke Joseph,

eldest son and heir to the reigning emperor. As the previous step to

that elevation, it was proposed to elect this young prince king of the

Romans; and for this purpose it was necessary to procure a majority not

only of the electors, but also in the diet of the empire, through which

the proposal must have passed. No stone was left unturned to reconcile

this expedient to the German princes. Subsidies were offered by the

maritime powers of England and the states-general to the electors of

Mentz and Cologn; and a treaty of the same nature was concluded with

the elector of Bavaria, who, in consideration of an annual subsidy,

amounting to forty thousand pounds sterling, two-thirds to be paid

by Britain, and the rest by the states-general, engaged to keep in

readiness a body of six thousand infantry, as auxiliaries to the

maritime powers, though not to act against the emperor or empire; and

to join the interest of his Britannic majesty in the diet, as well as in

the electoral college. In order to render the king of Poland, elector of

Saxony, propitious to this design, he was accommodated with the loan

of a very considerable sum, upon the mortgage of certain bailiwicks

and lordships belonging to the Saxon dominions. Thus a majority of the

electors was secured, and such foundations were laid for the success of

this project, that it was generally believed it would be accomplished

in his Britannic majesty’s next visit to his German dominions. Hopes, it

was said, were given to the king of Sweden, that his concurrence would

be gratified by erecting the house of Hesse-Cassel, of which he was

head, into a tenth electorate. Arguments of an interesting nature

were used with the king of Prussia, and the elector-palatine, that

if possible, the diet might unanimously approve of this measure, so

necessary for establishing the peace of the empire, and preventing such

troubles as arose from a disputed succession at the death of Charles the

Sixth. These endeavours, however, did not succeed in their full extent.

The king of Prussia, as elector of Brandenburgh, opposed the election

as unnecessary and improper, on account of the health and vigour of the

reigning emperor, and the tender years of the archduke. This monarch had

set himself up as a balance to the power of the house of Austria,

which had long aspired to absolute dominion over its co-estates, and

endeavoured to establish an hereditary right of succession to the

empire; he therefore employed all his influence to frustrate the measure

proposed, either actuated by a spirit of pure patriotism, or inspired

with designs which he had not yet thought proper to declare. The

opposition was joined by the elector-palatine, and countenanced by the

French king; who protested, that, for the sake of peace, he would not

oppose this election, though contrary to the Golden Bull, provided it

should be confirmed by the unanimous consent of the electoral college;

but should any one member signify his dissent, and he or any state of

the empire claim the protection and assistance of his most christian

majesty, he could not dispense with granting both, in consequence of his

being guarantee of the treaty of Westphalia; an engagement by which he

was obliged to succour those princes and states of the empire who might

have recourse to him, in case of any grievance they suffered contrary to

what was stipulated in that constitution. This declaration co-operating

with the known character of his Prussian majesty, whose great army

over-awed Hanover and Bohemia, in all probability damped that vigour

with which the courts of Vienna and Herenhausen had hitherto prosecuted

this important negotiation.

DISPUTES WITH THE FRENCH ABOUT THE LIMITS OF NOVA SCOTIA.

The second object that employed the attention of the British ministry,

was the establishment of the precise limits of Acadia, or Nova Scotia,

where the new colony had suffered great mischief and interruption from

the incursions of the Indians, excited to these outrages by the subjects

and emissaries of France. Commissaries had been appointed, by both

crowns, to meet at Paris and compromise these disputes: but the

conferences were rendered abortive by every art of cavilling, chicanery,

and procrastination, which the French commissioners opposed to

the justice and perspicuity of the English claims. They not only

misinterpreted treaties, though expressed with the utmost precision, and

perplexed the conferences with difficulties and matter foreign to the

subject, but they carried the finesse of perfidy so far as to produce

false charts and maps of the country, in which the rivers and boundaries

were misplaced and misrepresented. At this time also the insincerity of

the French court appeared in affected delays and artful objections, with

respect to the evacuation of the neutral islands in the West Indies; and

the governors of the British plantations, in different parts of North

America, transmitted intelligence that the French had begun to make

encroachments on the back of the English colonies.

TREATY WITH SPAIN.

Perhaps the precarious footing on which the peace stood between Great

Britain and France at this juncture, and the critical situation of

affairs in Germany, determined the ministry of England to compromise all

differences with Spain, upon such terms as at any other time they would

hardly have embraced. In order to discuss those points between the two

nations, which had not been settled by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle,

conferences were also begun at Madrid, and carried on by Mr. Keene,

plenipotentiary to his Britannic majesty, and don Joseph de Carvajal and

Lancastro, the Spanish king’s minister. At length a treaty was concluded

on these conditions--the king of Spain engaged to pay, in three months,

to the South-sea company of England, one hundred thousand pounds

sterling, as an indemnification for all claims upon his crown, by virtue

of the assiento. In other respects, the trade and navigation of the

English to the ports of Spain were regulated by former treaties. It was

stipulated, that they should pay no other duties than those that were

exacted of them in the reign of Charles II. of Spain; that they should

be treated on the footing of the most favoured nations; and continue to

enjoy the privilege of taking salt at the island of Tortuga. But there

was no article restricting the Spanish guarda costas from searching the

British vessels on the high seas; although, as we have already observed,

this insolent prerogative, assumed without right, and exercised without

humanity, was in effect the original and sole cause of the late rupture,

which had been attended with such enormous expense to the nation. It

must be owned, however, that his catholic majesty was at this period

extremely well disposed to live upon good terms with Great Britain.

He was resolved to indulge his people with the blessings of peace,

to propagate a spirit of industry throughout his dominions, and in

particular to encourage commerce, which he foresaw would prove a much

more certain and inexhaustible source of wealth, power, and influence,

than all the treasures he could drain from the mines of Mexico and Peru.

His resolutions on this interesting subject were chiefly directed by don

Ricardo Wall, who now acted as his minister at London; a gentleman of

Irish extract, who had distinguished himself in the field as well as in

the cabinet, and possessed the joint qualifications of a general and

a statesman. He had, by virtue of a passport, come over privately to

England before the peace, in order to pave the way for the treaty, by a

secret negotiation with the English ministers; but immediately after the

peace was proclaimed, he appeared in the character of ambassador. He

was possessed of the most insinuating address, shrewd, penetrating, and

inquisitive. While he resided in London, he spared no pains in learning

the nature of those manufactures, and that commerce, by which Great

Britain had been so remarkably aggrandized; and on his return to Spain,

where in a little time he was placed at the helm of affairs, he turned

the knowledge he had thus acquired to the advantage of his country.

He not only promoted the useful arts, within the kingdom of Spain, but

demonstrated the infinite advantage that would accrue from an active

trade, which the Spaniards had for many-ages neglected; and in a few

years their ships were seen to swarm in all the commercial ports of

Europe. Of other foreign events which distinguished this summer, the

most remarkable was the death of John, king of Portugal, who perfectly

understood, and steadily pursued, the true interests of his country,

and in whom many princely qualities were debased by a cruel spirit of

bigotry and superstition. He was succeeded by his eldest son Joseph,

who, if he has fallen short of his father in some respects, cannot be

justly charged with having inherited this paternal weakness.

SESSION OPENED.

The king of Great Britain having returned to England, opened the session

of parliament in January with a speech, importing, that he had concluded

a treaty with the king of Spain, and amicably adjusted such differences

as could not be so properly compromised in a general treaty; that the

commerce of this nation with that country was re-established upon the

most advantageous and sure foundations; and that there was the greatest

reason to hope the ancient friendship between Great Britain and Spain

would, from mutual inclination as well as interest, be now effectually

restored. He told them, that in conjunction with the empress-queen

and the states-general, he had concluded a treaty with the elector of

Bavaria; and was employed in taking such further measures as might best

tend to strengthen and secure the tranquillity of the empire, support

its system, and timely anticipate such events as had been found

by experience to endanger the common cause, involve Europe in the

calamities of war, and occasion the loss of much blood and treasure to

these kingdoms. He promised that both these treaties should be subjected

to their perusal; he gave them to understand that he had received

from all the other contracting powers in the definitive treaty

of Aix-la-Chapelle, the most full and clear declarations of their

resolution to preserve the general peace; and that he had taken care to

consolidate the ties of union and friendship between him and his allies,

the better to secure their mutual interests, maintain the peace already

subsisting, and prevent the occasion of any future rupture. Finally, he

recommended unanimity, the improvement of commerce, and the effectual

suppression of such outrages and violences as are inconsistent with

good order and government, and endanger the lives and properties of the

subject, whose happiness and flourishing condition he had entirely at

heart.

When the motion was made for an address of thanks, couched in terms

that savoured of the most implicit complaisance, approbation, and

acquiescence in the measures which the crown had taken, the earl of

Egmont, and some other anti-courtiers, affirmed, that such an address

would be equally servile and absurd. They observed, that nothing could

be more preposterous than a blind approbation of measures which they

did not know; that nothing could be more ridiculous than their

congratulations on the present happy tranquillity, when almost every

day’s newspapers informed them of some British ships being seized by the

Spaniards, or some new attack made by the French on our infant colony

of Nova Scotia. With respect to the continent of Europe, they affirmed,

that the tranquillity of Germany would have been upon a much more solid

foundation, had England never interposed in the affairs of the empire:

in that case the princes would of themselves have supported the

constitution of their own country; that the election of an infant for

the king of the Romans was much more likely to disturb than establish

the tranquillity of Europe; because it would help to overturn the

constitution of the empire, by rendering the imperial dignity hereditary

in one house, instead of being the result of a free election. They took

notice that the constitution had provided vicars to govern the empire

during the vacancy of the imperial throne; but had made no provision of

regents, protectors, or guardians, for a minor emperor, because it was

never supposed that a minor would be chosen. They inveighed against

the late treaty with Spain; in which, they said, the ministry, for the

paltry sum of one hundred thousand pounds, had given up the claims of

the South-Sea company, and other British merchants, who had suffered

from depredations to the amount of one million three hundred thousand

pounds; and bartered away the freedom of our trade and navigation, by

leaving untouched that prerogative which the Spaniards had assumed,

of searching the British ships in the open seas, and confiscating

them should they find on board the least particle of what they called

contraband merchandise. They produced an instance of an English ship,

lately driven by stress of weather into one of the ports of the Spanish

West Indies, where she was searched, seized and condemned, under this

pretence. They recapitulated the conduct of the French, who, in the

midst of their declarations of peace and moderation, were still employed

in fortifying their settlements on the neutral islands, as well as in

harassing and encroaching upon our plantations in North America. They

exclaimed against the treaty of subsidy with the elector of Bavaria, or

any other prince in time of peace; observing, that for some years the

nation had paid such pensions to the Danes and the Hessians; but, in

the course of the late war, the former abandoned our interests, and the

latter actually took arms against Great Britain. They affirmed that

the subsidy was greater than the nation could spare; for, unless the

land-tax should be continued at four shillings in the pound, they could

not afford a shilling to any prince in Germany, without encroaching upon

the sinking fund. “At such a juncture,” said a certain member, “will

any gentleman presume to propose the continuation of such an imposition

on the land-holder, for the sake of bribing the princes of Germany to do

what?--to preserve the freedom and independency of their native country.

I say, princes of Germany, because this subsidy to Bavaria will signify

nothing unless we take half a score more of them into our pay; and when

we have thus indulged them for seven years of peace, they may give us

the slip, as others have done, whenever another war should be declared.”

Against these objections the motion was supported by Mr. William Pitt,

at this time an advocate for the ministry. He observed, that the address

was no more than the usual compliment to the throne, which did not imply

an obligation on the parliament to approve of measures which they

might find cause to censure upon further inquiry. He said, the trivial

disputes still subsisting between this nation and the Spaniards, or

French, would soon be terminated amicably, and could never affect the

general tranquillity of Europe, which was to be established upon a firm

alliance between his majesty and such a confederacy upon the continent,

as would be an over-match for the house of Bourbon. He expatiated upon

his majesty’s wisdom in taking off from the French interest such a

powerful prince as the elector of Bavaria, and concerting other salutary

measures for preserving the balance of power on the continent. He

defended the articles of the late treaty with Spain; observing, that

what remained of the assiento contract was a matter of very little

consequence to the South-Sea company; that the demands of this company,

and other British merchants, were all cancelled by the rupture with

Spain, and more than recompensed to the nation by a great balance of

captures during the war, as well as by the great traffic carried on with

the Spanish settlements in the West Indies, after it had been laid open

by the demolition of their fortresses. He asserted, that by this

treaty the court of Spain had made many important concessions; they

had condescended to pay a great sum to the South-Sea company; they had

consented to the re-establishment of the British trade in Spain, upon

a very advantageous and solid footing, by agreeing that the subjects

of Great Britain should pay no other duties on merchandize than those

exacted of his catholic majesty’s own subjects, and to abolish all

innovations that had been introduced into the commerce. He affirmed,

that the article of No Search was a stipulation which it would have

been ridiculous to insist upon; and thought proper to obviate a

reproach which he foresaw the opposition would throw upon him, from the

circumstance of his having, upon a former occasion, heartily concurred

in a motion for an address, that no treaty of peace with Spain should

be admitted, unless such a stipulation should be first obtained as a

preliminary. He owned he had strenuously contended for such a motion,

because at that time, being very young and sanguine, he thought it right

and reasonable; but he was now ten years older, had considered matters

more coolly, and was convinced that the privilege of No Search, with

respect to British vessels sailing near the American shore, would never

be obtained, unless Spain should be brought so low as to acquiesce

in any terms we as victors might propose. He likewise signified his

conviction, that all addresses from the house of commons, during the

course of a war, for prescribing terms of peace, were in themselves

ridiculous; and that every such address was an encroachment on the

king’s prerogative, which had always been attended with unlucky

consequences. How far these arguments are satisfactory, conclusive, and

consistent, we shall leave to the reader’s determination. Certain it is,

they were adopted by the majority, and the address was presented without

further opposition.

The two grand committees appointed to discuss the supplies for

the ensuing year, and the funds upon which they were to be raised,

proceeded, as usual, under the direction of the ministry; yet not

without some vehement opposition, in which certain servants of the

crown expressed the most hearty concurrence. When a motion was made

for reducing the number of seamen to eight thousand, Mr. W. Pitt, Mr.

Lyttelton, and Mr. G. Grenville, opposed it with all their might of

argument and elocution; but they were overruled. Annual debates

were also revived, with the same success, upon the number of troops

constituting the standing army; but the other resolutions of the grand

committees met with little or no opposition. The number of seamen for

the ensuing year was limited to eight thousand; and that of the standing

forces continued at eighteen thousand eight hundred and fifty-seven

effective men, including one thousand eight hundred and fifteen

invalids. The commons granted a considerable sum of money for paying off

the principal of such redeemable stocks as had not been subscribed,

in pursuance of two acts passed in the last session for reducing the

interest of annuities. Thirty thousand pounds were given for fulfilling

the king’s engagement with the elector of Bavaria; large grants were

made for supplying deficiencies, and replacing sums borrowed from the

sinking fund. The expense incurred by the new colony of Nova Scotia, not

provided for by parliament, exceeded fifty-seven thousand pounds; and

the maintenance of it for the ensuing year was fixed at fifty-three

thousand nine hundred and twenty-seven pounds, fourteen shillings and

fourpence. An enormous charge! if we consider to how little purpose all

this bounty was bestowed. A fund was established under the sanction

of parliament, for the relief and maintenance of the widows of sea

officers, by allowing, upon the books of every ship of war in sea

pay, the wages and victuals of one man for every hundred of which

the compliment shall consist, for such time only as the number of

men employed in the service of the royal navy shall not exceed twenty

thousand. This was an additional indulgence, over and above the

allowance of one man granted by a former act of parliament. On the

whole, the provisions of this year amounted to five millions one hundred

and twenty-five thousand and twenty-three pounds, eleven shillings and

sevenpence, to be raised by the usual duties; the sum of one million

twenty-six thousand four hundred and seventy-six pounds, four shillings

and sixpence, advanced by the bank of England to pay off their own

unsubscribed annuities, for which they accepted exchequer bills at three

per cent, interest; by the land-tax at three shillings in the pound; a

lottery and annuities, at the rate of three per cent, per annum, to be

charged on the sinking-fund redeemable by parliament. The annual measure

called the mutiny bill, was not passed without dispute and altercation;

some alterations were proposed, but not adopted; and the sentences of

court-martials still subjected to one revision.

{GEORGE II. 1727-1760}

DEATH AND CHARACTER OF THE PRINCE OF WALES.

In the midst of these deliberations, the kingdom was alarmed with an

event which overwhelmed the people with grief and consternation. His

royal highness the prince of Wales, in consequence of a cold caught in

his garden at Kew, was seized with a pleuritic disorder; and, after a

short illness, expired on the twentieth day of March, to the unspeakable

affliction of his royal consort, and the unfeigned sorrow of all who

wished well to their country. This excellent prince, who now died in

the forty-fifth year of his age, was possessed of every amiable quality

which could engage the affection of the people; a tender and obliging

husband, a fond parent, a kind master; liberal, generous, candid, and

humane; a munificent patron of the arts, an unwearied friend to merit;

well disposed to assert the rights of mankind in general, and warmly

attached to the interest of Great Britain. The nation could not but be

afflicted at seeing a prince of such expectations ravished from their

hopes; and their grief was the better founded, as the king had already

attained to an advanced age, and the heir-apparent, George, now prince

of Wales, was a minor.

SETTLEMENT OF A REGENCY IN CASE OF A MINOR SOVEREIGN.

His majesty, foreseeing all the inconveniencies which might arise from a

minority, deliberated with his council on this subject, and resolved

to obtain a parliamentary sanction for the measures judged necessary to

secure the succession. With this view he sent a message to both houses

on the twenty-sixth day of April, importing, that nothing could conduce

so much to the preservation of the protestant succession in his royal

family, as proper provisions for the tuition of the person of his

successor, and for the regular administration of the government, in case

the successor should be of tender years; his majesty therefore earnestly

recommended this weighty affair to the deliberation of parliament; and

proposed, that when the imperial crown of these realms should descend

to any of the late prince’s sons, being under the age of eighteen years,

his mother, the princess dowager of Wales, should be guardian of his

person, and regent of these kingdoms, until he should attain the age of

majority, with such powers and limitations as should appear necessary

and expedient for these purposes. This message produced a very

affectionate address, promising to take the affair into their serious

consideration; and in the beginning of May the duke of Newcastle

presented to the house of peers a bill to provide for the administration

of government, in case the crown should descend to a minor. The bill was

read a second time, and committed, when a second message arrived from

his majesty, recommending to their consideration the settlement of

such a council of regency as the bill proposed, consisting of his royal

highness the duke of Cumberland, who at that time commanded the army,

the archbishop of Canterbury, the lord chancellor, the lord high

treasurer, or first lord commissioner of the treasury, the president

of the council, the lord privy-seal, the lord high-admiral of Great

Britain, or first commissioner of the admiralty, the two principal

secretaries of state, and the lord chief justice of the king’s-bench;

all these great officers, except his royal highness the duke, for the

time being. This bill did not pass through the lower house without

violent debate and bitter sarcasms. The council of regency, though

espoused by all the ministry, including the paymaster-general, met with

fierce opposition, as an unnecessary and fatal restriction that would

impede the machine of government, and, as the council was constituted,

might be productive of the most pernicious consequence. Some of the

members ventured even to insinuate the danger of leaving at the head of

a large standing army, a prince of the blood vested with a share of

the regency, possessed of great personal influence, the darling of

the soldiery, brave, popular, and enterprising; supposed not devoid of

ambition, and not at all remarkable for any symptoms of extraordinary

affection towards the person of the heir-apparent. The history of

England was ransacked for invidious instances of royal uncles and

regents who had injured the sovereigns, and distressed the government,

by their pride, cruelty, and ambition. The characters of John Lackland,

and John of Gaunt, Humphrey and Richard dukes of Gloucester, were

called in review, canvassed, compared, and quoted, with some odious

applications; but the majority being convinced of the loyalty, virtue,

integrity, and great abilities of his royal highness, to whom the nation

owed obligations of the most important nature, passed the bill with a

few amendments, in which the lords acquiesced; and in a little time it

received the royal sanction.

GENERAL NATURALIZATION BILL.

The death of the prince of Wales was fatal to a bill which had been

brought into the house of commons, for naturalizing all foreign

protestants who should settle within the dominions of Great Britain.

Political arithmeticians have generally taken it for granted, that

to every commercial nation an increase of people is an increase of

opulence; and this maxim is certainly true, on the supposition that

every individual is industrious, and that there is a sufficient field

for employment; but all these general maxims ought to be received

under certain qualifications. When all branches of manufacture are

overstocked, an addition of workmen will doubtless be an additional

incumbrance on the community. In the debates which this bill produced,

the members of the ministry were divided among themselves. The measure

was enforced by the chancellor of the exchequer, Mr. W. Pitt, and Mr.

Lyttelton; and in opposing it the earl of Egmont was joined by Mr. Fox,

secretary at war. Petitions and counter-petitions were presented by the

merchants of London, Bristol, and other trading towns of the kingdom.

All merchants and traders of foreign extraction exerted themselves

vigorously in its behalf, and it was without doubt countenanced by the

administration; but the project was odious to the people in general.

The lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of London, in common-council

assembled, composed a remonstrance to the lower house, setting forth the

danger and inutility of a general naturalization of foreign protestants.

A petition of the merchants and principal inhabitants of Bristol

represented that such a law would be prejudicial to the trade and

commerce of this kingdom, by preventing many industrious artificers from

procuring a sufficient support for themselves and their families, and of

consequence increasing the rates of the poor; that the introduction of

such a number of foreigners, instead of being a support to the present

happy establishment, might endanger the very basis of our constitution;

that it would greatly tend to the diminution of our manufactures, as

many strangers would doubtless come and reside in England for a time,

in order to learn the methods and management of our manufacturers and

artificers; and, after having obtained this instruction, return to their

native countries, where they would establish and carry on works of the

same nature. The twentieth day of March being appointed for the third

reading of the bill, it was postponed in consequence of the unfortunate

death of the prince of Wales; and other petitions from different cities

of the kingdom being mustered against it in the sequel, the ministry did

not think proper to persist in any unpopular measure at such a delicate

conjuncture; so the bill was no more brought upon the carpet. Divers

other regulations, relating to civil policy as well as to the commerce

of Great Britain, were propounded in the house of commons; but these

proposals proved abortive, either because they appeared crude and

indigested in themselves, or the house could not obtain proper

information touching the allegations they contained.

CENSURE PASSED UPON A PAPER ENTITLED “CONSTITUTIONAL QUERIES.”

There were no other transactions in this session, except the concurrence

of both houses in stigmatizing a printed paper, entitled “Constitutional

Queries, earnestly recommended to the serious consideration of every

true Briton;” and the steps taken by the commons, in consequence of the

commotions occasioned by the Westminster election. The above-mentioned

paper, which had been conveyed by letter to the majority of both houses,

was communicated to the lords in the month of January by the duke of

Marlborough, who moved for resolutions against it as a seditious libel,

and that the concurrence of the commons might be desired. A conference

accordingly ensued, and both houses concurred in voting the paper a

false, malicious, scandalous, infamous, and seditious libel; containing

the most false, audacious, and abominable calumnies and indignities upon

his majesty; and the most presumptuous and wicked insinuations that our

laws, liberties, and properties, and the excellent constitution of this

kingdom, were in danger under his majesty’s legal, mild, and gracious

government; with intent to instil groundless suspicions and jealousies

into the minds of his majesty’s good subjects, and to alienate their

affections from his majesty and the royal family. It was therefore

resolved by the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons in parliament

assembled, that, in abhorrence and detestation of such abominable and

seditious practices, the paper should be burnt by the hands of the

common hangman in the new Palace-yard of Westminster; and this sentence

was executed accordingly. Then they presented an address to his majesty,

desiring that the most effectual means might be taken for discovering

the author, printer, or publisher, that he or they might be brought to

condign punishment. Directions were given for this purpose; but without

effect. Those concerned in writing, printing, and circulating the paper,

had acted with such caution that not one of them was ever discovered.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE COMMONS ON THE WESTMINSTER ELECTION.

The proceedings of the commons with respect to the election of a burgess

for Westminster were attended with some extraordinary circumstances,

which we shall now record for the edification of those who pique

themselves on the privileges of a British subject. We have already

observed, that a majority appearing on the poll for lord Trentham,

the adherents of the other candidate, sir George Vandeput, demanded

a scrutiny, which was granted by the high bailiff of Westminster, the

returning officer. During this tedious investigation, which rolled

chiefly on the qualifications of voters, he acted with such address and

seeming candour as gave entire satisfaction to both parties, till at

length he determined in favour of lord Trentham, whom he returned as

duly elected. Those who styled themselves the independent electors did

not acquiesce in this determination without clamour, reproach, menaces,

and riot. They taxed Mr. Leigh, the high-bailiff, with partiality and

injustice; they loudly affirmed that ministerial influence had been used

in the most scandalous manner; and, finally, joined sir George Vandeput

in a petition to the lower house, complaining of an undue election and

return of a member for the city of Westminster. The commons, instead of

inquiring into the merits of these petitions, ordered them to lie upon

the table; and, without any complaint from any person whatever, a

motion was made that Leigh, the high-bailiff, should attend the house

immediately, in order to make them acquainted with what he had done in

pursuance of the directions he had formerly received from that house,

touching the execution of the writ for electing a new member to

represent the city of Westminster. As this motion had been preconcerted,

Leigh was attending in the lobby, and immediately called into the

house to be examined on this subject. Having, in the course of his

examination, alleged that the election had been protracted by affected

delays, he was asked by whom, and by what means; but, before he could

answer, the earl of Egmont, interposing, objected to the question as

improper, and moved for the order of the day. A debate immediately

ensued, in which the impropriety of the question was demonstrated by Mr.

Henley, now lord-keeper, Dr. Lee, and some others, the most sensible and

moderate members of the house; but they were opposed with great violence

by lord viscount Corke, Henry Fox, esquire, sir William Young, colonel

Lyttelton, and the weight of the ministry; so that the motion for the

order of the day was carried in the negative, and the high-bailiff

required to answer the question. Thus interrogated, he declared that he

had been impeded in the scrutiny, and maltreated, by Mr. Crowle, who had

acted as counsel for sir George Vandeput, by the honourable Alexander

Murray, brother to lord Elibank, and one Gibson, an upholsterer, who had

been very active, zealous, and turbulent in his endeavours to promote

the interest of sir George Vandeput, or rather to thwart the pretensions

of the other candidate, who was supposed to be countenanced by the

ministry. These three persons, thus accused, were brought to the bar

of the house, notwithstanding the strenuous remonstrances of several

members, who opposed this method of proceeding, as a species of

oppression equally arbitrary and absurd. They observed, that, as no

complaint had been preferred, they had no right to take cognizance

of the affair; that if any undue influence had been used, it would

naturally appear when the merits of the election should fall under

their inquiry; that a complaint having been lodged already against the

returning officer, it was their duty to investigate his conduct, and

punish him if he should be found delinquent; but that nothing could be

more flagrantly unjust, and apparently partial, than their neglecting

the petitions of the other candidate and electors, and encouraging the

high-bailiff, who stood charged with iniquity, to recriminate upon

his accusers, that they might be disabled from giving evidence on the

inquiry into the merits of the election. What difference is it to

the subject whether he is oppressed by an arbitrary prince, or by the

despotic insolence of a ministerial majority? Mr. Crowle alleged, in his

own vindication, that he had been employed as counsel by the electors of

Westminster, and attended the scrutiny in that character; that after the

high-bailiff had, in the course of the last session, received the order

of the house to expedite the election, he hurried on the scrutiny with

such precipitation as, he apprehended, was unjust and prejudicial to his

clients; that, in this apprehension, he (Mr. Crowle) insisted upon the

high-bailiff’s proceeding with more deliberation, and in so doing he

thought he did his duty to his employers. Some evidence being examined

against him, declared he had not only protracted the scrutiny, but also

spoken disrespectful words of the house of commons; he was therefore

reprimanded on his knees by the speaker, and discharged.

MR. MURRAY SENT PRISONER TO NEWGATE.

Mr Murray being charged with having uttered some threatening and

affrontive expressions, the house adjourned the consideration of this

affair for some days, at the expiration of which Mr. Murray was to be

heard by his counsel; but, in the meantime, they ordered him to be taken

into custody by the sergeant-at-arms attending the house. This step

however was not taken without a warm opposition by some of the most

sedate and intelligent members of the house, who considered it as a

cruel act of oppression. They observed, that in cases of breach of

privilege, no person complained of was ever taken into custody until

after he had been fully heard in his defence; that this was literally

prejudging the cause before it had been examined; and the oppression

was the greater, as the alleged offence consisted entirely of words, of

which no complaint or information had been made for above eight months

after the supposed offence had been committed; and, even then, not till

an accusation had been lodged against the informant, upon the trial of

which accusation the persons informed against might very probably be

the most material witnesses. They observed, that in one of the highest

offences which can be committed by words, namely, that of denying the

king’s right to the crown, or renouncing the trinity, the information

must be brought in three or four days after the words are spoken; the

words must be proved to have been spoken maliciously, directly, and

advisedly, and the prosecution must commence in three months after the

information. These suggestions made no more impression than if they

had been uttered in a desert. Those who were secure in their number,

asserted that the house of commons was not restricted by the forms or

proceedings at common law; and that it was necessary to vindicate their

own honour and dignity, by making examples of those who seemed to

hold them in contempt. Mr. Murray was committed to the custody of

the sergeant-at-arms, and found bail; and Gibson was sent prisoner to

Newgate, from whence he was in a few days released, upon presenting

an humble petition, professing his sorrow for having incurred the

displeasure of the house, to the bar of which he was brought, and

received a reprimand on his knees from the speaker. In the meantime,

divers witnesses being examined before the house, declared, That Mr.

Murray had been seen, about the time of the return of a member for

Westminster, heading and exciting a tumult to acts of violence against

the high-bailiff. The majority, therefore, after a long and warm debate,

agreed, that for his dangerous and seditious practices, in violation

and contempt of the privileges of the house, and of the freedom of

elections, he should be committed close prisoner to Newgate Then, in the

close of another violent debate, they resolved that he should be brought

to the bar of the house, to receive that sentence on his knees. He

accordingly appeared, and being directed by the speaker to kneel,

refused to comply. He knew that he could not be discharged from Newgate

during the session, without petitioning, acknowledging his offence, and

making such concessions as he thought would imply a consciousness of

guilt; he considered this whole transaction as an oppressive exertion of

arbitrary power, and, being apprized of the extent of their authority,

determined to bear the brunt of their indignation, rather than make

submissions which he deemed beneath the dignity of his character. When

he refused to humble himself, the whole house was in commotion; he was

no sooner removed from the bar than they resolved, that his having in a

most insolent and audacious manner refused to be on his knees at the bar

of that house, in consequence of their former resolution, was a high and

most dangerous contempt of the authority and privilege of the commons;

it was therefore ordered, that he should be committed close prisoner

to Newgate, debarred the use of pen, ink, and paper; and that no person

should have access to him without the leave of the house. Finally, a

committee was appointed to consider what methods might be proper to be

taken by them, in relation to this instance of contempt. Meanwhile, the

petitioners against the return made by the high-bailiff, perceiving the

temper of the house, and the complexion of the majority, withdrew their

petition; and the order which had passed for hearing the merits of

the election was discharged. Mr. Murray being taken dangerously ill in

Newgate, application was made to the commons, by some of his relations,

that he might be removed to a more convenient situation; and his

physician being examined, gave it as his opinion that he was infected

with the gaol distemper. Upon this representation, the house agreed that

the speaker should issue a warrant for removing him from Newgate to the

custody of the sergeant-at-arms, but this favour he refused to accept,

and expressed the warmest resentment against those relations who had

applied to the commons in his behalf. Thus he remained sequestered even

from his own brother and sister, under the displeasure of the commons

of England, who condescended so far as to make resolutions touching the

physician, apothecary, and nurse who attended this prisoner. But the

prorogation of parliament having put an end to their authority for

that session, Mr. Murray was discharged of course, and conducted by the

sheriffs from Newgate to his own house, in procession, with flags and

streamers exhibiting the emblems of liberty.

SESSION CLOSED. STYLE ALTERED.

In the month of June the session was closed with a speech from the

throne, in which his majesty thanked both houses for the zeal and

affection they had manifested towards him and his government; and

congratulated the commons in particular, upon their firmness and

prudence in reducing the interest of the national debt, a measure

as agreeable to him as essential to the strength and welfare of the

kingdom. [330] _[See note 2 S, at the end of this Vol.]_--The interior

economy of Great Britain produced, within the circle of this year,

nothing else worthy of historical regard, except a series of enormous

crimes, arising from the profligacy of individuals, which reflected

disgrace upon the morals and the polity of the nation. Rapine and

robbery had domineered without intermission ever since the return of

peace, which was attended with a reduction of the army and navy; but now

crimes of a deeper die seemed to lift up their heads, in contempt of law

and humanity. [331] _[See note 2 T, at the end of this Vol.]_ Every

day almost produced fresh instances of perjury, forgery, fraud, and

circumvention; and the kingdom exhibited a most amazing jumble of virtue

and vice, honour and infamy, compassion and obduracy, sentiment and

brutality.