But a city is more than a place in space, it is a drama in time. Though
the claim of geography be fundamental our interest in the history of the
city is supremely greater; it is obviously no mere geographic
circumstances which developed one hill-fort in Judea, and another in
Attica, into world centres, to this day more deeply influential and
significant than are the vastest modern capitals. This very wealth of
historical interests and resources, the corresponding multiplicity of
specialisms, more than ever proves the need of some means by which to
group and classify them. Some panoramic simplification of our ideas of
history comparable to that of our geography, and if possible congruent
with this, is plainly what we want. Again the answer comes through
geography, though no longer in mere map or relief, but now in vertical
section--in the order of strata ascending from past to present, whether
we study rock-formations with the geologist, excavate more recent
accumulations with the archaeologist, or interpret ruins or monuments
with the historian. Though the primitive conditions we have above noted
with the physiographer remain apparent, indeed usually permanent, cities
have none the less their characteristic phases of historic development
decipherably superposed. Thus below even the characteristically
patriarchal civilisations, an earlier matriarchal order is often
becoming disclosed. Our interest in exploring some stately modern or
Renaissance city is constantly varied by finding some picturesque
mediaeval remnant; below this some fragment of Roman ruin; below this it
may be some barbarian fort or mound. Hence the fascinating interest of
travel, which compels us ever to begin our survey anew. Starting with
the same river-basin as before, the geographic panorama now gains a new
and deeper interest. Primitive centres long forgotten start into life;
pre-historic tumuli give up their dead; to the stone circles the [Page:
108] worshippers return; the British and the Roman camps again fill with
armed men, and beside the prosaic market town arises a shadowy Arthurian
capital. Next, some moment-centuries later, a usurper's tower rises and
falls; the mediaeval abbey, the great castles, have their day; with the
Reformation and the Renaissance the towns again are transformed; and
yet more thoroughly than ever by the Industrial Revolution, with its
factories, railways, steamships, and all that they bring with them.
Thus, for instance, almost more important than the internal
transformation and concentration wrought by railway and telegraph, is
the selection, amidst the almost innumerable seaports of the older
order, of the very few adapted to the deep draught of modern ships. In a
word, not only does the main series of active cities display traces of
all the past phases of evolution, but beside this lie fossils, or linger
survivals, of almost every preceding phase.
Hence, after many years of experiment and practice in teaching sociology
I still find no better method available than that of regional survey,
historical as well as geographical. Beginning with some popular
excursion of obvious beauty and romantic interest like that to Melrose,
we see with every tourist how naturally and fully the atmosphere and
tradition of the Border found its expression and world influence in Sir
Walter Scott. Thence, passing by way of contrast through the long
isolated peninsula of Fife, say to representative towns like Kirkcaldy
and Largo, we still see the conditions of that individualism of which
Adam Smith and Alexander Selkirk ("Robinson Crusoe") have each in his
way become the very prototypes. In such ways the connection of regional
geography, history, and social psychology becomes increasingly clear.
Again, we explore the other old Fife seaports, a series of survivals
like those of the Zuyder Zee, or again work out in the field the
significance of Stirling, so often the strategic centre of Scotland.
Again, Dunfermline, as early mediaeval capital and abbey, furnishes a
convenient object lesson preparatory to the study of the larger
Edinburgh. Here, again, its triple centre, in the port of Leith, the
Royal Castle, the Abbey of Holyrood, are the respective analogues of the
port of London, the Tower, and Westminster; while each city-group has
its outlying circle of minor burghs, tardily and imperfectly
incorporated into a civic whole. Again, such a marked contrast of civic
origins and developments as those of Glasgow and Edinburgh has to be
accounted for; and thus through such progessively complexer surveys we
reach the plane of modern civic problems and policies. Understanding the
present as the development of the past, are we not preparing also to
understand the future as the development of the present?
The impressiveness of the aspect of Edinburgh to its visitors is thus
not [Page: 109] merely pictorial. Be the spectator conscious of this or
no, it turns primarily upon the contrast of the mediaeval hill-city with
its castle ramparts, its fretted cathedral crown, with park and
boulevard, with shops, hotels and railway stations. But the historic
panorama is unusually complete. See the hill-fort defended by lake and
forest, becoming "_castrum puellarum_," becoming a Roman and an
Arthurian citadel, a mediaeval stronghold of innumerable sieges, a
centre of autocratic and military dictatures, oligarchic governments, at
length a museum of the past. So in the city itself. Here the narrow
ridge crowded into a single street all the essential organs of a
capital, and still presents with the rarest completeness of
concentration a conspectus of modern civic life and development; and
this alike as regards both spiritual and temporal powers, using these
terms in their broadest senses as the respective expressions of the
material order and its immaterial counterparts. Thus the royal and noble
castles of the Middle Age become with the Renaissance here as everywhere
something of palaces, while with the industrial revolution they have
become replaced by factories or transformed into breweries. So the
guidance of speculative thought, once concentrated in the mediaeval
abbey, becomes transferred to the Reformation assembly of divines, to
the Renaissance college; and again at the Revolution, is largely taken
over by the speculative encyclopædists, of whom Hume and Smith were but
the most eminent. Nor are later developments less obvious. Of the
following generation, we have the neo-classic architecture which
everywhere dominated Europe after the French Revolution and during the
First Empire, while of the next generation's reaction against all this
in the romantic movement, the neo-Gothic monument of Scott is the most
characteristic possible representative. Again, just as in the Oxford
movement we had the (appropriately regional) renascence of the idealism
of the Cavaliers, so in Edinburgh we have naturally the simultaneous
renascence of the Puritan ideal, e.g., in the Free Church, whose
monument accordingly rises to dominate the city in its turn. The later
period of prosperous Liberalism, the heroic enthusiasms of Empire, have
each left their mark; and now in the dominant phase of social evolution,
that of Finance, the banks, the financial companies, the press are
having their turn as monument builders. Our Old Edinburgh is thus the
most condensed example, the visible microcosm of the social evolution
which is manifest everywhere; so that as a teaching model of
sociological development it may renew its educational attractiveness
when its improving hygiene has lessened its medical advantages.
Setting down now these phases of historical development in tabular form,
we have a diagram such as the following:--
ANCIENT | RECENT | CONTEMPORARY | INCIPIENT
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Primitive | Matri- | Patri- | Greek | Mediaeval | Renaissance | Revolution | Empire | Finance | ? ? ?
| archal | archal | and | | | | | |
| | | Roman | | | | | |
which, were it placed erect, we might now compare to the increasing
[Page: 110] nodes of a growing stem, or rather say the layers of a coral
reef, in which each generation constructs its characteristic stony
skeleton as a contribution to the growing yet dying and wearying whole.
I have elaborated this example of the panoramic aspect of Old Edinburgh
as a widely familiar instance of the method of literal survey with which
social and civic studies may so conveniently begin; and I press the
value of extending these even to the utmost elaborateness of
photographic survey: in my view, indeed, a sociological society has at
least as much use for a collection of maps, plans and photographs as of
statistics, indeed scarcely less than one of books. Of course, in all
this I am but recalling what every tourist in some measure knows; yet
his impressions and recollections can become an orderly politography,
only as he sees each city in terms of its characteristic social
formations, and as he utilises the best examples from each phase towards
building up a complete picture of the greatest products of civic
evolution, temporal and spiritual, of all places and times up to the
present. Such a parallel of the historic survey of the city to that of
its underlying geological area is thus in no wise a metaphoric one, but
one which may be worked out upon maps sections and diagrams almost
completely in the same way--in fact, with little change save that of
colours and vertical scale. The attempt to express the characteristic
and essential life and thought of a given region in each period upon a
series of maps is in fact the best method of understanding the everyday
map at which we commonly look so unthinkingly.
Much of the preceding, I am assured, must be most unsatisfactory to
those who look at cities only from the standpoint of so many committees
dealing with police, water, finance, and so on; or to those who are
content to view the magnitude, the wealth and the population, the
industries and the manufactures of a great city without considering
whence these have come and whither they are leading; equally
unsatisfactory also, I fear, to those to whom civic dignities and
precedence, or the alternations of winning political colours, appear of
prime importance. I can only hope that some of these may, on
consideration, admit that the points of view I have endeavoured to
outline above may be worth some thought and study as elementary
preliminaries to their own more special and developed interests; and if
the society permit. I hope to approach these more closely in a later
paper.
[Page: 111] The abstract economist or legalist, the moral or political
philosopher may also resent the proposed mode of treatment as an attempt
to materialise sociology by reducing it to concrete terms alone. But I
would reply that observation, so far from excluding interpretation, is
just the very means of preparing for it. It is the observant naturalist,
the travelled zoologist and botanist, who later becomes the productive
writer on evolution. It is the historian who may best venture on into
the philosophy of history;--to think the reverse is to remain in the
pre-scientific order altogether: hence the construction of systems of
abstract and deductive economics, politics or morals, has really been
the last surviving effort of scholasticism. Viewed as Science, Civics is
that branch of Sociology which deals with Cities--their origin and
distribution; their development and structure; their functioning,
internal and external, material and psychological; their evolution,
individual and associated. Viewed again from the practical side, that of
applied science, Civics must develop through experimental endeavour into
the more and more effective Art of enhancing the life of the city and of
advancing its evolution. With the first of these lines of study, the
concretely scientific, our philosophical outlook will not fail to widen;
with the second, the practical, our ethical insight will not fail to
deepen also.
As primarily a student of living nature in evolution, I have naturally
approached the city from the side of its geographic and historic survey,
its environment and functional change; yet it is but a step from these
to the abstract interpretations of the economist or the politician, even
of philosopher and moralist. Again, since in everyday practice
co-ordinating the literal maps of each civic surveys with even more
concretely detailed plans as gardener and builder, I find less danger
than may at first appear of ignoring the legitimate demands of the
needed practical division of labour in the city's service. When the
first mutual unfamiliarity is got over, there is thus also a greatly
diminished distance between speculative thinkers and practical men, who
at present, in this country especially, stand almost unrelated: the
evolutionist student and worker thus begins to furnish the missing link
between them.