XXVI

The Executive Committee were ready to make their first move; and at a

meeting at which Gorham was not present, they had voted to ask the

president to call a special meeting of the Board of Directors. The call

for the meeting was supplemented by a letter to the Directors, signed by

each member of the committee, setting forth that the business to be

considered included the rescinding of a resolution passed at a previous

meeting, placing plenipotentiary powers in the hands of the president,

and also to consider the desirability of so dividing his present duties

that the responsibilities might rest on several shoulders instead of

upon his alone. It further recited that various criticisms of the

president would be considered at that time,--specifically, that Mr.

Gorham was using the Consolidated Companies for his own private ends;

that he prevented his associates from being recognized in their full

relation to the work, the credit for which he himself monopolized; that

he was devoting a large part of his time at the expense of the Companies

in straightening out certain domestic complications, as a result of

which the corporation was losing ground, and was even being threatened

by adverse legislation in Washington, against which it was his duty to

protect it. And finally, it was claimed that the president had at least

on one occasion taken advantage of his official position to make

certain investments for his own personal advantage.

A copy of this letter accidentally fell into Gorham's hands, and his

indignation at its needlessly antagonistic wording was tempered by

several elements of surprise. The frankness with which the grievances

were stated was an evidence that his associates were prepared to force

the break with him, and to dispense with whatever value his connection

with the corporation might have. The reference to his domestic

complications surprised him not a little, showing as it did a

familiarity with this subject which he had not supposed to have become

common property. The suggestion that he had been false to the ideals

which he himself had imposed could only be construed as a gratuitous

affront; yet these men who constituted the Executive Committee were not

those who would lightly do this. He could quite understand their

resentment of both his attitude and his words at the last meeting--he

had expected them to make an effort to wrest from him, but in such a way

as not to jeopardize their own interests, the supreme authority which he

had forced from them; yet they all knew him too well even to suggest any

transaction on his part so at variance with the standards which he had

established.

After thinking it all over, he sent for Covington, and as the younger

man entered he handed him the communication.

"Have you seen this before?" Gorham asked.

"Yes; Litchfield just showed it to me."

"What does it mean?"

"Compromise, I hope," Covington replied. "Nothing else can prevent a

great calamity to the Companies. I am even more certain of this now than

before."

"How do they know anything about my personal affairs?"

"I can't imagine, unless through some one of the secret-service men."

"You, of course, have made no reference to it?"

"Certainly not." Covington resented the suggestion.

"Now, about this last statement--what does that mean?"

"It is a complete mystery to me. Of course, there's nothing in it?"

Gorham looked at him with a flash in his eye which he had learned to

respect. "Do I need to answer that question?"

Covington's watchful mind noted the evasion. Gorham had not actually

denied it.

"Of course not," he responded; "but they claim to have indisputable

evidence. I tried to find out what it was, but knowing how close I am to

you, they are holding that back until the meeting."

"Indisputable evidence, have they? I should like to see it! Please have

a call signed by the secretary and sent out at once for a special

meeting of the Board to be held to-morrow afternoon at four o'clock.

Send with it a waiver of the usual five days' notice. More than a

majority of the Board are in the city, and they will be as eager as I am

to dispose of this matter."

The formalities in opening the meeting were brief, and the business in

hand was taken up with a promptness which showed the strong desire

dominating both sides to have the issue met squarely and settled once

for all. It was an interesting study to watch the expressions on the

various faces. Men who seldom allowed their bearing to reflect the

emotions influencing them, gave every evidence of their full

appreciation that a crisis was upon them. With the possible exception of

Covington, Gorham showed less than any of them the effect of the tense

strain which the situation developed. At the last meeting, the committee

had witnessed an exhibition of the latent reserve force which lay

beneath the impassive exterior, so they needed no further warning that

the quiet yet flashing eyes, the firm setting of the mouth, the head

bent forward, the general bearing--alert and decisive--all attested a

foeman worthy of their steel. It was his business life now against

theirs, but they believed themselves strong enough to force the

struggle.

Litchfield was again spokesman. "Nothing can be more painful," he said,

"to me personally or to the other members of the Board of Directors than

to have circumstances arise such as these which have made this meeting

necessary. It was a surprise to us, on the occasion of the last session,

to have our president take such exceptions to the suggestions which we

advanced in good faith. We tried to make it clear to him that we all

recognized and appreciated the extraordinary services which he has

rendered to the Consolidated Companies, yet we cannot admit that he

possesses all the wisdom, or that his policies are the only ones which

can be considered. He made it quite evident to us at that time that our

judgment was desired only to the extent that it coincided with his own.

He has seemed to overlook the fact that the Consolidated Companies is

not a private corporation, but rather one in which several of the

Directors are even more heavily interested, in a financial way, than he

is himself.

"There is no question in the minds of any of us that the services of

our president are still absolutely essential to the success of the

corporation, and we have no wish or intention of having him separate

himself from it; but we have become aware, through the unprecedented

position which has been taken, that if those interests which we

represent are to be safeguarded, immediate action must be taken to

convince him that the Consolidated Companies is not his personal

property, that the Executive Committee are not mere puppets, and that

even the president of a great and successful corporation is, after all,

an employee of that corporation, and subject to its control. The

gentlemen who have the honor to serve on the Executive Committee resent

the imputation made by him that this code of business morals, which he

has originated, is necessarily the only moral code, or that he himself

possesses the right or the power to establish the standard by which to

measure them as individuals or as officials.

"My colleagues have asked me to state the situation at this length in

order that our president may understand that our present attitude is

inspired not by any personal antagonism, but rather by what appears to

us to be a necessary and simple business precaution. What the Board of

Directors propose now is to rescind the resolution, passed upon our

president's insistence at the last meeting, which gave him unlimited

power in the conduct of the corporation, to divide the responsibilities

in such a way that the fortunes of the Consolidated Companies will no

longer remain dependent upon the life or services of any one officer,

and to insist that the employees of the corporation be used only in the

execution of the corporation's business. Our president will still be

given a free scope in the conduct of the important matters which will be

intrusted to him, but from now on the Board of Directors insist that the

corporation shall be dominated by their joint policies, in the

establishment of which our president will still have great weight."

Gorham listened to Litchfield's remarks with marked patience. He was

relieved that they were free from the personalities and vituperations

which the wording of the call had led him to fear, for to his nature it

was impossible to work in such close relationship with such a body of

able men without acquiring a regard beyond that inspired by mere

commercial intercourse. They were wrong in their whole understanding of

his position, but he could convince them of that now that there had been

nothing said to cause an open rupture.

"My friends," he said, "I can take no exception to the position which

you assume, knowing as I do the viewpoint from which you speak. The

arbitrary attitude which I have assumed has been one which you

yourselves have forced upon me rather than one taken of my own

volition--but I shall later refer to this more at length. I agree with

you that the employees of this or any other corporation should be used

only in the exercise of the corporation's business; but would not the

success of any blackmailing attempt, such as the one I am fighting,

react upon the Companies fully as much as upon me? As to the gentlemen

who form our Executive Committee, even though I have differed from them

on a point which I conceive to be absolutely vital to the success of the

Consolidated Companies, I consider them the ablest body of business men

ever gathered together upon any committee. I am proud of them for the

reputation they have given to the Companies, I respect them personally

for their own sterling worth. I can conceive no personal calamity

greater than to have any necessity arise to make it necessary for us to

sever our relations--and I cannot, even now, see that any such occasion

exists.

"As to the matter of dividing the responsibilities, I again agree with

you. It is not the act of wisdom to have the destinies of any

corporation so large as this rest as heavily upon any one man's

shoulders as your attitude has convinced me that this rests upon mine. I

not only assent to this proposition also, but I will do all which lies

in my power to accomplish it. I will even reserve my 'code of morals,'

as you are pleased to call it, wholly for myself, considering that it is

a point upon which we fail to agree.

"All that remains, then, is for you gentlemen to give me your assurances

upon one point: namely, that the present basis of profit-sharing with

the public shall not be disturbed. I will no longer put it upon a moral

basis--I insist upon it solely as a business policy. With this one point

established, I will work with you to the extent of such strength and

ability as I have within me, to further the interests of the great

Consolidated Companies as it advances triumphantly along its appointed

path."

"But this is the main contention upon which our split has come,"

protested Litchfield.

"You objected to the stand I took that the public is morally entitled to

an equal division. Personally, I still maintain that this obligation

exists, but now I am endeavoring to convince you that to continue this

is an act of supreme business wisdom. Mr. Litchfield made reference, in

the course of his remarks, to the adverse legislation with which the

Companies is threatened. I am, and have always been, in the closest

touch with the situation, and I tell you, gentlemen, this danger is a

real one. I have seen Senator Kenmore within a few days, and his

information is most alarming. Next week I expect to be in Washington

again to fight the battle not only for the future of the Consolidated

Companies, but for its very life. We have powerful allies, and I believe

that we can win, but, in the words of the Attorney-General himself, only

provided that we can show our hands to be clean in our future intentions

as well as in our present practices."

"Suppose we postpone any action whatever until after the present crisis

in Washington has passed," suggested one of the Directors.

"The action must be taken at once," insisted Gorham. "I told you,

gentlemen, that I had awakened from my Utopian dream. I shall make no

more promises until I am absolutely certain that they will be made good

to the letter."

"How far do you carry this 'Utopian' policy of yours, Mr. Gorham?" asked

Litchfield. "Would you even go so far as to deny the right of any

officer of the corporation to make profit for himself as a result of

inside information gained in his official capacity?"

"Most assuredly."

Covington watched his chief critically as the blow began to fall. What a

crash this idol would make when it fell from its self-created pedestal!

"Would you criticise an officer of this corporation who invested in

stock about to be acquired by the Companies, thus taking advantage of

the certain rise in value which he knew would come to it?"

"I should consider such an official as absolutely false to his trust. Is

there one of us present who would feel otherwise?"

Litchfield smiled. "There is no one present who does not regret the lack

of friendliness which prevented our president from giving him an equal

chance with himself in the purchase of stock in the New York Street

Railways Company."

Gorham seemed not to comprehend the charge against him. "You will have

to enlighten me further," he said, coldly.

Litchfield drew some papers from his pocket and handed them to Gorham.

"We don't undertake to criticise you for making the most of this

opportunity," he said, "but out of respect to your ridiculous 'code,' we

have ourselves refrained. Next time we shall expect you to give us a

chance too; and, incidentally, don't you think we can now come to a

mutual understanding regarding the morality basis of the Consolidated

Companies?"

"Where did you get these papers?" Gorham demanded.

"From Mr. Brady, who was interested enough to supply us with the sworn

statements which you see here."

"Do you really believe that I invested a penny of my money in that

stock?"

"Come, Gorham, admit that the joke's on you," Litchfield laughed. "Of

course, it was your daughter who did it, and, of course, you knew

nothing about it!--Don't try to hide behind her skirts."

Gorham looked across to where Covington was sitting, pale and unnerved

by the unexpected development. He might have suspected this, but the

remoteness of the chance had as a matter of fact precluded any thought

of the possibility. Gorham started to speak, but checked himself. He

could not bring his daughter's name into this discussion without more

time to consider the situation. Then he turned again to his associates.

"Gentlemen," he said, quietly, "it seems hardly necessary for me to make

this statement, but I wish to put myself on record: I have never

invested one cent of my own money, or any one else's, in any stock whose

value was likely to be affected by the action of the Consolidated

Companies. No one else has ever done so with my knowledge or consent. I

shall have more to say upon this matter when I have had sufficient time

to acquaint myself with all the facts. Until then, I ask that this

meeting be adjourned, subject to an early call."

Litchfield, puzzled, as were the others, by Gorham's flat denial in the

face of the overwhelming evidence, put the motion for adjournment which

the president requested.

The Lever: A Novel · 第 33 / 39 题