"THE THIRD REVOLUTION" (Continued)
THE DOWNFALL AND DEATH OF YUAN SHIH-KAI
As had been the case during the previous revolts, it was not publicly or
on the battlefield that the most crucial work was performed: the
decisive elements in this new and conclusive struggle were marshalled
behind the scenes and performed their task unseen. Though the
mandarinate, at the head of which stood Yuan Shih-kai, left no stone
unturned to save itself from its impending fate, all was in vain. Slowly
but inexorably it was shown that a final reckoning had to be faced.
The reasons are not far to seek. Too long had the moral sense of
educated men been outraged by common fraud and deceit for any
continuance of a régime which had disgraced China for four long years to
be humanly possible. Far and wide the word was rapidly passing that Yuan
Shih-kai was not the man he had once been; he was in reality feeble and
choleric--prematurely old from too much history-making and too many
hours spent in the harem. He had indeed become a mere Colossus with feet
of clay,--a man who could be hurled to the ground by precisely the same
methods he had used to destroy the Manchus. Even his foreign supporters
were becoming tired and suspicious of him, endless trouble being now
associated with his name, there being no promise that quieter times
could possibly come so long as he lived. A very full comprehension of
the general position is given by perusing the valedictory letter of the
leader of the Chinese intellectuals, that remarkable man--Liang
Ch'i-chao, who in December had silently and secretly fled from Tientsin
on information reaching him that his assassination was being planned. On
the even of his departure he had sent the following brilliant document
to the Emperor-elect as a reply to an attempt to entrap him to Peking, a
document the meaning of which was clear to every educated man. Its
exquisite irony mixed with its bluntness told all that was necessary to
tell--and forecasted the inevitable fall. It runs:--
For the Kind Perusal of the Great President:--
A respectful reading of your kind instructions reveals to me your
modesty and the brotherly love which you cherish for your humble
servant, who is so moved by your heart-touching sympathy that he
does not know how to return your kindness. A desire then seized him
to submit his humble views for your wise consideration; though on
the one hand he has thought that he might fail to express what he
wishes to say if he were to do so in a set of brief words, while on
the other hand he has no desire to trouble the busy mind of one on
whose shoulders fall myriads of affairs, with views expressed in
many words. Furthermore, what Ch'i-chao desires to say relates to
what can be likened to the anxiety of one who, fearing that the
heavens may some day fall on him, strives to ward off the
catastrophe. If his words should be misunderstood, it would only
increase his offence. Time and again he has essayed to write; but
each time he has stopped short. Now he is going South to visit his
parents; and looking at the Palace-Gate from afar, he realizes that
he is leaving the Capital indefinitely. The thought that he has been
a protégé of the Great President and that dangers loom ahead before
the nation as well as his sense of duty and friendly obligations,
charge him with the responsibility of saying something. He therefore
begs to take the liberty of presenting his humble but extravagant
views for the kind consideration of the Great President.
The problem of _Kuo-ti_ (form of State) appears to have gone too far
for reconsideration: the position is like unto a man riding on the
back of a wild tiger.... Ch'i-chao therefore at one moment thought
he would say no more about it, since added comment thereon might
make him all the more open to suspicion. But a sober study of the
general situation and a quiet consideration of the possible future
make him tremble like an autumn leaf; for the more he meditates, the
more dangerous the situation appears. It is true that the minor
trouble of "foreign advice" and rebel plotting can be settled and
guarded against; but what Ch'i-chao bitterly deplores is that the
original intention of the Great President to devote his life and
energy to the interest of the country--an intention he has fulfilled
during the past four years--will be difficult to explain to the
world in future. The trust of the world in the Great President would
be shattered with the result that the foundation of the country will
be unsettled. Do not the Sages say: "In dealing with the people aim
at faithfulness?" If faithfulness to promises be observed by those
in authority, then the people will naturally surrender themselves.
Once, however, a promise is broken, it will be as hard to win back
the people's trust as to ascend to the very Heavens. Several times
have oaths of office been uttered; yet even before the lips are dry,
action hath falsified the words of promise. In these circumstances,
how can one hope to send forth his orders to the country in the
future, and expect them to be obeyed? The people will say "he
started in righteousness but ended in self-seeking: how can we trust
our lives in his hands, if he should choose to pursue even further
his love of self-enrichment?" It is possible for Ch'i-chao to
believe that the Great President has no desire to make profit for
himself by the sacrifice of the country, but how can the mass of the
people--who believe only what they are told--understand what
Ch'i-chao may, perchance, believe?
The Great President sees no one but those who are always near him;
and these are the people who have tried to win his favour and gain
rewards by concocting the alleged unanimous petitions of the whole
country urging his accession to the Throne. In reality, however, the
will of the people is precisely the opposite. Even the high
officials in the Capital talk about the matter in a jeering and
sarcastic way. As for the tone of the newspapers outside Peking,
that is better left unmentioned. And as for the "small people" who
crowd the streets and the market-places, they go about as if
something untoward might happen at any moment. If a kingdom can be
maintained by mere force, then the disturbance at the time of Ch'in
Chih-huang and Sui Yang Ti could not have been successful. If, on
the other hand, it is necessary to secure the co-operation and the
willing submission of the hearts of the people, then is it not time
that our Great President bethinks himself and boldly takes his own
stand?
Some argue that to hesitate in the middle of a course after
indulging in much pomp and pageantry at the beginning will result in
ridicule and derision and that the dignity of the Chief Executive
will be lowered. But do they even know whether the Great President
has taken the least part in connection with the phantasies of the
past four months? Do they know that the Great President has, on many
occasions, sworn fidelity before high Heaven and the noon-day sun?
Now if he carries out his sacrosanct promise and is deaf to the
unrighteous advice of evil counsellors, his high virtue will be made
even more manifest than ever before. Wherein then is there need of
doubt or fear?
Others may even suggest that since the proposal was initiated by
military men, the tie that has hitherto bound the latter to the
Great President may be snapped in case the pear fails to ripen. But
in the humble opinion of Ch'i-chao, the troops are now all fully
inspired with a sense of obedience to the Chief Executive. Who then
can claim the right to drag our Great President into unrighteousness
for the sake of vanity and vainglory? Who will dare disobey the
behests of the Great President if he should elect to open his heart
and follow the path of honour and unbroken vows? If to-day, as Head
of the nation, he is powerless to silence the riotous clamour of the
soldiery as happened at Chen-chiao in ancient time, then be sure in
the capacity of an Emperor he will not be able to suppress an
outbreak of troops even as it happened once at Yuyang in the Tang
dynasty.[20] To give them the handle of the sword is simply courting
trouble for the future. But can we suspect the troops--so long
trained under the Great President--of such unworthy conduct? The
ancients say "However a thing is done, do not hurt the feelings of
those who love you, or let your enemy have a chance to rejoice."
Recently calamities in the forms of drought and flood have
repeatedly visited China; and the ancients warn us that in such ways
does Heaven manifest its Will regarding great movements in our
country. In addition to these we must remember the prevailing evils
of a corrupt officialdom, the incessant ravages of robbers, excesses
in punishment, the unusually heavy burdens of taxation, as well as
the irregularity of weather and rain, which all go to increase the
murmurs and complaints of the people. Internally, the rebels are
accumulating strength against an opportune time to rise; externally,
powerful neighbouring countries are waiting for an opportunity to
harass us. Why then should our Great President risk his precious
person and become a target of public criticism; or "abandon the rock
of peace in search of the tiger's tail"; or discourage the loyalty
of faithful ones and encourage the sinister ambitions of the
unscrupulous? Ch'i-chao sincerely hopes that the Great President
will devote himself to the establishment of a new era which shall be
an inspiration to heroism and thus escape the fate of those who are
stigmatized in our annals with the name of Traitor. He hopes that
the renown of the Great President will long be remembered in the
land of _Chung Hua_ (China) and he prays that the fate of China may
not end with any abrupt ending that may befall the Great President.
He therefore submits his views with a bleeding heart. He realizes
that his words may not win the approval of one who is wise and
clever; but Ch'i-chao feels that unless he unburdens what is in his
heart, he will be false to the duty which bids him speak and be true
to the kindness that has been showered on him by the Great
President. Whether his loyalty to the Imperative Word will be
rewarded with approval or with reproof, the order of the Great
President will say.
There are other words of which Ch'i-chao wishes to tender to the
Great President. To be an independent nation to-day, we must need
follow the ways of the present age. One who opposes the current of
the world and protects himself against the enriching influence of
the world-spirit must eventually share the fate of the unselected.
It is sincerely hoped that the Great President will refrain to some
extent from restoring the old and withal work for real reform. Law
can only be made a living force by both the ruler and the people
obeying it with sincerity. When the law loses its strength, the
people will not know how to act; and then the dignity of Government
will disappear. It is hoped that the Great President will keep
himself within the bounds of law and not lead the officials and the
people to juggle with words. Participation in politics and
patriotism are closely related. Bear well in mind that it is
impossible to expect the people to share the responsibilities of the
country, unless they are given a voice in the transaction of public
business. The hope is expressed that the Great President will
establish a real organ representing the true will of the people and
encourage the natural growth of the free expression of public
opinion. Let us not become so arrogant and oppressive that the
people will have no chance to express their views, as this may
inspire hatred on the part of the people. The relation between the
Central Government and the provincial centres is like that between
the trunk and branches of a tree. If the branches are all withered,
how can the trunk continue to grow? It is hoped that the Great
President, while giving due consideration to the maintenance of the
dignity of the Central Government, will at the same time allow the
local life of the provinces to develop. Ethics, Righteousness,
Purity and Conscientiousness are four great principles. When these
four principles are neglected, a country dies. If the whole country
should come in spirit to be like "concubines and women," weak and
open to be coerced and forced along with whomsoever be on the
stronger side, how can a State be established? May the Great
President encourage principle, and virtue, stimulate purity of
character, reject men of covetous and mean character, and grant wise
tolerance to those who know no fear in defending the right. Only
then will the vitality of the country be retained in some degree;
and in time of emergency, there will be a reserve of strength to be
drawn upon in support of the State. All these considerations are of
the order of obvious truths and it must be assumed that the Great
President, who is greatly wise, is not unaware of the same. The
reason why Ch'i-chao ventures to repeat them is this. He holds it
true that a duty is laid on him to submit whatever humble thoughts
are his, and at the same time he believes that the Great President
will not condemn a proper physic even though it may be cheap and
simple. How fortunate will Ch'i-chao be if advice so tendered shall
meet with approval. He is proceeding farther and farther away from
the Palace every day and he does not know how soon he will be able
to seek an audience again. He writes these words with tears dropping
into the ink-slab and he trusts that his words may receive the
attention of the Great President.
So ends this remarkable missive which has become an historic document in
the archives of the Republic. Once again it was whispered that so great
an impression did this fateful warning produce on the Emperor-elect that
he was within an ace of cancelling the disastrous scheme which now
enmeshed him. But in the end family influence won the day; and
stubbornly and doggedly the doomed man pushed on with his attempt to
crush revolt and consolidate his crumbling position.
Every possible effort was made to minimize the effect of international
influence on the situation. As the sycophantic vernacular press of the
capital, long drilled to blind subservience, had begun to speak of his
enthronement as a certainty on the 9th February, a Circular Note was
sent to the Five Allied Powers that no such date had been fixed, and
that the newspaper reports to that effect were inventions. In order
specially to conciliate Japan, a high official was appointed to proceed
on an Embassy to Tokio to grant special industrial concessions--a
manoeuvre which was met with the official refusal of the Tokio
Government to be so placated. Peking was coldly informed that owing to
"court engagements" it would be impossible for the Emperor of Japan to
receive any Chinese Mission. After this open rebuff attention was
concentrated on "the punitive expedition" to chastise the disaffected
South, 80,000 men being put in the field and a reserve of 80,000
mobilized behind them. An attempt was also made to win over waverers by
an indiscriminate distribution of patents of nobility. Princes, Dukes,
Marquises, Viscounts and Barons were created in great batches overnight
only to be declined in very many cases, one of the most precious
possessions of the Chinese race being its sense of humour. Every one, or
almost every one, knew that the new patents were not worth the paper
they were written on, and that in future years the members of this
spurious nobility would be exposed to something worse than contempt.
France was invited to close the Tonkin frontier, but this request also
met with a rebuff, and revolutionists and arms were conveyed in an
ever-more menacing manner into the revolted province of Yunnan by the
French railways. A Princedom was at length conferred on Lung Chi Kwang,
the Military Governor of Canton, Canton being a pivotal point and Lung
Chi Kwang, one of the most cold-blooded murderers in China, in the hope
that this would spur him to such an orgy of crime that the South would
be crushed. Precisely the opposite occurred, since even murderers are
able to read the signs of the times. Attempts were likewise made to
enforce the use of the new Imperial Calendar, but little success crowned
such efforts, no one outside the metropolis believing for a moment that
this innovation possessed any of the elements of permanence.
Meanwhile the monetary position steadily worsened, the lack of money
becoming so marked as to spread panic. Still, in spite of this, the
leaders refused to take warning, and although the political impasse was
constantly discussed, the utmost concession the monarchists were willing
to make was to turn China into a Federal Empire with the provinces
constituted into self-governing units. The over-issue of paper currency
to make good the gaps in the National Finance, now slowly destroyed the
credit of the Central Government and made the suspension of specie
payment a mere matter of time. By the end of February the province of
Kueichow was not only officially admitted by the Peking Government to be
in open revolt as well as Yunnan, but rebel troops were reported to be
invading the neighbouring province of Hunan. Kwangsi was also reported
to be preparing for secession whilst in Szechuan local troops were
revolting in increasing numbers. Rumours of an attempted assassination
of Yuan Shih-kai by means of bombs now circulated,--and there were many
arrests and suicides in the capital. Though by a mandate issued on the
23rd February, the enthronement ceremony was indefinitely postponed,
that move came too late. The whole country was plainly trembling on the
edge of a huge outbreak when, less than four weeks later, Yuan Shih-kai
reluctantly and publicly admitted that the game was up. It is understood
that a fateful interview he had with the British Minister greatly
influenced him, though the formal declaration of independence of Kwangsi
on the 16th March, whither the scholar Liang Ch'i-chao had gone, was
also a powerful argument. On the 22nd March the Emperor-elect issued the
mandate categorically cancelling the entire monarchy scheme, it being
declared that he would now form a Responsible Cabinet. Until that date
the Government Gazette had actually perpetrated the folly of publishing
side by side Imperial Edicts and Presidential Mandates--the first for
Chinese eyes, the second for foreign consumption. Never before even in
China had such a farce been seen. A rapid perusal of the Mandate of
Cancellation will show how lamely and poorly the retreat is made:
DECREE CANCELLING THE EMPIRE (22ND MARCH)
After the establishment of the _Min Kuo_ (_i.e._ the Republic),
disturbances rapidly followed one another; and a man of little
virtue like me was called to take up the vast burden of the State.
Fearing that disaster might befall us any day, all those who had the
welfare of the country at heart advocated the reinstitution of the
monarchical system of government to the end that a stop be put to
all strife for power and a régime of peace be inaugurated.
Suggestions in this sense have unceasingly been made to me since the
days of Kuei Chou (the year of the first Revolution, 1911) and each
time a sharp rebuke has been administered to the one making the
suggestion. But the situation last year was indeed so different from
the circumstances of preceding years that it was impossible to
prevent the spread of such ideas.
It was said that China could never hope to continue as a nation
unless the constitutional monarchical form of state were adopted;
and if quarrels like those occurring in Mexico and Portugal were to
take place in China, we would soon share the fate of Annam and
Burmah. A large number of people then advocated the restoration of a
monarchy and advanced arguments which were reasonable. In this
proposal all the military and civil officials, scholars and people
concurred; and prayers were addressed to me in most earnest tone by
telegram and in petitions. Owing to the position I was at the time
holding, which laid on me the duty of maintaining the then existing
situation, I repeatedly made declarations resisting the adoption of
the advice; but the people did not seem to realize my embarrassment.
And so it was decided by the acting Li Fa Yuan (_i.e._ the Senate)
that the question of _Kuo-ti_ (form of State) should be settled by
the Convention of Citizens' Representatives. As the result, the
representatives of the Provinces and of the Special Administrative
Areas unanimously decided in favour of a constitutional monarchy,
and in one united voice elected me as the Emperor. Since the
sovereignty of the country has been vested in the citizens of China
and as the decision was made by the entire body of the
representatives, there was no room left to me for further
discussion. Nevertheless, I continued to be of the conviction that
my sudden elevation to the Great Seat would be a violation of my
oath and would compromise my good faith, leaving me unable to
explain myself; I, therefore, declined in earnest words in order to
make clear the view which hath always been mine. The said Senate
however, stated with firmness that the oath of the Chief Executive
rested on a peculiar sanction and should be observed or discarded
according to the will of the people. Their arguments were so
irresistible that there was in truth no excuse for me further to
decline the offer.
Therefore I took refuge behind the excuse of "preparations" in order
that the desire of the people might be satisfied. But I took no
steps actually to carry out the programme. When the trouble in
Yunnan and Kueichow arose, a mandate was officially issued
announcing the decision to postpone the measure and forbidding
further presentation of petitions praying for the enthronement. I
then hastened the convocation of the Li Fa Yuan (_i.e._, a new
Parliament) in order to secure the views of that body and hoping
thus to turn back to the original state of affairs, I, being a man
of bitter experiences, had at once given up all ideas of world
affairs; and having retired into the obscurity of the river Yuan (in
Honan), I had no appetite for the political affairs of the country.
As the result of the revolution in Hsin Hai, I was by mistake
elected by the people. Reluctantly I came out of my retirement and
endeavoured to prop up the tottering structure. I cared for nothing,
but the salvation of the country. A perusal of our history of
several thousand years will reveal in vivid manner the sad fate of
the descendants of ancient kings and emperors. What then could have
prompted me to aspire to the Throne? Yet while the representatives
of the people were unwilling to believe in the sincerity of my
refusal of the offer, a section of the people appear to have
suspected me of harbouring the desire of gaining more power and
privileges. Such difference in thought has resulted in the creation
of an exceedingly dangerous situation. As my sincerity has not been
such as to win the hearts of the people and my judgment has not been
sound enough to appraise every man, I have myself alone to blame for
lack of virtue. Why then should I blame others? The people have been
thrown into misery and my soldiers have been made to bear hardships;
and further the people have been cast into panic and commerce has
rapidly declined. When I search my own heart a measure of sorrow
fills it. I shall, therefore, not be unwilling to suppress myself in
order to yield to others.
I am still of the opinion that the "designation petitions" submitted
through the Tsan Cheng Yuan are unsuited to the demands of the time;
and the official acceptance of the Imperial Throne made on the 11th
day of the 12th month of last year (11th December, 1915) is hereby
cancelled. "The designation petitions" of the Provinces and of the
Special Administrative Areas are hereby all returned through the
State Department to the Tsan Cheng Yuan, _i.e._, the acting Li Fa
Yuan (Parliament), to be forwarded to the petitioners for
destruction; and all the preparations connected therewith are to
cease at once. In this wise I hope to imitate the sincerity of the
Ancients by taking on myself all the blame so that my action may
fall in line with the spirit of humanity which is the expression of
the will of Heaven. I now cleanse my heart and wash my thoughts to
the end that trouble may be averted and the people may have peace.
Those who advocated the monarchical system were prompted by the
desire to strengthen the foundation of the country; but as their
methods have proved unsuitable their patriotism might harm the
country. Those who have opposed the monarchy have done so out of
their desire to express their political views. It may be therefore
presumed that they would not go to the extreme and so endanger the
country. They should, therefore, all hearken to the voice of their
own conscience and sacrifice their prejudices, and with one mind and
one purpose unite in the effort of saving the situation so that the
glorious descendants of the Sacred Continent may be spared the
horrors of internal warfare and the bad omens may be changed into
lucky signs.
In brief I now confess that all the faults of the country are the
result of my own faults. Now that the acceptance of the Imperial
Throne has been cancelled every man will be responsible for his own
action if he further disturbs the peace of the locality and thus
gives an opportunity to others. I, the Great President, being
charged with the duty of ruling over the whole country, cannot
remain idle while the country is racing to perdition. At the present
moment the homesteads are in misery, discipline has been
disregarded, administration is being neglected and real talents have
not been given a chance. When I think of such conditions I awake in
the darkness of midnight. How can we stand as a nation if such a
state of affairs is allowed to continue? Hereafter all officials
should thoroughly get rid of their corrupt habits and endeavour to
achieve merits. They should work with might and main in their
duties, whether in introducing reforms or in abolishing old
corruptions. Let all be not satisfied with empty words and entertain
no bias regarding any affair. They should hold up as their main
principle of administration the policy that only reality will count
and deal out reward or punishment with strict promptness. Let all
our generals, officials, soldiers and people all, all, act in
accordance with this ideal.
This attempt at an _Amende honorable_, so far from being well-received,
was universally looked upon as an admission that Yuan Shih-kai had
almost been beaten and that a little more would complete his ruin.
Though, as we have said, the Northern troops were fighting well in his
cause on the upper reaches of the great Yangtsze, the movement against
him was now spreading as though it had been a dread contagious disease,
the entire South uniting against Peking. His promise to open a proper
Legislative Chamber on 1st May was met with derision. By the middle of
April five provinces--Yunnan, Kueichow, Kwangsi, Kwangtung and
Chekiang--had declared their independence, and eight others were
preparing to follow suit. A Southern Confederacy, with a Supreme
Military Council sitting at Canton, was organized, the brutal Governor
Lung Chi Kwang having been won over against his master, and the scholar
Liang Ch'i-chao flitting from place to place, inspiring move after move.
The old parliament of 1913 was reported to be assembling in Shanghai,
whilst terrorist methods against Peking officials were bruited abroad
precipitating a panic in the capital and leading to an exodus of
well-to-do families who feared a general massacre.
An open agitation to secure Yuan Shih-kai's complete retirement and
exile now commenced. From every quarter notables began telegraphing him
that he must go,--including General Feng Kuo-chang who still held the
balance of power on the Yangtsze. Every enemy Yuan Shih-kai had ever had
was also racing back to China from exile. By the beginning of May the
situation was so threatening that the Foreign Legations became alarmed
and talked of concerting measures to insure their safety. On the 6th May
came the _coup de grâce_. The great province of Szechuan, which has a
population greater than the population of France, declared its
independence; and the whole Northern army on the upper reaches of the
Yangtsze was caught in a trap. The story is still told with bated breath
of the terrible manner in which Yuan Shih-kai sated his rage when this
news reached him--Szechuan being governed by a man he had hitherto
thoroughly trusted--one General Chen Yi. Arming himself with a sword and
beside himself with rage he burst into the room where his favourite
concubine was lying with her newly-delivered baby. With a few savage
blows he butchered them both, leaving them lying in their gore, thus
relieving the apoplectic stroke which threatened to overwhelm him.
Nothing better illustrates the real nature of the man who had been so
long the selected bailiff of the Powers.
On the 12th May it became necessary to suspend specie payment in Peking,
the government banks having scarcely a dollar of silver left, a last
attempt to negotiate a loan in America having failed. Meanwhile under
inspiration of General Feng Kuo-chang, a conference to deal with the
situation was assembling at Nanking; but on the 11th May, the Canton
Military Government, representing the Southern Confederacy, had already
unanimously elected Vice-President Li Yuan Hung as president of the
Republic, it being held that legally Yuan Shih-kai had ceased to be
President when he had accepted the Throne on the previous 13th December.
The Vice-President, who had managed to remove his residence outside the
Palace, had already received friendly offers of protection from certain
Powers which he declined, showing courage to the end. Even the Nanking
Conference, though composed of trimmers and wobblers, decided that the
retirement of Yuan Shih-kai was a political necessity, General Feng
Kuo-chang as chairman of the Conference producing at the last moment a
telegram from the fallen Dictator declaring that he was willing to go if
his life and property were guaranteed.
A more dramatic collapse was, however, in store. As May drew to an end
it was plain that there was no government at all left in Peking. The
last phase had been truly reached. Yuan Shih-kai's nervous collapse was
known to all the Legations which were exceedingly anxious about the
possibility of a soldiers' revolt in the capital. The arrival of a first
detachment of the savage hordes of General Chang Hsun added Byzantine
touches to a picture already lurid with a sickened ruler and the
Mephistophelian figure of that ruler's _âme damnée_, the Secretary Liang
Shih-yi, vainly striving to transmute paper into silver, and find the
wherewithal to prevent a sack of the capital. It was said at the time
that Liang Shih-yi had won over his master to trying one last throw of
the dice. The troops of the remaining loyal Generals, such as Ni
Shih-chung of Anhui, were transported up the Yangtsze in an attempt to
restore the situation by a savage display,--but that effort came to
nought.
The situation had become truly appalling in Peking. It was even said
that the neighbouring province of Shantung was to become a separate
state under Japanese protection. Although the Peking administration was
still nominally the Central Government of China, it was amply clear to
observers on the spot that by a process of successive collapses all that
was left of government was simply that pertaining to a city-state of the
antique Greek type--a mal-administration dominated by the enigmatic
personality of Liang Shih-yi. The writ of the capital no longer ran more
than ten miles beyond the city walls. The very Government Departments,
disgusted with, and distrustful of, the many hidden influences at work,
had virtually declared their independence and went their own way,
demanding foreign dollars and foreign banknotes from the public, and
refusing all Chinese money. The fine residuum of undisputed power left
in the hands of the Mal-administrator-in-chief, Liang Shih-yi, was the
control of the copper cash market which he busily juggled with to the
very end netting a few last thousands for his own purse, and showing
that men like water inevitably find their true level. In all China's
tribulations nothing similar had ever been seen. Even in 1900, after the
Boxer bubble had been pricked and the Court had sought safety in flight,
there was a certain dignity and majesty left. Then an immense misfortune
had fallen across the capital; but that misfortune was like a cloak
which hid the nakedness of the victim; and there was at least no
pretence at authority. In the Summer of 1916, had it not been for the
fact that an admirable police and gendarmerie system, comprising 16,000
men, secured the safety of the people, there can be little doubt that
firing and looting would have daily taken place and no woman been safe.
It was the last phase of political collapse with a vengeance: and small
wonder if all Chinese officials, including even high police officers,
sent their valuables either out of the city or into the Legation Quarter
for safe custody. Extraordinary rumours circulated endlessly among the
common people that there would be great trouble on the occasion of the
Dragon Festival, the 5th June; and what actually took place was perhaps
more than a coincidence.
Early on the 6th June an electric thrill ran through Peking--Yuan
Shih-kai was dead! At first the news was not believed, but by eleven
o'clock it was definitely known in the Legation Quarter that he had died
a few minutes after ten o'clock that morning from uraemia of the
blood--the surgeon of the French Legation being in attendance almost to
the last. A certificate issued later by this gentleman immediately
quieted the rumours of suicide, though many still refused to believe
that he was actually dead. "I did not wish this end," he is reported to
have whispered hoarsely a few minutes before he expired, "I did not wish
to be Emperor. Those around me said that the people wanted a king and
named me for the Throne. I believed and was misled." And in this way did
his light flicker out. If there are sermons in stones and books in the
running brooks surely there is an eloquent lesson in this tragedy!
Before expiring the wretched man issued the following Death Mandate in
accordance with the ancient tradition, attempting as the long night fell
on him to make his peace with men:--
LAST MANDATE OF YUAN SHIH-KAI
The Min Kuo has been established for five years. Unworthily have I,
the Great President, been entrusted with the great task by the
citizens. Owing to my lack of virtue and ability I have not been
able fully to transform into deeds what I have desired to
accomplish; and I blush to say that I have not realized one
ten-thousandth part of my original intention to save the country and
the people. I have, since my assumption of the office, worked in
day and thought in the night, planning for the country. It is true
that the foundation of the country is not yet consolidated, the
hardships of the people not yet relieved, and innumerable reforms
are still unattended to. But by the valuable services of the civil
officials and military men, some semblance of peace and order has
been maintained in the provinces and friendly relations with the
Powers upheld till now.
While on the one hand I comfort myself with such things
accomplished, on the other hand I have much to blame myself for. I
was just thinking how I could retire into private life and rest
myself in the forest and near the springs in fulfilment of my
original desire, when illness has suddenly overtaken me. As the
affairs of the State are of gravest importance, the right man must
be secured to take over charge of the same. In accordance with
Article 29 of the Provisional Constitution, which states that in
case the office of the Great President should be vacated for certain
reasons or when the Great President is incapacitated from doing his
duties, the Vice-President shall exercise authority and power in his
stead. I, the Great President, declare in accordance with the
Provisional Constitution that the Vice-President shall exercise in
an acting capacity, the authority and power of the Great President
of the Chung Hua Min Kuo.
The Vice-President being a man of courtesy, good nature, benevolence
and wisdom, will certainly be capable of greatly lessening the
difficulties of the day and place the country on the foundation of
peace, and so remedy the defects of me, the Great President, and
satisfy the expectations of the people of the whole country. The
civil and military officials outside of the Capital as well as the
troops, police and scholars and people should doubly keep in mind
the difficulties and perils of the nation, and endeavour to maintain
peace and order to the best of their ability, placing before
everything else the welfare of the country. The ancients once said:
"It is only when the living do try to become strong that the dead
are not dead." This is also the wish of me, the Great President.
(Signed) TUAN CHI-JUI,
Secretary of State and
Minister of War
TSAO JU-LIN,
Minister of Foreign Affairs and
Communications.
WANG YI-TANG,
Minister of Interior.
CHOW TZU-CHI,
Minister of Finance.
LIU-KUAN-HSIUNG,
Minister of Navy.
CHANG TSUNG-HSIANG,
Minister of Justice and
Agriculture and Commerce.
CHANG KUO-KAN,
Minister of Education.
6th day of the 6th month of the 5th year of Chung Hua Min Kuo.
This tragic dénouement did not fail to awaken within very few days
among thinking minds a feeling of profound sympathy for the dead man
coupled with sharp disgust for the part that foreigners had played--not
all, of course--but a great number of them. Briefly, when all the facts
are properly grouped it can be said that Yuan Shih-kai was killed by his
foreign friends--by the sort of advice he has been consistently given in
Constitutional Law, in Finance, in Politics, in Diplomacy. It is easy to
trace step by step the broad road he had been tempted to travel, and to
see how at each turning-point the men who should have taught him how to
be true and loyal to the Western things the country had nominally
adhered to from the proclamation of the Republic, showed him how to be
disloyal and untrue. The tragedy is one which is bound to be deeply
studied throughout the whole world when the facts are properly known and
there is time to think about them, and if there is anything to-day left
to poetic justice the West will know to whom to apportion the blame.
Yuan Shih-kai, the man, when he came out of retirement in 1911, was in
many ways a wonderful Chinese: he was a fount of energy and of a
physical sturdiness rare in a country whose governing classes have
hitherto been recruited from attenuated men, pale from study and the
lotus life. He had a certain task to which to put his hand, a huge task,
indeed, since the reformation of four hundred millions was involved, yet
one which was not beyond him if wisely advised. He was an ignorant man
in certain matters, but he had had much political experience and
apparently possessed a marvellous aptitude for learning. The people
needed a leader to guide them through the great gateway of the West, to
help them to acquire those jewels of wisdom and experience which are a
common heritage. An almost Elizabethan eagerness filled them, as if a
New World they had never dreamed of had been suddenly discovered for
them and lay open to their endeavours. China, hitherto derided as a
decaying land, had been born anew; and in single massive gesture had
proclaimed that she, too, would belong to the elect and be governed
accordingly.
What was the foreign response--the official response? In every
transaction into which it was possible to import them, reaction and
obscurantism were not only commonly employed but heartily recommended.
Not one trace of genuine statesmanship, not one flash of altruism, was
ever seen save the American flash in the pan of 1913, when President
Wilson refused to allow American participation in the great
Reorganization Loan because he held that the terms on which it was to be
granted infringed upon China's sovereign rights. Otherwise there was
nothing but a tacit endorsement of the very policy which has been
tearing the entrails out of Europe--namely militarism. That was the fine
fruit which was offered to a hopeful nation--something that would wither
on the branch or poison the people as they plucked it. They were taught
to believe that political instinct was the ability to misrepresent in a
convincing way the actions and arguments of your opponents and to profit
by their mistakes--not that it is a mighty impulse which can re-make
nations. The Republic was declared by the actions of Western bureaucrats
to be a Republic _pour rire_, not a serious thing; and by this false and
cruel assumption they killed Yuan Shih-kai.
If that epitaph is written on his political tombstone, it will be as
full of blinding truth as is only possible with Last Things.
FOOTNOTES:
[20] The incident of Chen-chiao is very celebrated in Chinese annals. A
yellow robe, the symbol of Imperial authority, was thrown around General
Chao Kuang-ying, at a place called Chen-chiao, by his soldiers and
officers when he commanded a force ordered to the front. Chao returned
to the Capital immediately to assume the Imperial Throne, and was thus
"compelled" to become the founder of the famous Sung dynasty.
The "incident of Yuyang" refers to the execution of Yang Kuei-fei, the
favourite concubine of Emperor Yuan Tsung of the Tang dynasty. The
Emperor for a long time was under the alluring influence of Yang
Kuei-fei, who had a paramour named An Lo-hsan. The latter finally
rebelled against the Emperor. The Emperor left the capital and proceeded
to another place together with his favourite concubine, guarded by a
large force of troops. Midway, however, the soldiers threatened to rebel
unless the concubine was killed on the spot. The clamour was such that
the Emperor was forced to sacrifice the favourite of his harem, putting
her to death in the presence of his soldiers.