CHAPTER XII

"THE THIRD REVOLUTION"

THE REVOLT OF YUNNAN

In all the circumstances it was only natural that the extraordinary

chapter of history we have just narrated should have marched to its

appointed end in just as extraordinary a manner as it had commenced.

Yuan Shih-kai, the uncrowned king, actually enjoyed in peace his empty

title only for a bare fortnight, the curious air of unreality becoming

more and more noticeable after the first burst of excitement occasioned

by his acceptance of the Throne had subsided. Though the year 1915 ended

with Peking brightly illuminated in honour of the new régime, which had

adopted in conformity with Eastern precedents a new calendar under the

style of Hung Hsien or "glorious Constitutionalism," that official joy

was just as false as the rest had been and awakened the incredulity of

the crowd.

On Christmas Day ominous rumours had spread in the diplomatic circle

that dramatic developments in South China had come which not only

directly challenged the patient plotting of months but made a débâcle

appear inevitable. Very few days afterwards it was generally known that

the southernmost province of China, Yunnan--on the borders of

French-Indo-China--had telegraphed the Central Government a thinly

veiled ultimatum, that either the monarchy must be cancelled and the

chief monarchists executed at once or the province would take such steps

as were deemed advisable. The text of these telegrams which follows was

published by the courageous editor of the Peking Gazette on the 31st

December and electrified the capital. The reader will not fail to note

how richly allegorical they are in spite of their dramatic nature:

FIRST TELEGRAM

To the Great President:

Since the question of _Kuo-ti_ (form of State) was raised

consternation has seized the public mind; and on account of the

interference of various Powers the spirit of the people has been

more and more aroused. They have asked the question:--"Who has

invited the disaster, and brought upon us such great disgrace?" Some

one must be responsible for the alien insults heaped on us.

We have learned that each day is given to rapid preparations for the

Grand Ceremony; and it is now true that, internally, public opinion

has been slighted, and, externally, occasions have been offered to

foreigners to encroach on our rights. Our blood runs cold when we

face the dangers at the door. Not once but twice hath the President

taken the oath to observe and obey the Constitution and protect and

maintain the Republic. The oath was sworn before Heaven and Earth;

and it is on record in the hearts of millions of people and the

words thereof still echo in the ears of the people of all nations.

In the Classics it is said that "in dealing with the people of the

country, faith is of the essence of great rule." Again it is written

that "without faith a people cannot endure as a nation." How then

can one rule the people when he "eats" his own words and tears his

own oath? Principle has now been cast to the winds and the _Kuo-ti_

has been changed. We know not how the country can be administered.

Since the suspension of the National Assembly and the revision of

the Constitution, the powers of Government have been centred in one

person, with the implied freedom to do whatever seems meet without

let or hindrance. If the Government were to use this power in order

to reform the administration and consolidate the foundations of the

nation, there would be no fear of failure. For the whole country

would submit to the measures of the Central Government. Thus there

is not the least necessity to commit treason by changing the

_Kuo-ti_.

But although the recent decision of the Citizens' Representatives in

favour of a monarchy and the request of the high local officials for

the President's accession to the Throne have been represented as

inspired by the unanimous will of the people, it is well known that

the same has been the work of ignoble men whose bribery and

intimidation have been sanctioned by the authorities. Although inept

efforts have been made to disguise the deceit, the same is unhidden

to the eyes of the world.

Fortunately it is said that the President has from the very

beginning maintained a calm attitude, speaking not his mind on the

subject. It is now as easy to turn the tide as the reversing of the

palm. It may be objected that if the "face" of the nation is not

preserved in view of the interference of Foreign Powers, there will

be great danger in future. But it must be observed that official

declaration can only be made in accordance with the will of the

people, the tendency of which can easily be ascertained by searching

for the facts. If the will of the people that the country should be

the common property of the Nation be obeyed and the idea of the

President that a Dynasty is as cheap as a worn-out shoe is heeded,

the latter has it in his power to loosen the string that suspends

the bell just as much as the person who has hung it. If the wrong

path is not forsaken, it is feared that as soon as the heart of the

people is gone, the country will be broken to pieces and the

dismemberment of the Nation will take place when alien pressure is

applied to us. We who have hitherto received favours from the

President and have received high appointments from him hereby offer

our faithful advice in the spirit of men who are sailing in common

in a boat that is in danger; we speak as do those who love sincerity

and cherish the unbroken word. We hope that the President will, with

courage, refuse to listen to the speech of evil counsellors and heed

the voice of conscience and of honour. We further hope that he will

renew his promise to protect the Republic; and will publicly swear

that a monarchical system will never again appear.

Thus the heart of the people will be settled and the foundations of

the Nation will be consolidated. Then by enlisting the services of

sagacious colleagues in order to surmount the difficulties of the

time and sweeping away all corruption and beginning anew with the

people, it may be that the welfare and interest of the Nation will

be furthered. In sending this telegram our eyes are wet with tears,

knowing not what more to say. We respectfully await the order of the

President with our troops under arms.

(Signed) THE GOVERNORS OF YUNNAN.

SECOND TELEGRAM

For the Perusal of the Great President:--

In our humble opinion the reason why the people--Chinese and

foreign--cannot excuse the President is because the movement for the

change of Kuo-ti has been inspired, and indeed actually originated

in Peking, and that the ringleaders of the plot against the _Min

Kuo_ are all "bosom-men" of the President. The Chou An Hui,

organized by Yang Tu and five other men, set the fire ablaze and the

circular telegram sent by Chu Chi-chien and six other persons

precipitated the destruction of the Republican structure. The

President knew that the bad deed was being done and yet he did

nothing to arrest the same or punish the evil-doers. The people

therefore, are suspicious. A mandate was issued on the 24th of the

11th month of the 3rd year in which it is affirmed: "Democracy and

republicanism are laid down in the Constitutional Compact; and there

is also a law relating to the punishment of those who spread

sedition in order to disturb the minds of the people. If any one

Shall hereafter dare to advance strange doctrines and misconstrue

the meaning of the Constitution, he will be punished severely in

accordance with the law of sedition."

Yang Tu for having publicly organized the said Society and Chu

Chi-chien for having directly plotted by telegram are the principal

offenders in the present flagrant case of sedition. As their crimes

are obvious and the subject of abundant proof, we hereby ask the

President to carry out at once the terms of the said mandate and

publicly execute Yang Tu, Sun Yu-yun, Yen Fu, Liu Shih-pei, Li

Hsieh-ho, Hu Ying, Chu Chi-chien, Tuan Chih-kuei, Chow Tzu-chi,

Liang Shih-yi, Chang Cheng-fang and Yuan Nai-kuan to the end that

the whole nation may be pacified. Then, and not till then, will the

world believe in the sincerity of the President, in his love for the

country and his intention to abide by the law. All the troops and

people here are in anger; and unless a substantial proof from the

Central Authorities is forthcoming, guaranteeing the maintenance of

the Republic, it will be impossible to suppress or pacify them. We

await a reply within twenty-four hours.

(Signed) THE GOVERNORS OF YUNNAN PROVINCE.

[Illustration: General Feng Kuo-chang, President of the Republic.]

[Illustration: The Scholar Liang Chi-chao, sometime Minister of Justice,

and the foremost "Brain" in China.]

It was evident from the beginning that pride prevented Yuan Shih-kai

from retreating from the false position he had taken up. Under his

instructions the State Department sent a stream of powerful telegraphic

messages to Yunnan attempting to dissuade the Republican leaders from

revolt. But the die had been cast and very gravely the standard of

rebellion was raised in the capital city of Yunnan and the people

exhorted to shed their blood. Everything pointed to the fact that this

rising was to be very different from the abortive July outbreak of 1913.

There was a soberness and a deliberation about it all which impressed

close observers with a sense of the ominous end which was now in sight.

Still Peking remained purblind. During the month of January the

splendour of the dream empire, which was already dissolving into thin

air, filled the newspapers. It was reported that an Imperial Edict

printed on Yellow Paper announcing the enthronement was ready for

universal distribution: that twelve new Imperial Seals in jade or gold

were being manufactured: that a golden chair and a magnificent State

Coach in the style of Louis XV were almost ready. Homage to the portrait

of Yuan Shih-kai by all officials throughout the country was soon to be

ordered; sycophantic scholars were busily preparing a volume poetically

entitled "The Golden Mirror of the Empire," in which the virtues of the

new sovereign were extolled in high-sounding language. A recondite

significance, it was said, was to be given to the old ceremonial dress,

which was to be revived, from the fact that every official would carry a

Hu or Ivory Tablet to be held against the breast. The very mention of

this was sufficient to make the local price of ivory leap skywards! In

the privacy of drawing-rooms the story went the rounds that Yuan

Shih-kai, now completely deluded into believing in the success of his

great scheme, had held a full dress rehearsal of a ceremony which would

be the first one at his new Court when he would invest the numerous

ladies of his establishment with royal rank. Seated on his Throne he had

been engaged in instructing these interested females, already robed in

magnificent costumes, in the parts they were to play, when he had

noticed the absence of the Korean Lady--a consort he had won, it is

said, in his Seoul days in competition against the Japanese Envoy

accredited to Korea, thereby precipitating the war of 1894-95.[19] The

Korean Lady had refused to enter the Throne-room, he was told, because

she was dissatisfied with the rank he proposed to confer on her. Sternly

he sent for her and told her to take her place in the circle. But no

sooner had she arrived than hysterically she screamed, "You told me when

you wedded me that no wife would be my superior: now I am counted only a

secondary consort." With that she hurled herself at the eldest wife who

was occupying the post of honour and assailed her bitterly. Amidst the

general confusion the would-be-Emperor hastily descended from his Throne

and vainly intervened, but the women were not to be parted until their

robes were in tatters.

In such childishnesses did Peking indulge when a great disaster was

preparing. To explain what had occurred in Yunnan it is necessary to go

back and tell the story of a remarkable young Chinese--General Tsao-ao,

the soul of the new revolt.

In the revolution of 1911 each province had acted on the assumption that

it possessed inherent autonomous rights and could assume sovereignty as

soon as local arrangements had allowed the organization of a complete

provisional government. Yunnan had been one of the earliest provinces to

follow the lead of the Wuchang rebels and had virtually erected itself

into a separate republic, which attracted much attention because of the

iron discipline which was preserved. Possessing a fairly well-organized

military system, largely owing to the proximity of the French frontier

and the efforts which a succession of Viceroys had made to provide

adequate frontier defence, it was amply able to guarantee its newly won

autonomy. General Tsao-ao, then in command of a division of troops had

been elected Generalissimo of the province; and bending himself to his

task in very few weeks he had driven into exile all officials who

adhered to the Imperialist cause and made all local institutions

completely self-supporting. Even in 1911 it had been reported that this

young man dreamed of founding a dynasty for himself in the mountains of

South China--an ambition by no means impossible of realization since he

had received a first-class military education in the Tokio Military

Schools and was thoroughly up-to-date and conversant with modern

theories of government.

These reports had at the time greatly concerned Yuan Shih-kai who heard

it stated by all who knew him that the Yunnan leader was a genius in his

own way. In conformity with his policy of bringing to Peking all who

might challenge his authority, he had induced General Tsao-ao, since the

latter had played no part in the rebellion of 1913, to lay down his

office of Yunnan Governor-General and join him in the capital at the

beginning of 1914--another high provincial appointment being held out to

him as a bait.

Once in Peking, however, General Tsao-ao had been merely placed in

charge of an office concerned with the reorganization of the land-tax,

nominally a very important piece of work long advocated by foreign

critics. But as there were no funds available, and as the purpose was

plainly merely to keep him under observation, he fretted at the

restraint, and became engaged in secret political correspondence with

men who had been exiled abroad. As he was soon an open suspect, in order

to avoid arrest he had taken the bold step at the very inception of the

monarchy movement of heading the list of Generals in residence in Peking

who petitioned the Senate to institute a Monarchy, this act securing him

against summary treatment. But owing to his secret connection with the

scholar Liang Chi-chao, who had thrown up his post of Minister of

Justice and left the capital in order to oppose the new movement, he was

watched more and more carefully--his death being even hinted at.

He was clever enough to meet this ugly development with a masterly

piece of trickery conceived in the Eastern vein. One day a carefully

arranged dispute took place between him and his wife, and the police

were angrily called in to see that his family and all their belongings

were taken away to Tientsin as he refused any longer to share the same

roof with them. Being now alone in the capital, he apparently abandoned

himself to a life of shameless debauch, going nightly to the haunts of

pleasure and becoming a notorious figure in the great district in the

Outer City of Peking which is filled with adventure and adventuresses

and which is the locality from which Haroun al-Raschid obtained through

the medium of Arab travellers his great story of "Aladdin and the

Wonderful Lamp." When governmental suspicions were thoroughly lulled, he

arranged with a singing-girl to let him out by the backdoor of her house

at dawn from whence he escaped to the railway-station, rapidly reaching

Tientsin entirely unobserved.

The morning was well-advanced before the detectives who nightly watched

his movements became suspicious. Then finding that his whereabouts were

unknown to the coachman dozing on the box of his carriage, they roughly

entered the house where he had passed the night only to find that the

bird had flown. Hasty telegrams were dispatched in every direction,

particularly to Tientsin--the great centre for political refugees--and

his summary arrest ordered. But fortune favoured him. A bare

quarter-of-an-hour before the police began their search he had embarked

with his family on a Japanese steamer lying in the Tientsin river and

could snap his fingers at Yuan Shih-kai.

Once in Japan he lost no time in assembling his revolutionary friends

and in a body they embarked for South China. As rapidly as possible he

reached Yunnan province from Hongkong, travelling by way of the French

Tonkin railway. Entering the province early in December he found

everything fairly ready for revolt, though there was a deficiency in

arms and munitions which had to be made good. Yuan Shih-kai, furious at

this evasion, had telegraphed to confidential agents in Yunnan to kill

him at sight, but fortunately he was warned and spared to perform his

important work. Had a fortnight of grâce been vouchsafed him, he would

have probably made the most brilliant modern campaign that has been

witnessed in China, for he was an excellent soldier. Acting from the

natural fortress of Yunnan it was his plan to descend suddenly on the

Yangtsze Valley by way of Chungking and to capture the upper river in

one victorious march thus closing the vast province of Szechuan to the

Northern troops. But circumstances had made it imperative for him and

his friends to telegraph the Yunnan ultimatum a fortnight sooner than it

should have been dispatched, and the warning thus conveyed to the

Central Government largely crippled the Yunnan offensive.

The circumstances which had made instant action necessary were as

follows. As we have seen from the record of the previous risings, the

region of the Yangtsze river has superlative value in Chinese politics.

Offering as it does an easy road into the heart of the country and

touching more than half the Provinces, it is indeed a priceless means of

communication, and for this reason Yuan Shih-kai had been careful after

the crushing of the rebellion of 1913 to load the river-towns with his

troops under the command of Generals he believed incorruptible. Chief of

these was General Feng Kuo-chang at Nanking who held the balance of

power on the great river, and whose politics, though not entirely above

suspicion, had been proof against all the tempting offers South China

made to him until the ill-fated monarchy movement had commenced. But

during this movement General Feng Kuo-chang had expressed himself in

such contemptuous terms of the would-be Emperor that orders had been

given to another high official--Admiral Tseng, Garrison Commissioner at

Shanghai--to have him assassinated. Instead of obeying his instructions,

Admiral Tseng had conveyed a warning to his proposed victim, the

consequence being that the unfortunate admiral was himself brutally

murdered on the streets of Shanghai by revolver-shots for betraying the

confidence of his master. After this dénouement it was not very strange

that General Feng Kuo-chang should have intimated to the Republican

Party that as soon as they entered the Yangtsze Valley he would throw in

his lot with them together with all his troops. Of this Yuan Shih-kai

became aware through his extraordinary system of intelligence; and

following his usual practice he had ordered General Feng Kuo-chang to

Peking as Chief of the General Staff--an appointment which would place

him under direct surveillance. First on one excuse, then on another,

General Feng Kuo-chang had managed to delay his departure from day to

day without actually coming under the grave charge of refusing to obey

orders. But finally the position was such that he telegraphed to General

Tsao-ao that unless the Yunnan arrangements were hastened he would have

to leave Nanking--and abandon this important centre to one of Yuan

Shih-kai's own henchmen--which meant the end of all hopes of the

Yangtsze Valley rising _en masse_.

It was to save Feng Kuo-chang, then, that the young patriot Tsao-ao

caused the ultimatum to be dispatched fourteen days too soon, _i.e._,

before the Yunnan troops had marched over the mountain-barrier into the

neighbouring province of Szechuan and seized the city of

Chungking--which would have barred the advance of the Northern troops

permanently as the river defiles even when lightly defended are

impassable here to the strongest force. It was largely due to the

hardships of forced marches conducted over these rugged mountains, which

raise their precipitous peaks to the heavens, that Tsao-ao subsequently

lost his life, his health being undermined by exposure, tuberculosis

finally claiming him. But one thing at least did his resolute action

secure. With Yunnan in open revolt and several other provinces about to

follow suit, General Feng Kuo-chang was able to telegraph Peking that it

was impossible for him to leave his post at Nanking without rebellion

breaking out. This veiled threat was understood by Yuan Shih-kai. Grimly

he accepted the checkmate.

Yet all the while he was acting with his customary energy. Troops were

dispatched towards Szechuan in great numbers, being tracked up the

rapids of the upper river on board fleets of junks which were ruthlessly

commandeered. Now commenced an extraordinary race between the Yunnan

mountaineers and the Northern plainsmen for the strategic city of

Chungking. For some weeks the result was in doubt; for although Szechuan

province was held by Northern garrisons, they were relatively speaking

weak and surrounded by hostile Szechuan troops whose politics were

doubtful. In the end, however, Yuan Shih-kai's men reached their goal

first and Chungking was saved. Heavy and continuous mountain-fighting

ensued, in which the Southern troops were only partially successful.

Being less well-equipped in mountain artillery and less well-found in

general supplies they were forced to rely largely on guerrilla warfare.

There is little accurate record of the desperate fighting which occurred

in this wild region but it is known that the original Yunnan force was

nearly annihilated, and that of the remnant numbers perished from

disease and exposure.

Other events were, however, hastening the débâcle. Kueichow province had

almost at once followed the example of Yunnan. A third province,

Kwangsi, under a veteran who was much respected, General Lu Yun Ting,

was soon added; and gradually as in 1911 it became clear that the army

was only one chessman in a complicated and very ingenious game.

FOOTNOTES:

[19] This story is firmly believed by many, namely that a beautiful

woman caused the loss of Korea.

The Fight for the Republic in China(#14345) · 第 5 / 11 章