CHAPTER XXI.

ROUMANIAN MARRIAGE AND MORALITY.

Marriageable Roumanian girls often wear a head-dress richly embroidered

with pearls and coins; this is a sign that their trousseaus are ready,

and that they only wait for a suitor. The preparation of the trousseau,

involving as it does much spinning, weaving, and embroidering, in order

to get ready the requisite number of shirts, towels, pillow-covers,

etc., considered indispensable, often keeps the girl and her family

employed for years beforehand. In some districts we are told that it is

customary for the young man who is seeking a girl in marriage to make

straight for the painted wooden chest containing her dowry; and only

when satisfied, by the appearance of the contents, of the skill and

industry of his intended, does he proceed to the formal demand of her

hand. If, on the contrary, the coffer prove to be ill-furnished, he is

at liberty to beat a retreat, and back out of the affair. The matter

has been still further simplified in one village, for there, during

the carnival-time, the mother of each marriageable daughter is in the

habit of organizing a sort of standing exhibition of the maiden’s

effects in the dwelling-room, where each article is displayed to the

best advantage, hung against the walls or spread out upon the benches.

The would-be suitor is thus enabled to review the situation merely by

pushing the door ajar, and need not even cross the threshold if the

display falls short of his expectations.

In some districts a pretty little piece of acting is still kept up

on the wedding-morning. The bridegroom, accompanied by his friends,

arrives on horseback at full gallop before the house of his intended,

and roughly calls upon the father to give him his daughter. The old

man denies having any daughter; but after some mock wrangling he goes

into the house and leads out an old toothless hag, who is received with

shouts and clamors. Then, after a little more fencing, he goes in again

and leads out the true bride dressed in her best clothes, and with his

blessing gives her over to the bridegroom.[21]

An orthodox Roumanian wedding should last seven days and seven nights,

neither less nor more; but as there are many who cannot afford this

sacrifice of time, they circumvent the difficulty by interrupting the

festivities after the first day, and resuming them on the seventh.

The ceremony itself is accomplished with much gayety and rejoicing.

The parents of the bridegroom go to fetch the bride, in a cart

harnessed with four oxen whose horns are wreathed with flower garlands;

the village musicians march in front, and the chest containing the

trousseau is placed on the cart. One of the bride’s relations carries

her dowry tied up in a handkerchief attached to the point of a long

pole.

Whoever is invited to a Roumanian wedding is expected to bring

not only a cake and a bottle of wine, but also some other gift of

less transitory nature—a piece of linen, an embroidered towel, a

handkerchief, or such-like.

In some villages it is customary for the bride, after the

wedding-feast, to step over the banqueting-table and upset a bucket of

water placed there for the purpose.[22] After this begins the dancing,

at which it is usual for each guest to take a turn with the bride, and

receive from her a kiss in return for the civility.

An ancient custom, now fast dying out, was the _tergul de fete_—the

maidens’ market—celebrated each year at the top of the Gaina mountain,

at a height of nearly six thousand feet above the level of the sea,

and where all the marriageable girls for miles around used to assemble

to be courted on the 29th of June, Feast of St. Peter and St. Paul.

The trousseau, packed in a gayly decorated chest, was placed in a

cart harnessed with the finest horses or the fattest oxen, and thus

the girl and her whole family proceeded to the place of rendezvous.

Sheep, calves, poultry, and even beehives, were likewise brought

by way of decoration; and many people went the length of borrowing

strange cattle or furniture, in order to cut a better figure and lure

on the suitors—although it was an understood thing that only a part

of what was thus displayed really belonged to the maiden’s dowry. The

destination being reached, each family having a girl to dispose of

erected its tent, with the objects grouped around, and seated in front

was the head of the family, smoking his pipe and awaiting the suitors.

The young men on their side came also accompanied by their families,

bringing part of their property with them, notably a broad leather belt

well stocked with gold and silver coins.

When an agreement had been effected, then the betrothal took place on

the spot, with music, dancing, and singing, and it hardly ever happened

that a girl returned home unbetrothed from this meeting. But, to say

the truth, this was, latterly, only because each girl attending the

fair went there virtually betrothed to some youth with whom all the

preliminaries of courtship had already been gone through, and this was

merely the official way of celebrating the betrothal, the Roumanians

in these parts believing that good-luck will attend only such couples

as are affianced in this manner. Any girl who had not got a bridegroom

_in spe_ rarely went there at all, or, if she went, did not take her

trousseau, but considered herself as a mere spectator.

In former days, however, this assemblage had a real signification,

and was, moreover, dictated by a real necessity. There were fewer

villages, and a far larger proportion than now of the population

led the wandering, nomadic life of mountain shepherds, cut off from

intercourse with their fellow-creatures during the greater part of

the year, and with no opportunity of making choice of a consort. The

couples thus betrothed on the 29th of June could not be married till

the following spring, for immediately after this date the shepherds

remove their flocks to higher pasturages, and, proceeding southward as

the year advances, do not return to that neighborhood till the Feast of

St. George.

Another curious custom in connection with the maidens’ market was, that

on Holy Saturday each girl who had been betrothed on the preceding

29th of June on the Gaina mountain came to a village of that district

called Halmagy, dressed in her best clothes, and there offered a kiss

to each respectable person of either sex she happened to meet on

her way. The individual thus saluted was bound to give a present in

return, even were it but a copper coin; and to decline or resist the

embrace was regarded as the greatest affront. This custom, known as

the kiss market, seems to have originated at the time when all the

newly married young shepherdesses used to leave the neighborhood to

follow their husbands in their roving life, and this was their mode

of bidding farewell to all friends and relations. This custom has now

likewise become almost extinct, for the conditions of daily life have

been considerably modified during the last fifty years, and nowadays

the newly married shepherd, after a very brief honeymoon, goes away

alone with his flock, leaving his wife established in the village, even

though his absence may extend over a year. Many Roumanian villages

are thus virtually inhabited solely by women, and to a population of

several thousand females we not unfrequently find but twenty or thirty

men, and these mostly old and decrepit, the real lords and masters only

appearing from time to time on a short and flying visit. Szeliste, one

of the largest Roumanian villages in the neighborhood of Hermanstadt,

and celebrated for the good looks of its inhabitants, presents thus,

during the greater part of the year, a touching array of desolate

Penelopes; and it is much to be feared that the score of feeble old

men left them as guardians are altogether insufficient to defend the

wholesale amount of female virtue intrusted to their charge.

The Roumanian always regards marriage with a stranger as something

opprobrious. The man who marries other than a Roumanian woman ceases

to be a Roumanian in his people’s eyes, and is henceforward regarded

as unclean; and a popa whose wife was not a Roumanian would not be

accepted by any congregation. Yet more severely condemned is the woman

who marries a stranger; the marriage itself is considered invalid, and

no Roumanians who respect themselves would keep up acquaintance with

such a person.

According to their views a girl should remain in her own village, but

a man may, without losing caste, marry into another neighborhood. Any

father will consider it an honor to take a strange son-in-law into his

house, and the greater the distance this latter has come, in the same

proportion does the honor increase. But a man who gives his daughter in

marriage out of the village loses his prestige in exact proportion as

she goes farther away from home. “He has given his daughter away from

home” is a reproach to which no man cares to expose himself.

In districts where Roumanians live together with other races professing

the Greek faith, these marriage laws have been somewhat modified. So

unions in the Bukowina with Ruthenians and in the Banat with Serbs,

though still regarded as objectionable, are not so rare as they used to

be.

No respectable girl should leave her parents’ house unless driven to

it by necessity; and if she be obliged to go into service, it should

only be in the house of the popa, or in that of some particularly

distinguished native of the place. The Roumanian girls serving in

the towns are mostly such as have been obliged to leave their native

village in consequence of a moral slip.

Much has been said about the lightness of behavior characterizing

Roumanian girls—Saxons in particular being fond of drawing attention

to the comparative statistics of the two races, which show, it is true,

a very large balance of legitimate births in their own favor. If,

however, we look at the matter somewhat more closely, we are forced to

acknowledge that the words legitimate and illegitimate can only here

be taken in a very modified sense; for while the Saxon peasant marries

and divorces with such culpable lightness as to render the marriage

tie of little real value, the Roumanian has introduced a sort of

regularity even into his irregular connections which goes far to excuse

them. Whatever, also, may be said of the loose conduct of many of the

Roumanian married women, the same reproach cannot be applied to the

girls.

It happens frequently that among the Roumanians, who, like most

Southern races, attain manhood early, there are many young men who have

chosen a partner for life long before the time they are called for

military conscription; and as it is here illegal for all such to marry

before they have accomplished their three years’ service as soldiers,

and no parents could therefore be induced to give them their daughter,

a curious sort of elopement takes place. Two or more of the lover’s

friends carry off the girl, after a mock resistance on her part, to

some other village, where he himself awaits her with his witnesses.

These latter receive the reciprocal declaration of the young couple

that they wish to be man and wife. The girl is then solemnly invested

with a head-kerchief, veil, or comb, whichever happens to be the sign

of matronhood in her village; and from that moment she takes rank

as a married woman, the lad as her husband, and their children are

considered as legitimate as those born in regular wedlock. Three or

four years later, when the young man has served his time as a soldier,

the union is formally blessed by the priest in church; but in that case

none of the usual marriage festivities take place.

It is very rare that a man deserts the girl to whom he has been wedded

in this irregular fashion; and in cases where he has been known to do

so and take another wife, both he and she are tabooed by the neighbors,

and the first wife is regarded as the real one.

As, however, all children originating from such unions are officially

classified as illegitimate, the barren figures would give an

erroneously unfavorable idea of the Roumanian state of morality to

those unacquainted with these details; and it is therefore really no

anomaly to say that illegitimate here is tantamount to three-quarters

legitimate, while the Saxons’ legitimacy does not always quite deserve

that name.

A jilted lover will revenge himself on his mistress by ostentatiously

dancing with some other lass; and in order to do her some material

injury as well, he goes secretly at night and cuts down with a sickle

the unripe hemp and flax which were to have served for spinning her

wedding-clothes. It is always an understood thing that the hemp belongs

to the female members of the family, and there is a certain poetry

in the idea of thus cutting off the faithless one’s thread. Thus the

father, finding his hemp prematurely cut down, is at once aware that

something has gone wrong about his daughter’s love-affair.

FOOTNOTES:

[21] In Sweden, when the guests sit down to the bridal banquet,

an old woman decked in a wreath of birch-bark, in which straw and

goose-feathers are interwoven, and grotesquely dressed up with jingling

harness, is led in and presented to the bridegroom as his consort,

while in a pompous speech her charms are expatiated upon. She is chased

away with clamorous hooting, whereupon the bridesmen go out again, and

after a mock search they lead in the bride.

[22] Supposed to denote fruitfulness.

The Land Beyond the Forest: Facts, Figures, and Fancies from Transylvania · 第 21 / 56 章