FEAST OF THE SECOND NEW YEAR.

On Wednesday the 22nd Zi-l-qa`da, 1015 (10th March, 1607), when

3 1/2 gharis of the day had passed, the sun rose to his House of

Honour. They decorated the palace after the usual fashion: a great

entertainment was prepared, and having seated myself at an auspicious

hour on the throne of accession I exalted the nobles and courtiers

with kindness and favour. On this same auspicious day it was learned

from the reports sent from Qandahar that the army sent under Mirza

Ghazi, son of Mirza Jani, to succour (which had been appointed to

assist) Shah Beg Khan, had entered the city of Qandahar on the 12th

of Shawwal. When the Persians heard of the arrival of the victorious

army at the last stage before the aforesaid city, [165] they became

surprised and wretched and repentant, and did not draw rein until

they had reached the Helmand, fifty or sixty kos distant.

In the second place it became known that the governor of Farah

and a number of the officers of that neighbourhood had taken it

into their heads, after the death of the late king, that in this

confusion Qandahar might easily fall into their hands, and without

waiting for an order from Shah `Abbas had collected together and won

over the Chief of Sewistan (Sistan). Sending someone to Husain Khan,

the governor of Herat they asked for support from him. He also sent a

force. After that they turned to attack Qandahar. Shah Beg Khan, the

governor of that place, seeing that battle has two heads, and that if

(which God forbid!) he should be defeated he would lose possession

of Qandahar, thought that to confine himself in a fort would be

better than to fight. He therefore determined to hold the fort, and

sent quick messengers to the Court. It happened that at this time

the royal standards had started from Agra in pursuit of Khusrau,

and had arrived at Lahore. Immediately on hearing this news (from

Shah Beg Khan), a large force was sent off of amirs and mansabdars

under Mirza Ghazi. Before the Mirza reached Qandahar the news had

been carried to the Shah (of Persia) that the governor of Farah, with

some of the jagirdars of that neighbourhood, had proceeded towards

the province of Qandahar. Considering this an improper proceeding,

he sent Husain Beg, a well-known man and one of his own intimates to

make enquiries. He also sent a farman in their names that they should

move away from the vicinity of Qandahar and go to their own places

and abodes, because the friendship and amity of his ancestors with the

dignified family of Jahangir Padshah were of old standing. That body,

before the arrival of Husain Beg and the King's order, not being able

to oppose the royal army, considered the opportunity of returning a

favourable one. The said Husain Beg censured the men and started off

to wait on me, which he had the honour to do at Lahore. He explained

that the ill-fated army which had attacked Qandahar had acted without

the order of Shah `Abbas. God forbid (he said) that in consequence

of this any unpleasantness should remain in my mind. In short, after

the victorious troops reached Qandahar, they, according to orders,

delivered the fort over to Sardar Khan, and Shah Beg Khan returned

to Court with the relieving force.

On the 27th Zi-l-qa`da, `Abdu-llah Khan, having brought Ram Chand

Bandilah into captivity and chains, brought him before me. I ordered

them to take the fetters from his legs, and bestowed on him a robe of

honour, and handed him over to Raja Baso that he might take security

and release him and a number of his relations who had been captured

with him. This through my clemency and kindness came to pass. He had

never imagined such clemency and kindness as I showed to him.

On the 2nd Zi-l-hijja I gave my son Khurram a tuman u tugh, a

flag and drums, and bestowed on him the rank of 8,000 personal

and 5,000 horse, and gave an order for a jagir. On the same day,

having exalted Pir Khan, [166] son of Daulat Khan Lodi, who had

come from Khandesh with the children of Daniyal, with the title of

Salabat Khan and honoured him with the rank of 3,000 personal and

1,500 horse, and presented him with a standard and drums, I promoted

him to the distinction of sonship (farzandi) beyond his fellows and

equals. The ancestors and uncles of Salabat Khan's grandfather had

been great and honourable among the tribe of Lodi. An earlier Daulat

Khan, uncle of Salabat Khan's grandfather, when Ibrahim after his

father Sikandar's death, began to behave ill to his father's amirs

and destroyed many, became apprehensive, and sent his younger son,

Dilawar Khan, to wait upon H.M. Babar in Kabul, and suggested to him

the acquisition of Hindustan. As Babar also had this enterprise in

mind, he at once proceeded in that direction, and did not turn his

rein till he reached the neighbourhood of Lahore. Daulat Khan with his

followers obtained the good fortune to wait upon him, and performed

loyal service. As he was an old man, adorned with inward and outward

excellencies, he did much good service. He (Babar) generally called him

"father," and entrusting to him as before [167] the government of the

Panjab placed its amirs and jagirdars under his jurisdiction. Taking

Dilawar Khan with him he (Babar) returned to Kabul. When he (Babar)

came a second time into the Panjab with intent to invade Hindustan,

Daulat Khan waited on him, and about the same time died. Dilawar Khan

was honoured with the title of Khankhanan and was with Babar in the

battle he had with Ibrahim. In the same way he was permanently in

waiting on the late king Humayun. In the thana of Mungir, at the time

of his (Humayun's) return from Bengal, he fought bravely against Shir

Khan Afghan, and was made prisoner on the field of battle. Although

Shir Khan urged him to take service with him, he refused and said,

"Thy ancestors were always the servants of mine: how, then, could I

do this?" Shir Khan was enraged, and ordered him to be shut up in a

wall. [168]

`Umar Khan, the grandfather of Salabat Khan Farzand, who was cousin

of Dilawar Khan, had been treated with respect in the time of Salim

Khan. After Salim Khan's death and the slaughter of Firuz, his son,

at the hand of Muhammad Khan, `Umar Khan and his brethren became

suspicious of Muhammad Khan and went to Gujarat, where `Umar Khan

died. Daulat Khan, his son, who was a brave young man of pleasant

appearance, and good at all things, chose the companionship of

`Abdu-r-Rahim, son of Bairam Khan, who had been dignified with the

title of Khankhanan in the reign of Akbar, and performed excellent

service. The Khankhanan regarded him as his own brother, or even

a thousand times better than his brother, and dearer. Most of the

Khankhanan's victories were gained through Daulat Khan's valour and

manliness. [169] When my revered father, having taken the province

of Khandesh and the fort of Asir, returned to Agra, he left Daniyal

in charge of that province and of all the provinces acquired from the

rulers of the Deccan. At this time Daniyal had separated Daulat Khan

from the Khankhanan, and was keeping him in attendance on himself and

handing over to him for disposal all the business of the State. He

showed him much favour and perfect affection until he died in his

service. He left two sons, one Muhammad Khan, and the other Pir

Khan; Muhammad Khan, who was the elder, died a short time after

his father. Daniyal, too, wore himself out with drinking. After my

accession I summoned Pir Khan to Court. As I discovered in him a good

disposition and natural abilities, I raised the pedestal of regard for

him to the point that has been described. To-day there is not in my

government any person of greater influence than he, so much so that

on his representation I pass over faults which are not pardoned at

the intercession of any of the other servants of the Court. In short,

he is a young man of good disposition, brave, and worthy of favour,

and what I have done for him has been done rightly, and he will be

exalted by further favours. [170]

As I had made up my exalted mind to the conquest of Mawara'a-n-nahr

(Transoxiana), which was the hereditary kingdom of my ancestors, I

desired to free the face of Hindustan from the rubbish of the factious

and rebellious, and leaving one of my sons in that country, to go

myself with a valiant army in due array, with elephants of mountainous

dignity and of lightning speed, and taking ample treasure with me,

to undertake the conquest of my ancestral dominions. In accordance

with this idea, I despatched Parwiz to drive back the Rana, and

intended to go myself to the Deccan, when just at that moment the

improper action of Khusrau took place, and it became necessary to

pursue him and put an end to that disturbance. For the same reason,

the undertaking of Parwiz did not assume a promising appearance,

and regarding the exigency of the time he gave a respite to the

Rana. Bringing with him one of the Rana's sons, he came to wait on

me, and had the bliss of attending me in Lahore. When I was at ease

about Khusrau's disturbance, and the repulse of the Qizilbashes,

who had invested Qandahar, had been brought about in a facile way,

it came into my mind to make a hunting tour to Kabul, which is like my

native land. After that I would return to Hindustan, when the purposes

of my mind would pass from design to action. In pursuance of these

steps, on the 7th Zi-l-hijja, at an auspicious hour, I left the fort

of Lahore and took up my quarters in the Dil-amiz Garden, which is

on the other side of the Ravi, and stayed there four days. Sunday,

the 19th Farwardin, which is the culmination of His Majesty the Sun,

I passed in the garden, and some of the servants of the Court were

favourably and kindly honoured with increased rank. Ten thousand

rupees were bestowed on Hasan Beg, the envoy of the ruler of Persia

(Shah `Abbas). Leaving Qilij Khan, Miran Sadr Jahan, and Mir Sharif

Amuli in Lahore, I ordered them to settle in consultation any matters

that might present themselves. On Monday I marched from the garden

mentioned, and encamped at the village of Harhar, 3 1/2 kos distant

from the city. On Tuesday the royal standards alighted at Jahangirpur,

which is one of my fixed hunting-places. In this neighbourhood had been

erected by my order a manar at the head of the grave of an antelope

called Mansaraj, [171] which was without equal in fights with tame

antelopes and in hunting wild ones. On a stone of that manar was

carved this prose composition, written by Mulla Muhammad Husain of

Kashmir, who was the chief of the elegant writers of the day: "In this

enchanting place an antelope came into the world-holding (jahan-giri)

net of the God-knowing ruler Nuru-d-din Jahangir Padshah. In the

space of one month, having overcome his desert fierceness, he became

the head of the special antelopes." On account of the rare quality of

this antelope, I commanded that no person should hunt the deer of this

plain, and that their flesh should be to Hindus and Muhammadans as is

the flesh of cows and pigs. They made the gravestone in the shape of

an antelope. I ordered Sikandar Mu`in, the jagirdar of the aforesaid

pargana, to build a strong fort in the village of Jahangirpur.

On Thursday, the 14th, I encamped in the pargana of Chandala. [172]

Thence on Saturday, the 16th, making one stage in the middle, I came

to Hafizabad. [173] I stayed in the station which had been erected by

the exertions of the karori of that place, Mir Qiyamu-d-din. Having

reached the Chenab in two marches on Thursday, the 21st Zi-l-hijja,

I crossed the river by a bridge which had been built there and my

camp was pitched in the neighbourhood of the pargana of Gujrat. At

the time when His Majesty Akbar went to Kashmir, a fort had been

built on that bank of the river. Having brought to this fort a body

of Gujars who had passed their time in the neighbourhood in thieving

and highway robbery, he established them here. As it had become the

abode of Gujars, he made it a separate pargana, and gave it the name

of Gujrat. They call Gujars a caste which does little manual work

and subsists on milk and curds. On Friday I pitched at Khawasspur,

five kos from Gujrat, founded by Khawass Khan, a slave of Shir Khan

Afghan. Thence, with two halts in the middle, I pitched on the bank of

the Bihat (Jhelam). On that night a great wind blew and a black cloud

hid the face of the sky. The rain was of such violence that old men

remembered none such. It turned to hail, and every hailstone was the

size of a hen's egg. From the flooding of the river and the force of

the wind and rain, the bridge broke. I, with the inmates of the harem,

crossed in a boat. As there were few boats, I ordered the men not

[174] to cross in these, but to rebuild the bridge. It was finished

in a week, and the whole army crossed with ease. The source of the

Bihat is a spring in Kashmir called the Vir-nag; in the language

of India a snake is vir-nag. Clearly there had been a large snake

at that place. I went twice to the spring in my father's lifetime;

it is 20 kos from the city of Kashmir. It is an octagonal reservoir

about 20 yards by 20. Near it are the remains of a place of worship

for recluses; cells cut out of the rock and numerous caves. The water

is exceedingly pure. Although I could not guess its depth, a grain of

poppy-seed is visible until it touches the bottom. There were many

fish to be seen in it. As I had heard that it was unfathomable, I

ordered them to throw in a cord with a stone attached, and when this

cord was measured in gaz it became evident that the depth was not

more than once and a half the height of a man. After my accession I

ordered them to build the sides of the spring round with stone, and

they made a garden round it with a canal; and built halls and houses

about it, and made a place such that travellers over the world can

point out few like it. When the river reaches the village of Pampur,

at a distance of ten kos from the city, it increases, and all the

saffron of Kashmir is obtained in this village. I do not know if there

is so much saffron in any other place in the world. The annual crop

is 500 maunds by Hindustan weight, equal to 5,000 wilayat (Persian)

maunds. In attendance on my revered father, I went to this place at

the season when the saffron was in flower. On other plants of the

world, first the branches (stems) shoot out and then the leaves and

flowers. On the contrary, when the saffron stem is four fingers breadth

from the dry ground, its flowers shoot out, of the colour of the iris,

[175] with four petals, and in the middle are four threads (risha)

of an orange colour like that of the flower, and of the length

of a finger-joint. This is the saffron. The land is not ploughed

[176] or irrigated, the plant springs up amongst the clods. In some

places its cultivation extends for a kos, and in others for half a

kos. It looks better from a distance. At the time of plucking, all

my attendants got headache from its sharp scent. Though I drank wine

and took a cup, I too got headache. I asked the animal-like Kashmiris,

who were employed in picking the flowers how they felt. I ascertained

that they had never experienced headache in their lives.

The waters from the spring Vir-nag and of other streams and nullahs

that join from right and left form the river Bihat, which passes

through the heart of the city. Its breadth in most places is not

more than a bowshot. [177] No one drinks its water, because of its

heaviness and indigestibility. All the people of Kashmir drink the

water of a lake that is near the city, and is called Dall. The river

Bihat enters this lake and flows through to the Panjab by the Baramula

Pass, Pakli, and Dantur.

In Kashmir there is plenty of water from streams and springs. By

far the best is that of the Lar valley, which joins the Bihat in the

village of Shihabu-d-din-pur. This village is one of the celebrated

places of Kashmir, and is on the Bihat. About a hundred plane-trees

(chanar) of graceful form clustered [178] together on one plot of

ground, pleasant and green, join each other so as to shade the whole

plot, and the whole surface of the ground is grass and trefoil [179];

so much so that to lay a carpet on it would be superfluous and in

bad taste. The village was founded by Sultan Zainu-l-`abidin, who for

52 years ruled Kashmir with absolute sway. They speak of him as the

great Padshah. They tell many strange customs of his. There are many

remains and traces of buildings of his in Kashmir. One of these is in

the midst of a lake called Wulur, and of which the length and breadth

are more than three or four kos. It is called Zain-lanka, and in making

it they have exerted themselves greatly. The springs of this lake are

very deep. The first time they brought a large quantity of stone in

boats and poured it on the place where now the building stands it had

no result. At last they sank some thousands of boats with stones, and

with great labour recovered a piece of ground 100 gaz by 100 gaz out

of the water, and made a terrace, and on one side thereof the Sultan

erected a temple for the worship of his supreme God. Than this there

is no finer place. [180] He often came to the spot by boat and engaged

in worship of the King of Wisdom. They say he spent many "forty days"

in that place. One day a wicked son of his came to that place to

kill him, and finding him alone, drew a sword and went in. When his

eye fell on the Sultan, however, on account of his venerable dignity

and the might of his virtues, he became confused and bewildered and

turned away. The Sultan shortly after came out and seated himself in

the boat with this same son, and started for the city. On the way

he said to his son, "I have forgotten my rosary; get into a canoe

and fetch it for me." The son having gone into the temple sees his

father in the same place, and the graceless man with complete shame of

face falls at his father's feet and asks pardon for his fault. They

have told many tales of such miracles as this of him, and they say

also that he had well practised the science of khala`. [181] When,

from the ways and methods of his sons, he perceived in them signs

of haste in seeking for rule and government, he would say to them,

"To me it is very easy to abandon rule, and even to pass away from

life, but when I am gone you will do nothing and the time of your

prosperity will not endure long, but in a short time you will obtain

the recompense of your evil deeds and your own dispositions." Having

spoken thus, he gave up eating and drinking, and passed forty days in

this manner. He made not his eye acquainted with sleep, and employed

himself after the manner of men of piety and austerity in the worship

of God Almighty. On the fortieth day he gave up the deposit of his

existence, and entered into the mercy of God. He left three sons--Adam

Khan, Haji Khan, and Bahram Khan. They quarrelled with each other, and

all three were ruined. The government of Kashmir was transferred to the

tribe of the Chaks, who belonged to the class of the common soldiers

of the country. During their dynasty three of the rulers constructed

buildings on three sides of the terrace formed by Zainu-l-`abidin in

the Wulur Lake, but none of these is as strong as his.

Autumn and Spring in Kashmir are things worthy to be seen. I witnessed

the Autumn season, and it appeared to me to be better than what I had

heard of it. I have never seen Spring in that province, but hope to

do so some day. On Saturday the 1st of Muharram (18th April, 1607)

I left the bank of the Bihat, and with one day between reached the

fort of Rohtas, which was built by Shir Khan Afghan. This fort was

founded in a cleft of the ground, and the strength of it cannot be

imagined. As the place is near the Ghakhar territory, and they are a

proud and rebellious people, he had looked to this fort specially as a

means of punishing and defeating them. When a little of the building

had been done Shir Khan died and his son, Salim Khan, obtained the

grace to complete it. On each of the gates [182] they have carved on

a stone the cost of erecting the fort; 16 krors, 10 lakhs of dams,

and more were expended, equal in Hindustan reckoning to 4,025,000

rupees, and according to the currency of Iran to 120,000 tuman,

and in the currency of Turan to 1 arb, 21 lakhs and 75,000 khani,

that are now current. [183]

On Tuesday the 4th of the month, having travelled four kos and

three-quarters, I encamped at Tila. [184] Thence I came down to the

village of Bhakra. In the Ghakhar tongue bhakra [185] is a jungle. The

jungle was composed of clusters of flowers, white and scentless. I

came the whole way from Tila to Bhakra in the middle of the river-bed,

[186] which had running water in it, with oleander flowers of the

colour of peach-blossom. In Hindustan this plant is always in full

bloom (purbar). There was much of it on the banks of this river. The

horsemen and men on foot who were with me were told to put bunches of

the flower on their heads, and whoever did not do so had his turban

taken off; a wonderful flower-bed was produced.

On Thursday the 6th of the month the halting-place was at Hatya. On

this road many palas-trees (Butea frondosa) were in blossom. This

flower, too, is peculiar to the jungles of Hindustan; it has no scent,

but its colour is flaming orange. The base of the flower is black;

the flower itself is as big as a red rose. It is so beautiful that one

cannot take one's eyes off it. As the air was very sweet and clouds

had hidden the sun, and rain was gently sprinkled about, I felt an

inclination to drink wine. In short this road was traversed with

great enjoyment and pleasure. They call the place Hatya because it

was founded by a Ghakkar named Hathi (elephant). From Margala to Hatya

the country is called Pothuwar. [187] In these regions there are few

crows. From Rohtas to Hatya is the place and abode of the Bhugyals,

[188] who are related to and of the same ancestry as the Ghakkars.

Marching on Friday the 7th, I travelled 4 1/2 kos and alighted at the

station of Pakka. [189] This place is called Pakka because the saray

is of burnt brick, and in the Hindi language what is ripe (that is,

not raw material) is called pakka. The station was strangely full of

dust and earth. The carts reached it with great difficulty owing to

the badness of the road. They had brought from Kabul to this place

riwaj (rhubarb), which was mostly spoiled.

On Saturday the 8th we marched 4 1/2 kos and encamped at the

village of Khar. [190] Khar in the Ghakkar language is a rent and

breakage. There are few trees in this country. On Sunday the 9th I

halted beyond Rawalpindi. This place was founded by a Hindu named

Rawal, and pindi in the Ghakkar tongue means a village. In the valley

near this station there was a stream flowing, the waters of which

were collected in a pool. As this halting-place was not devoid of

freshness I alighted there for a time, and I asked the Ghakkars the

depth of the pool. They gave me no precise answer, but said they had

heard from their fathers that there were alligators in the pool which

wounded animals that came there, and on that account no one had the

boldness to go in. I ordered them to throw in a sheep. It swam across

the pool and came out. I then ordered a farrash to go in, and he also

came out safe. It thus became clear that there was no foundation for

what the Ghakkars had said. The pool was an arrow's flight in width.

On Monday the 10th the village of Kharbuza [191] was our stage. The

Ghakkars in earlier times had built a dome here and taken tolls

from travellers. As the dome was shaped like a melon it became

known by that name. On Tuesday the 11th I halted at Kala-pani,

which in Hindi means black water. There is a mountain pass (kotal)

at this place called Margalla; in Hindi mar means to beat and galla

is a caravan, the name therefore means the place of the plundering of

the caravan. The boundary of the Ghakkar country is here. This tribe

are wonderfully like animals; they are always squabbling and fighting

with one another. Although I wished to put an end to this fighting,

I was unable to do so.

"The soul of the fool is doomed to trouble." [192]

On Wednesday the 12th the camp was at Baba Hasan Abdal. One kos to

the east of this station there is a waterfall over which the stream

rushes with great force. There is no fall like it on the way to

Kabul. On the road to Kashmir there are two or three like it. [193]

In the middle of the basin, in which is the source of the stream,

Raja Man Singh has erected a small building. There are many fish in

the basin of the length of half a gaz and a quarter gaz. I halted

three days at this enchanting place, drinking wine with those who were

intimate with me and employing myself in catching fish. Until now I had

never thrown a sufra net, which is a famous kind of net, and which in

Hindi they call bhanwar [194] jal. It is not easy to throw. I threw

it with my own hand and caught twelve fish, and putting pearls into

their noses, [195] let them loose in the water. I enquired into the

story of Baba Hasan from the story-tellers and from the inhabitants of

the place, but no one could tell me any particulars. The celebrated

place at that station is a spring which flows from the foot of a

little hill, exceedingly clear, sweet, and nice, as witness this

couplet of Amir Khusrau:--

"In the bottom of the water, from its clearness, a blind man

Can count the sand-grains in the heart of the night."

Khwaja Shamsu-d-din Muhammad Khwafi, who was for long employed as

Vizier by my revered father, had made a platform and a reservoir there,

into which is led the water from the spring, and thence is used in

cultivation and in gardens. On the edge of this terrace he had built

a dome for his own burial. By chance his destiny was not there, and

(the bodies of) Hakim Abu-l-fath Gilani and his brother Hakim Humam,

who were close to the person and had the complete confidence of my

revered father, were placed in that dome in accordance with his order.

On the 15th the halt was at Amrohi. [196] It is a wonderfully green

place, in which no ups and downs were visible. In this village and

its neighbourhood there are 7,000 or 8,000 households of Khaturs and

Dalazaks. All kinds of mischief and oppression and highway robbery

take place through this tribe. I ordered the government of this

region and Attock to be given to Zafar Khan, son of Zain Khan Koka,

and that by the time of the return of the royal standards from Kabul

they should march all the Dalazaks to Lahore and capture the head

men of the Khaturs and keep them in prison.

On Monday, the 17th, a march was made, and, with one stage in between,

the royal standards alighted near the fort of Attock on the bank of

the river Nilab (Indus). At this stage Mahabat Khan was promoted to

the rank of 2,500. This fort was built by the late king Akbar, and

was completed by the labours of Khwaja Shamsu-d-din Khwafi. It is a

strong fort. At this time the water of the Nilab was low, [197] and

accordingly a bridge had been made with eighteen boats, and the people

crossed over easily. I left the Amiru-l-umara at Attock on account of

weakness of body and illness. An order was given to the bakhshis that,

as the province of Kabul could not support a large army, they should

only allow the immediate attendants of the Court to cross the river,

and until the return of the royal standards the royal camp should

remain at Attock. On Wednesday, the 19th, with the princes and some of

the private servants, having mounted on to a raft (with inflated skins

underneath), and having crossed the river Nilab safely, I alighted on

the bank of the river Kama. The Kama is a river that flows by the qasba

(fortified town) of Jalalabad. The jala is a structure they make of

bamboos and grass and place underneath it skins full of air. In this

province they call them shal (or sal). In rivers and streams in which

there are rocks they are safer than boats. 12,000 rupees were given

to Mir Sharif Amuli and to a number of men, who had been appointed

to perform services at Lahore, to divide amongst the faqirs. An

order was given to `Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma`muri [198] and to Bihari Das,

bakhshi of the Ahadis, to complete the force that had been appointed

to accompany Zafar Khan and send them away. With one stage in between,

the camp halted at the saray of Bara. On the other side of the river

Kama there is a fort which Zain Khan Koka built at the time when he

was appointed to subjugate the Yusufza'e Afghans, and called Naushahr

(Newcastle). About 50,000 rupees were spent upon it. They say that

Humayun used to hunt rhinoceros in this region. I also heard from my

father that he had twice or thrice witnessed such a hunt in the company

of his father. On Thursday, the 25th, I alighted at the saray of

Daulatabad. Ahmad Beg of Kabul, jagirdar of Peshawar, with the Maliks

of the Yusufza'es and the Ghoriya-khel, came and waited on me. As the

service of Ahmad Beg was not approved, I transferred him from that

territory (wilayat) and conferred it on Shir Khan, the Afghan. On

Wednesday, the 26th, I encamped in the garden of Sardar Khan, which he

had made in the neighbourhood of Peshawar. I walked round Ghorkhatri,

which is the worshipping-place of the jogis in this neighbourhood,

with the idea that I might see some faqirs from association with

whom I might obtain grace. But that was like looking for the phoenix

or the philosopher's stone. A herd without any religious knowledge

came to my view, from seeing whom I derived nothing but obscurity of

mind. On Thursday, the 27th, I arrived at the halting-place of Jamrud,

and on Friday, 28th, at the Khaibar Kotal (Khyber Pass) and encamped

at `Ali Masjid, and on Saturday I traversed the tortuous (marpich,

i.e. snake-twisting) Pass, and alighted at Gharib-khana. At this stage

Abu-l-qasim Namakin, Jagirdar of Jalalabad, brought an apricot, which

was not inferior in beauty to good Kashmir apricots. At the stage

of Daka they brought from Kabul gilas (cherries), which my revered

father had entitled Shah-alu. As I was much inclined to eat them,

inasmuch as I had not (hitherto?) obtained them, I ate them with

great zest as a relish to wine. On Tuesday, 2nd Safar, I encamped

at Basawal, which is on the bank of the river. On the other side of

the river there is a mountain which has no trees or grass on it,

and on that account they call this mountain the hill of Bidaulat

(unfortunate). I heard from my father that in mountains like this

there are mines of gold. On the mountain of Ala Bughan, at the time

when my revered father went to Kabul, I had had a qamargah hunt, and

killed several [199] red deer. As I had handed over the administration

of all civil affairs to the Amiru-l-umara, and his illness increased

greatly, and forgetfulness came over his faculties to such an extent

that what was settled in one hour he forgot in the next, and his

forgetfulness was increasing day by day, on Wednesday, the 3rd Safar,

I entrusted the duties of the viziership to Asaf Khan, presenting him

with a special robe of honour, and inkstand and a jewelled pen. It

was a remarkable coincidence that twenty-eight years previously to

this, at the same halting-place, my revered father had promoted him

[200] to the rank of Mir Bakhshi (chief paymaster). A ruby which his

brother [201] Abu-l-qasim had bought for 40,000 rupees and sent him,

he presented as an offering on obtaining the viziership. He petitioned

that Khwaja Abu-l-hasan, who held the offices of bakhshi and the Qur,

etc., might go with him. Jalalabad was transferred from Abu-l-qasim

Namakin to Arab Khan. A white rock was present in the river-bed; I

ordered them to carve it in the form of an elephant and cut upon its

breast this hemistich, which agrees with the date of the Hijra year:

"The white stone elephant of Jahangir Padshah," that is, 1016.

On the same day Kalyan, son of Raja Bikramajit, came from

Gujarat. Certain extraordinary proceedings on the part of this

rebellious rascal had been reported to me. Amongst these was this. He

had kept a Musulman luli woman in his house, and for fear this affair

should become known had killed her father and mother and buried

them in his house. I ordered that he should be imprisoned until

I could enquire into his proceedings, and after ascertaining the

truth I ordered first that they should cut out his tongue and place

him in perpetual confinement, and that he should eat his food with

dog-keepers and outcasts. On Wednesday I encamped at Surkhab. Thence

I alighted at Jagdalak. At this stage I saw many ballut [202]-trees

(oak or chestnut), which are the best wood for burning. Although

this stage had neither passes nor declivities there were plenty of

rocks. On Friday, the 12th, I encamped at Ab-i-barik, and Saturday,

the 13th, at Yurt-i-padshah. On Sunday, the 14th, I alighted at Khurd

Kabul (little Kabul). At this stage I entrusted the Chief Justiceship

and Qaziship of the city of Kabul to Qazi `Arif, son of Mulla Sadiq

Halwa'i. They brought some ripe shah-alu (cherries) from the village

of Gulbahar to this place; of these I ate with much enjoyment nearly

a hundred. Daulat, the head of the village of Jigri [203](?), brought

some uncommon flowers, such as I had never seen in my life. Thence I

alighted at Bikrami. At this place they brought to show me a piebald

[204] animal, like the flying (i.e. jumping) mouse, which in the

Hindi tongue they call galahri (squirrel), and said that mice would

not frequent any house in which this animal was. On this account

they call this animal the master of mice. As I had never seen one

before, I ordered my painters to draw a likeness of it. It is larger

than a mongoose. On the whole it is very like a civet cat. Having

appointed Ahmad Beg Khan to punish the Afghans of Bangash, I ordered

`Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma`muri, who was in Attock, to take 2,000,000 rupees

under the charge of Mohan Das, son of Raja Bikramajit, with him, and

divide it among the auxiliaries of the aforesaid army. One thousand

musketeers were also ordered to accompany this army.

Shaikh `Abdu-r-Rahman, son of Shaikh Abu-l-fazl, was promoted to

the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse, and obtained the title

of Afzal Khan. 15,000 rupees were presented to `Arab Khan, and 20,000

rupees more for the repair of the fort of Pesh Bulagh. [205] I bestowed

Sarkar Khanpur [206] in fief on Dilawar Khan Afghan. On Thursday, the

17th, from the Mastan bridge as far as the Shahr-ara garden, which

was the encamping place for the royal standards, scattering rupees,

half-rupees, and quarter-rupees to faqirs and indigent persons on both

sides of the road, I entered the aforesaid garden. It appeared to be

very green and fresh. As it was a Thursday I gave a wine entertainment

to my intimates, and on account of hilarity and excitement ordered

those who were of equal age to myself and had been my playfellows to

jump over the stream that flowed through the middle of the garden and

was about four gaz in width. Most of them could not jump it, and fell

on the bank or into the stream. Although I jumped it, yet now that I

was 40 years of age I could not jump it with the activity that I had

shown in the presence of my revered father when I was 30. On this day

I perambulated seven of the famous gardens of Kabul. I do not think

that I ever walked so far before.

First of all I walked round the Shahr-ara (city-adorning), then the

Mahtab (moonlight) garden, then the garden that Bika Begam, grandmother

of my father, had made, then passed through the Urta-bagh (middle

garden), then a garden that Maryam-makani, my own grandmother, had

prepared, then the Surat-khana garden, which has a large chanar-tree,

the like of which there is not in the other gardens of Kabul. Then,

having seen the Charbagh, which is the largest of the city gardens,

I returned to my own abode. There were abundance of cherries on the

trees, each of which looked as it were a round ruby, hanging like

globes on the branches. The Shahr-ara garden was made by Shahr-banu

[207] Begam, daughter of Mirza Abu Sa`id, who was own aunt to the late

king Babar. From time to time it has been added to, and there is not

a garden like it for sweetness in Kabul. It has all sorts of fruits

and grapes, and its softness is such that to put one's sandalled

[208] feet on it would be far from propriety or good manners. In the

neighbourhood of this garden an excellent plot of land came to view,

which I ordered to be bought from the owners. I ordered a stream

that flows from the guzargah (ferry, also bleaching green) to be

diverted into the middle of the ground so that a garden might be

made such that in beauty and sweetness there should not be in the

inhabited world another like it. I gave it the name of Jahan-ara

(world-adorning). Whilst I was at Kabul I had several entertainments

in the Shahr-ara garden, sometimes with my intimates and courtiers and

sometimes with the ladies of the harem. At nights I ordered the learned

and the students of Kabul to hold the cooking entertainment, [209]

bughra, and the throwing of bughra, together with arghushtak dances.

To each of the band of Bughra'iyan I gave a dress of honour, and

also gave 1,000 rupees to divide amongst themselves. To twelve of

the trustworthy courtiers I ordered 12,000 rupees to be given, to

be bestowed every Thursday, as long as I was in Kabul, on the poor

and needy. I gave an order that between two plane-trees that were

on the canal bank in the middle of the garden--to one of which I had

given the name of Farah-bakhsh (joy-giver) and the other Saya-bakhsh

(shade-giver)--they should set up a piece of white stone (marble?) one

gaz in length and three-quarters of a gaz in breadth, and engrave

my name thereon (and those of my ancestors) up to Timur. It was set

forth on the other side that I had done away with the whole of the

customs dues and charges of Kabul, and whichever of my descendants

and successors should do anything contrary to this would be involved

in the wrath and displeasure of God. Up to the time of my accession

these were fixed and settled, and every year they took large sums

on this account from the servants of God (the Muhammadan people in

general). The abolition of this oppression was brought about during my

reign. On this journey to Kabul complete relief and contentment were

brought about in the circumstances of my subjects and the people of

that place. The good and leading men of Ghaznin and that neighbourhood

were presented with robes of honour and dealt kindly with, and had

their desires excellently gratified.

It is a strange coincidence that (the words) ruz-i-panjshanba

hizhdaham-i-Safar, [210] Thursday, 18th Safar, which is the date of

my entry into Kabul, give the Hijra date thereof.

I ordered them to inscribe this date on the stone. Near a seat

(takht) on the slope of a hill to the south of the city of Kabul,

and which is known as Takht-i-shah, they have made a stone terrace

where Firdus-makani (Babar) used to sit and drink wine. In one corner

of this rock they have excavated a round basin which could contain

about two Hindustani maunds of wine. He caused his own blessed name

with the date to be carved on the wall of the terrace which is next

to the hill. The wording is, "The seat of the king, the asylum of

the world, Zahiru-d-din Muhammad Babar, son of `Umar Shaikh Gurgan,

may God perpetuate his kingdom, 914 (1508-9)." I also ordered them

to cut out of stone another throne parallel to this, and dig another

basin of the same fashion on its side, and engrave my name there,

together with that of Sahib-qirani (Timur). Every day that I sat on

that throne I ordered them to fill both of the basins with wine and

give it to the servants who were present there. One of the poets of

Ghaznin found the date of my coming to Kabul in this chronogram--"The

king of the cities of the seven climes" (1016). I gave him a dress of

honour and a present, and ordered them to engrave this date on the wall

near the aforesaid seat. Fifty thousand rupees were given to Parwiz;

Wazir-al-mulk was made Mir Bakhshi. A firman was sent to Qilij Khan

to despatch 170,000 rupees from the Lahore treasury for expenses of

the army at Qandahar. After visiting the Khiyaban (avenue) of Kabul

and the Bibi Mah-ru, I ordered the governor of that city to plant

other trees in the place of those cut down by Husain Beg Ru-siyah

(the black-faced). I also visited the Ulang-yurt of Chalak and found

it a very pleasant place. The Ra'is of Chikri (Jigri?) shot with an

arrow a rang [211] and brought it to me. Up to this time I had never

seen a rang. It is like a mountain goat, and there is a difference

only in its horns. The horns of the rang are bent, and those of the

goat are straight and convoluted.

In connection with the account of Kabul the commentaries of Babar

[212] passed in view before me. These were in his own handwriting,

except four sections (juz' [213]) that I wrote myself. At the end

of the said sections a sentence was written by me also in the Turki

character, so that it might be known that these four sections were

written by me in my own hand. Notwithstanding that I grew up in

Hindustan, I am not ignorant of Turki speech and writing. [214]

On the 25th Safar I with the people of the harem visited the julgah

(plain) of Safid-sang, a very bright and enjoyable place. On Friday,

the 26th, I enjoyed the blessing of a pilgrimage to (the tomb of)

H.M. Firdus-makani (Babar). I ordered much money and food, bread,

and sweetmeats for the souls of the departed to be distributed to

faqirs. Ruqayya Sultan Begam, daughter of Mirza Hindal, had not

performed a pilgrimage to her father's tomb, and on that day had the

honour to do so. On Thursday, 3rd Rabi`u-l-awwal, I ordered them to

bring my racehorses (aspan-i-dawanda) to the Khiyaban (avenue). The

princes and the Amirs raced them. A bay Arab horse, which `Adil Khan,

the ruler of the Deccan, had sent to me, ran better than all the other

horses. At this time the son of Mirza Sanjar Hazara and the son of

Mirza Mashi, who were the chief leaders of the Hazaras, came to wait on

me. The Hazaras of the village of Mirdad produced before me two rangs

[215] that they had killed with arrows. I had never seen a rang of

this size; it was larger by 20 per cent. than a large markhur (?).

News came that Shah Beg Khan, the governor of Qandahar, had reached the

parganah of Shor, [216] which is his jagir. I determined to give Kabul

to him and return to Hindustan. A petition came from Raja Birsing-deo

that he had made a prisoner of his nephew, who had been creating a

disturbance and had killed many of his men. I ordered him to send him

to the fort of Gwalior to be imprisoned there. The parganah of Gujrat

[217] in the Panjab Sarkar I bestowed on Shir Khan, the Afghan. I

promoted Chin Qilij, son of Qilij Khan, to the rank of 800 personal

and 500 horse. On the 12th I sent for Khusrau and ordered them to

take the chains off his legs that he might walk in the Shahr-ara

garden. My fatherly affection would not permit me to exclude him from

walking in the aforesaid garden. I transferred the fort of Attock

and that neighbourhood from Ahmad Beg to Zafar Khan. To Taj Khan,

who was nominated to beat back the Afghans of Bangash, I gave 50,000

rupees. On the 14th I gave `Ali Khan Karori, [218] who was one of my

revered father's old servants and was the darogha of the Naqarakhana

(drum-house), the title of Naubat Khan, and promoted him to the rank

of 500 personal and 200 horse. I made Ram Das ataliq to Maha Singh,

grandson of Raja Man Singh, who had also been nominated to drive

back the rebels of Bangash. On Friday, the 18th, the wazn-i-qamari

(the weighing according to the lunar year) for my 40th year took

place. On that day the assembly was held when two watches of the day

had passed. I gave 10,000 rupees of the money of the weighing to ten

of my confidential servants to divide amongst those who deserved it

and the needy. On this day a petition came from Sardar Khan, governor

of Qandahar, by way of Hazara and Ghaznin, in twelve days; its purport

was that the ambassador of Shah `Abbas, who had started for the Court,

had entered the Hazara [219] (country). The Shah had written to his

own people: "What seeker of occasion and raiser of strife has come

against Qandahar without my order? Perhaps he does not know what is our

connection with H.M. Sultan Timur, and especially with Humayun and his

glorious descendants. If they by chance should have taken the country

into their possession they should hand it to the friends and servants

of my brother Jahangir Padshah and return to their own abodes." I

determined to tell Shah Beg Khan to secure the Ghaznin road in such a

way that travellers from Qandahar might reach Kabul with ease. At the

same time I appointed Qazi Nuru-d-din to the Sadarat of the province

of Malwah and Ujjain. The son of Mirza Shadman Hazara and grandson

of Qaracha Khan, who was one of the influential Amirs of Humayun,

waited on me. Qaracha Khan had married a woman from the Hazara tribe,

and this son [220] had been born by her. On Saturday, the 19th, Rana

Shankar, son of Rana Uday Singh, was promoted to the rank of 2,500

personal and 1,000 horse. An order was given for the rank of 1,000

personal and 600 horse for Ray Manohar. The Shinwari Afghans brought

a mountain ram the two horns of which had become one and had become

like a rang's horns. The same Afghans killed and brought a markhur

(Erskine translates this 'a serpent-eating goat'), the like of which

I had never seen or imagined. I ordered my artists to paint him. He

weighed four Hindustani maunds; the length of his horns was 1 1/2

gaz. [221] On Sunday, the 27th, I gave the rank of 1,500 personal and

1,000 horse to Shaja`at Khan, and the hawili (district surrounding)

of Gwalior was placed in the jagir of I`tibar Khan. I appointed

Qazi `Izzatu-llah with his brothers to the Bangash duty. At the end

of the same day a petition came to me from Islam Khan from Agra,

together with a letter which Jahangir Quli Khan had written to him

from Bihar. Its purport was that on the 3rd Safar (30th May, 1607),

after the first watch, `Ali Quli Istajlu had wounded Qutbu-d-din

Khan at Bardwan, in the province of Bengal, and that he had died

when two watches of the same night had passed. The details of this

matter are that the aforesaid `Ali Quli was sufrachi (table servant)

to Shah Isma`il (the 2nd), ruler of Iran; after his death he took to

flight through his natural wickedness and habit of making mischief,

and came to Qandahar, and having met at Multan the Khankhanan, who

had been appointed to the charge of the province of Tulamba, [222]

started with him for that province. The Khankhanan in the field

[223] placed him among the servants of the late king (Akbar), and

he having performed services in that campaign was promoted to a rank

in accordance with his condition, and was a long time in the service

of my revered father. At the time when he (Akbar) went in prosperity

to the provinces of the Deccan, and I was ordered against the Rana,

he came and became servant to me. I gave him the title of Shir-afgan

(tiger-throwing). When I came from Allahabad to wait on my revered

father, on account of the unfriendliness that was shown me, most of

my attendants and people were scattered abroad, and he also at that

time chose to leave my service. After my accession, out of generosity

I overlooked his offences, and gave an order for a jagir for him in

the Subah of Bengal. Thence came news that it was not right to leave

such mischievous persons there, and an order went to Qutbu-d-din Khan

to send him to Court, and if he showed any futile, seditious ideas, to

punish him. The aforesaid Khan had reason to know him (his character),

and with the men he had present, immediately the order arrived, went

hastily to Bardwan, which was his jagir. When he (Shir-afgan) became

aware of the arrival of Qutbu-d-din Khan, he went out to receive him

alone with two grooms. After he arrived and entered into the midst

of his army (his camp) the aforesaid Khan surrounded him. When from

this proceeding on the part of Qutbu-d-din Khan a doubt arose in his

mind, he by way of deceiving him said: "What proceeding is this of

thine?" [224] The aforesaid Khan, keeping back his own men, joined him

alone in order to explain the purport of the order to him. Seeing his

opportunity he immediately drew his sword and inflicted two or three

severe wounds upon him. Amba Khan Kashmiri, who was descended from the

rulers of Kashmir and was connected (by marriage?) with the aforesaid

Khan, and had a great regard for him by way of loyalty and manliness,

rushed forward and struck a heavy blow on `Ali Quli's head, and that

vicious fellow inflicted a severe wound on Amba Khan with the point

of his sword. [225] When they saw Qutbu-d-din Khan in this state, his

men attacked him (Shir-afgan), and cut him in pieces and sent him to

hell. It is to be hoped that the place of this black-faced scoundrel

will always be there. Amba Khan obtained martyrdom on the spot, and

Qutbu-d-din Khan Koka after four watches attained the mercy of God in

his quarters. What can I write of this unpleasantness? How grieved

and troubled I became! Qutbu-d-din Khan Koka was to me in the place

of a dear son, a kind brother, and a congenial friend. What can one

do with the decrees of God? Bowing to destiny I adopted an attitude

of resignation. After the departure of the late King and the death

of that honoured one, no two misfortunes had happened to me like the

death of the mother of Qutbu-d-din Khan Koka and his own martyrdom.

On Friday, the 6th Rabi`u-l-akhir, I came to the quarters of Khurram

(Shah-Jahan), which had been made in the Urta Garden. In truth,

the building is a delightful and well-proportioned one. Whereas it

was the rule of my father to have himself weighed twice every year,

(once) according to the solar and (once according to the) lunar year,

and to have the princes weighed according to the solar year, and

moreover in this year, which was the commencement of my son Khurram's

16th lunar year, the astrologers and astronomers [226] represented

that a most important epoch according to his horoscope would occur,

as the prince's health [227] had not been good, I gave an order that

they should weigh him according to the prescribed rule, against gold,

silver, and other metals, which should be divided among faqirs and

the needy. The whole of that day was passed in enjoyment and pleasure

in the house of Baba Khurram, and many of his presents were approved.

As I had experienced the excellencies of Kabul, and had eaten

most of its fruits, in consequence of important considerations and

the distance from the capital, on Sunday, the 4th Jumada-l-awwal,

I gave an order that they should send out the advance camp in the

direction of Hindustan. After some days I left the city, and the

royal standards proceeded to the meadow of Safid-sang. Although the

grapes were not yet fully ripe, I had often before this eaten Kabul

grapes. There are many good sorts of grapes, especially the Sahibi

and Kishmishi. The cherry also is a fruit of pleasant flavour, and

one can eat more of it than of other fruits; I have in a day eaten

up to 150 of them. The term shah-alu means gilas [228] (cherry),

which are obtainable in most places of the country, but since gilas

is like gilas, which is one of the names of the chalpasa (lizard),

my revered father called it shah-alu. The zard-alu paywandi [229] is

good, and is abundant. There is especially a tree in the Shahr-ara

garden, that Mirza Muhammad Hakim, my uncle, planted, and is known

as the Mirza'i. The apricots of this tree are quite unlike the

apricots of other trees. The peaches also are very delicious and

plentiful. They had brought some peaches from Istalif. I had them

weighed in my presence, and they came exactly in weight to 25 rupees,

which is 68 current misqal. Notwithstanding the sweetness of the Kabul

fruits, not one of them has, to my taste, the flavour of the mango. The

parganah of Mahaban was given as jagir to Mahabat Khan. `Abdu-r-Rahim,

paymaster of the Ahadis, was promoted to the rank of 700 personal and

200 horse. Mubarak Khan Sarwani was appointed to the faujdarship of

the sarkar of Hisar. I ordered that Mirza Faridun Barlas should have

a jagir in the Subah of Allahabad. On the 14th of the aforesaid month

I gave Iradat Khan, brother of Asaf Khan, the rank of 1,000 personal

and 500 horse, and presenting him with a special robe of honour and

a horse, bestowed on him the paymastership of the Subah of Patna and

Hajipur. As he was my qurbegi, I sent by his hand a jewelled sword for

my son (farzand) Islam Khan, the governor of the aforesaid Subah. As

we were going along I saw near `Ali Masjid and Gharib-khana a large

spider of the size of a crab that had seized by the throat a snake

of one and a half gaz in length and half strangled it. I delayed a

minute to look on at this, and after a moment it died (the snake).

I heard at Kabul that in the time of Mahmud of Ghazni a person of

the name of Khwaja Tabut [230] had died in the neighbourhood of

Zuhak and Bamiyan, and was buried in a cave, whose limbs had not yet

rotted asunder. This appeared very strange, and I sent one of my

confidential record writers with a surgeon to go to the cave and,

having seen the state of affairs as they were, to make a special

report. He represented that half of the body which was next the

ground had most of it come asunder, and the other half which had

not touched the ground remained in its own condition. The nails of

the hands and feet and the hair of the head had not been shed, but

the hair of the beard and moustache as far as one side of the nose

had been shed. From the date that had been engraved on the door of

the cave it appeared that his death had occurred before the time of

Sultan Mahmud. No one knows the exact state of the case.

On Thursday, the 15th Arslan Bi, governor of the fort of Kahmard,

who was one of the servants of middle rank (?) of Wali Muhammad Khan,

ruler of Turan, came and waited on me. [231] I had always heard that

Mirza Husain, son of Shahrukh Mirza, had been killed by the Uzbegs. At

this time a certain person came and presented a petition in his name,

and brought a ruby of the colour of an onion, which was worth 100

rupees, as an offering. He prayed that an army might be appointed

to assist him, so that he might take Badakhshan out of the Uzbegs'

hands. A jewelled dagger-belt was sent him, and an order given that,

as the royal standards had alighted in those regions, if he really was

Mirza Husain, son of Mirza Shahrukh, he should first hasten into my

presence, so that having examined his petitions and claims I might

send him to Badakhshan. Two hundred thousand rupees were sent for

the army that had been sent with Maha Singh and Ram Das against the

rebels of Bangash.

On Thursday, the 22nd, having gone to the Bala Hisar, I inspected the

buildings in that place. As the place was not fit for me I ordered

them to destroy these buildings and to prepare a palace and a royal

hall of audience. On the same day they brought a peach from Istalif,

barabar sar-i-buh bakalani, "as big as an owl's head" (?). [232]

I had not seen a peach of such a size, and ordered it to be weighed,

and it came to 63 Akbari rupees, or 60 tolas. When I cut it in half

its stone also came into two pieces, and its substance was sweet. I

had in Kabul never eaten better fruit from any tree. On the 25th news

came from Malwa that Mirza Shahrukh had bid farewell to this transitory

world, and God Almighty had submerged him in His mercy. From the day

on which he entered the service of my revered father till the time

of his departure, from no act of his could dust be brought into the

royal mind. He always did his duty with sincerity. The aforesaid

Mirza apparently had four sons: Hasan and Husain were born of the

same womb (i.e. they were twins). Husain fled from Burhanpur and went

by sea to Iraq, and thence to Badakhshan, where they say he now is,

as has been written about his message and his sending some one to

me. No one knows for certain whether it is the same Mirza Husain,

or the people of Badakhshan have raised up this one like other false

Mirzas and given him the name of Mirza Husain. From the time when

Mirza Shahrukh came from Badakhshan and had the good fortune to wait

on my father until now, nearly 25 years have passed. For some time the

people of Badakhshan, on account of the oppression and injury they have

to undergo from the Uzbegs, have given notoriety to a Badakhshan boy,

who had on his face the marks of nobility, as really the son of Mirza

Shahrukh and of the race of Mirza Sulaiman. A large number of the

scattered Uymaqs, and the hill-people of Badakhshan, whom they call

Gharchal (Georgians?), collected round him, and showing enmity and

disputing with the Uzbegs, took some of the districts of Badakhshan

out of their possession. The Uzbegs attacked that false Mirza and

captured him, and placing his head on a spear sent it round to the

whole country of Badakhshan. Again the seditious people of Badakhshan

quickly produced another Mirza. Up to now several Mirzas have been

killed. It appears to me that as long as there is any trace of the

people of Badakhshan they will keep up this disturbance. The third son

of the Mirza is Mirza Sultan, who excels in appearance and disposition

all the other sons of the Mirza. I begged him from his revered father,

and have kept him in my own service, and having taken great pains with

him reckon him as my own child. In disposition and manners he has no

likeness to his brothers. After my accession I gave him the rank of

2,000 personal and 1,000 horse, and sent him to the Subah of Malwa,

which was his father's place. The fourth son is Badi`u-z-zaman, whom

he always had in attendance on himself; he obtained the rank of 1,000

personal and 500 horse.

While I was at Kabul, no qamargah hunt had taken place. As the time

for returning to Hindustan had come near, and I was very desirous of

hunting red deer, I ordered them to go forward as soon as possible

and surround the hill Faraq, [233] which is seven kos from Kabul. On

Tuesday, the 4th Jumada-l-awwal, I went to hunt. Nearly 100 deer had

come into the enclosure (qamargah). About a half of these were taken,

and a very hot hunt took place. I gave 5,000 rupees in rewards to the

ryots who were present at the hunt. On the same day an increase of

500 horse was ordered to the rank of Shaikh `Abdu-r-Rahman, son of

Shaikh Abu-l-fazl, so as to bring it to 2,000 personal and (2,000)

horse. On Thursday, the 6th, I went to the throne-place of the late

king Babar. As I was to leave Kabul on the next day I looked on that

day as a feast day, and ordered them to arrange a wine-party on the

spot, and fill with wine the little reservoir they had cut in the

rock. Cups were given to all the courtiers and servants who were

present, and few days have passed in such enjoyment and pleasure. On

Friday, the 7th, when a watch of day had passed, leaving the city

auspiciously and with pleasure, a halt was made at the julgah

(meadow) of the Safid-sang. From the Shahr-ara as far as the julgah

I scattered to faqirs and poor people darb and charan, that is, half

and quarter rupees. [234] On that day, when I mounted my elephant

for the purpose of leaving Kabul, the news arrived of the recovery

of the Amiru-l-umara and Shah Beg Khan. The news of the good health

of these two chief servants of mine I took as an auspicious omen for

myself. From the julgah of the Safid-sang, marching one kos on Tuesday,

the 11th, I halted at Bikram. I left Tash Beg Khan at Kabul to take

proper care of Kabul and neighbourhood until the coming of Shah Beg

Khan. On Tuesday, the 18th, I marched two and a half kos from the

halting-place of Butkhak by the road Du'aba, [235] and encamped

at a spring on the bank of which there are four plane-trees. No

one till now had looked to the preparation of this halting-place,

and they were ignorant of its condition and suitability. It is in

truth a most excellent spot, and one fit to have a building erected

in it. At this halting-place another qamargah hunt took place, when

about 112 deer, etc., were taken. Twenty-four rang antelope and 50

red antelope and 16 mountain goats were taken. I had never till now

seen a rang antelope alive. [236] It is in truth a wonderful animal

of a beautiful shape. Although the black buck of Hindustan looks very

finely made, the shape and fashion and appearance of this antelope is

quite a different thing. They weighed a ram and a rang; the ram came to

a maund and 33 seers and the rang to two maunds and 10 seers. The rang,

although of this size, ran so that ten or twelve swift dogs were worn

out and seized it with a hundred thousand difficulties. The flesh of

the sheep of the Barbary goat in flavour does not surpass that of the

rang. In the same village kulangs (demoiselle crane) were also caught.

Although Khusrau had repeatedly done evil actions and deserved a

thousand kinds of punishment, my fatherly affection did not permit me

to take his life. Although in the laws of government and the ways of

empire one should take notice of such disapproved deeds, I averted my

eyes from his faults, and kept him in excessive comfort and ease. It

became known that he was in the habit of sending men to scoundrels who

did not consider consequences, and of inciting them to give trouble

and attempt my life, and making them hopeful with promises. A band

of these ill-fated ones of little foresight having joined together,

desired to attack me in the hunts that took place in Kabul and those

parts. As the grace and protection of God Almighty are the guardians

and keepers of this sublime dynasty, they did not attain to their

end. On the day when the halt was at the Surkhab, one of that band

went at the risk of his life to Khwaja Waisi, the Diwan of my son

Khurram, and revealed that nearly 500 men at Khusrau's instigation had

conspired with Fathu-llah, son of Hakim Abu-l-fath, Nuru-d-din, son of

Ghiyasu-d-din `Ali Asaf-khan, and Sharif, son of I`timadu-d-daulah

(Nur-Jahan's father), and were awaiting an opportunity to carry

out the designs of the enemies and evil-wishers of the king. Khwaja

Waisi told this to Khurram, and he in great perturbation immediately

told me. I gave Khurram the blessing of felicity, and prepared to

get hold of the whole set of those short-sighted ones and punish

them with various kinds of punishment. Again, it came to my mind,

as I was on the march, and the seizure of these people would create

a disturbance and confusion in the camp, [237] to order the leaders

of the disturbance and mischief to be apprehended. I handed over

Fathu-llah in confinement to certain trusty men, and ordered capital

punishment for the other two wretches, with three or four of the

chief among the black-faced (conspirators). I had dignified Qasim

`Ali, who was one of the servants of the late king Akbar, after my

accession with the title of Dayanat Khan. He always accused Fathu-llah

of a want of loyalty, and said things about him. One day he said to

Fathu-llah: "At the time when Khusrau fled and the king pursued him,

you said to me: 'The Panjab should be given to Khusrau and this

quarrel cut short.'" Fathu-llah denied this, and both resorted to

oaths and curses (on themselves). Ten or fifteen days had not passed

after this altercation when that hypocritical wretch was arrested,

and his false oath did its business.

On Saturday, the 22nd Jumada-l-awwal, the news came of the death

of the Hakim Jalalu-d-din Muzaffar Ardistani, who was of a family

of skill and medicine and claimed to be a descendant of Galen. At

all events he was an unequalled healer. His experience added to his

knowledge. [238] As he was very handsome and well-made in the days

of his youth (sada-ru'iha) [239] he frequented the assemblies of Shah

Tahmasp, and the king recited this hemistich about him:--

"We have a pleasant physician: come, let as all be ill."

Hakim `Ali, who was his contemporary, exceeded him in skill. In short,

in medical skill and auspiciousness and rectitude and purity of method

and disposition he was perfect. Other physicians of the age could

not compare with him. In addition to his medical skill he had many

excellencies. He had perfect loyalty towards me. He built at Lahore

a house of great pleasantness and purity, and repeatedly asked me to

honour it (with my presence). As I was very fond of pleasing him I

consented. In short, the aforesaid Hakim, from his connection with me

and being my physician, had great skill in the management of affairs

and business of the world, so that for some time at Allahabad I made

him Diwan of my establishment. On account of his great honesty he was

very exacting in important business, and people were vexed at this

method of proceeding. For about twenty years he had ulcerated lungs,

and by his wisdom preserved in some measure his health. When he was

talking he mostly coughed so much that his cheek and eyes became red,

and by degrees his colour became blue. I often said to him: "Thou

art a learned physician; why dost thou not cure thy own wounds?" He

represented that wounds in the lungs were not of such a nature that

they could be cured. During his illness one of his confidential

servants put poison into some medicine he was in the habit of

taking every day and gave it to him. When he perceived this he took

remedies for it. He objected very much to be bled, although this was

necessary. It happened that he was going to the privy when his cough

overcame him and opened the wounds in his lungs. So much blood poured

out of his mouth and brain that he became insensible and fell, and made

a fearful cry. An aftabachi (ewer-bearer) becoming aware of this, came

into the assembly-room, and seeing him smeared with blood cried out:

"They have killed the hakim." After examining him it was seen that

there was no sign of wounds on his body, and that it was the same

wound in the lungs that had begun to flow. They informed Qilij Khan,

who was the Governor of Lahore, and he, having ascertained the true

state of the affair, buried him. He left no capable son.

On the 24th, between the garden of Wafa and Nimlah, a hunt took place,

and nearly forty red antelope were killed. A female panther (yuz) fell

into our hands in this hunt. The zamindars of that place, Laghmanis,

Shali, and Afghans, came and said that they did not remember nor had

they heard from their fathers that a panther had been seen in that

region for 120 years. A halt was made on the 2nd Jumada-l-akhir, at

the Wafa Garden, and the assembly for the solar weighing was held. On

the same day Arslan Bi, an Uzbeg who was one of the Sardars and nobles

of `Abdu-l-Mumin Khan, and was at that time governor of the fort of

Kahmard, having left his fort, had the blessing of waiting on me. As he

had come from friendship and sincerity, I exalted him with a special

robe of honour. He is a simple Uzbeg, and is fit to be educated and

honoured. On the 4th of the month an order was given that `Izzat Khan,

the governor [240] of Jalalabad, should make the hunting-ground of

the Arzina plain into a qamargah (ring-hunting ground). Nearly 300

animals were captured, namely, 35 quch (rams?), 25 qushqi (?), 90

arghali (wild sheep), 55 tughli (yaks?), 95 antelope (safida).

As it was the middle of the day when I arrived at the hunting-place and

the air was very hot, the (tazi) Arabian dogs had been exhausted. [241]

The time for running dogs is in the morning or at the end of the

day. On Saturday, the 12th, the halt was at Akura Saray (?). At

this stage Shah Beg Khan, [242] with a good force, came and waited

on me. He was one who had been brought up by my father, the late king

Akbar. In himself he is a very brave man and energetic, so much so that

constantly in the time of my father he fought several single combats,

and in my own reign defended the fort of Qandahar from the hosts of the

ruler of Iran. It was besieged for a year before the royal army arrived

to his assistance. His manners towards his soldiers are those of an

Amir (nobleman, umarayana), and not according to discipline (qudrat),

especially towards those who have helped him in battles or are with

him in campaigns. He jokes much with his servants, and this gives him

an undignified appearance. [243] I have repeatedly warned him about

this, but as it is in his nature my remonstrances have had no effect.

On Monday, the 14th, I promoted Hashim Khan, who is one of the

household, born ones of our dynasty, to the rank of 3,000 with 2,000

horse, and I made him governor of the province of Orissa. On the

same day news came that Badi`u-z-zaman, son of Mirza Shahrukh, who

was in the province of Malwa, through folly and youth had started

with a body of rebels to go to the province of the Rana and join

him. `Abdu-llah Khan, the governor of that place, being informed of

this event went after him, and having made him prisoner on the way,

slew several of the wretches who had joined with him. An order was

given that Ihtimam Khan should start from Agra and bring the Mirza to

the court. On the 25th of the aforesaid month news came that Imam Quli

Khan, nephew of Wali Khan, ruler of Mawara'a-n-nahr, had killed him

who was called Mirza Husain, who had been reported to be the son of

Mirza Shahrukh. In truth, the killing of the sons of Mirza Shahrukh

is like the killing of the demons, as they say that from every drop

of their blood demons are produced. In the station of Dhaka, Shir

Khan, the Afghan, whom when I left I had placed at Peshawar to guard

the Khaibar Pass, came and waited on me. He had made no default in

preserving and guarding the road. Zafar Khan, son of Zain Khan Koka,

had been appointed to move on the Dalazak Afghans and the tribe of

Khatur, who had perpetrated all kinds of misdeeds in the neighbourhood

of Attock and the Beas and that vicinity. After performing that service

and the conquest of those rebels, who numbered about 100,000 houses,

and sending them off towards Lahore, he came and waited upon me at

the same halting-place, and it was evident that he had performed

that service as it ought to have been done. As the month of Rajab,

corresponding with the Ilahi month of Aban, had arrived, [244] and

it was known that this was one of the months fixed for the lunar

weighing (wazn-i-qamari) of my father, I determined that the value of

all the articles which he used to order for his own weighing in the

solar and lunar years should be estimated, and that what this came

to should be sent to the large cities for the repose of the soul of

that enlightened one, and be divided amongst the necessitous and the

faqirs. The total came to 100,000 rupees, equal to 300 Iraq tumans,

and 300,000 of the currency of the people of Mawara'a-n-nahr.

Trustworthy men divided that sum among the twelve chief cities,

such as Agra, Delhi, Lahore, Gujarat (Ahmadabad), etc. On Thursday,

the 3rd Rajab, I favoured with the title of Khan-jahan my son

(farzand) Salabat Khan, who is not less to me than my own sons,

and ordered that they should in all firmans and orders write of him

as Khan-jahan. A special robe of honour and a jewelled sword were

also given him. Also, having entitled Shah Beg Khan Khan-dauran,

I presented him with a jewelled waist-dagger, a male elephant, and

a special horse. The whole of the sarkars of Tirah, Kabul, Bangash,

and the province of Sawad (Swat) Bajaur, with the (task of) beating

back the Afghans of those regions, and a jagir and the faujdarship

were confirmed to him. He took leave from Baba Hasan Abdal. I also

ordered Ram Das Kachhwaha to receive a jagir in this province and to

be enrolled among the auxiliaries of this Subah. I conferred on Kishan

Chand, son of the Mota (fat) Raja, the rank of 1,000 personal and 500

horse. A firman was written to Murtaza Khan (Sayyid Farid), governor

of Gujarat, that as the good conduct and excellence and abstemiousness

of the son of Miyan Wajihu-d-din [245] had been reported to me, he

should hand over to him from me a sum of money, and that he should

write and send me some of the names of God which had been tested. If

the grace of God should be with me I would continually repeat [246]

them. Before this I had given leave to Zafar Khan to go to Baba Hasan

Abdal to collect together game for sport. He had made a shakhband

(literally a tying together of horns or branches). Twenty-seven red

deer and 68 white ones came into the shakhband. I myself struck with

arrows 29 antelope, and Parwiz and Khurram also killed some others with

arrows. Afterwards orders were given to the servants and courtiers

to shoot. Khan Jahan was the best shot, and in every case of his

striking an antelope the arrow penetrated through and through. [247]

Again, on the 14th of the month of Rajab, Zafar Khan had arranged a

qamargah at Rawalpindi. I struck with an arrow a red deer at a long

distance, and was highly delighted at the arrow striking him and his

falling down. Thirty-four red deer and 35 qara-quyrugh (black-tailed)

antelope, which in the Hindi language they call chikara, and two pigs

were also killed. On the 21st another qamargah had been arranged within

three kos of the fort of Rohtas by the efforts and exertions of Hilal

Khan. I had taken with me to this hunt those who were screened by the

curtains of honour (the members of the zananah). The hunt was a good

one and came off with great éclat. Two hundred red and white antelope

were killed. Passing on from Rohtas, the hills of which contain these

antelope, there are in no place in the whole of Hindustan, with the

exception of Girjhak and Nandanah, red deer of this description. I

ordered them to catch and keep some of them alive, in order that

possibly some of them might reach Hindustan for breeding purposes. On

the 25th another hunt took place in the neighbourhood of Rohtas. In

this hunt also my sisters and the other ladies were with me, and

nearly 100 red deer were killed. It was told me that Shams Khan,

uncle of Jalal Khan [248] Gakkhar who was in that neighbourhood,

notwithstanding his great age took much delight in hunting, such

that young men had not so much enjoyment in it. When I heard that he

was well-disposed towards faqirs and dervishes I went to his house,

and his disposition and manners pleased me. I bestowed on him 2,000

rupees, and the same sum on his wives and children, with five other

villages with large receipts by way of livelihood for them, that they

might pass their days in comfort and contentment. On the 6th Sha`ban,

at the halting-place of Chandalah, the Amiru-l-umara came and waited on

me. I was greatly pleased at obtaining his society again, for all the

physicians, Hindu and Musulman, had made up their minds that he would

die. Almighty God in His grace and mercy granted him the honour of

recovery, in order that it might be known to such as do not recognize

His will that for every difficult ill, which those who look on the

outside of causes only may have given up as hopeless, there is One

who is powerful to provide a cure and remedy out of His own kindness

and compassion. On the same day Ray Ray Singh, [249] one of the most

considerable of the Rajput Amirs, ashamed on account of the fault he

had committed in the matter of Khusrau, and who was living at his home,

came, and under the patronage of the Amiru-l-umara obtained the good

fortune of waiting on me; his offences were pardoned. At the time that

I left Agra in pursuit of Khusrau I had in full confidence left him

in charge of Agra, so that when the ladies (mahalha) [250] should be

sent for he might come with them. After the ladies were sent for he

went for two or three stages with them, and in the village of Mathura,

on merely hearing foolish tales, separated from them, and went to his

native place (Bikanir). He thought that as a commotion had arisen he

would see where the right road was. The merciful God, who cherishes

His servants, in a short time having arranged that affair broke the

rope of the alliance of those rebels, and this betrayal of his salt

remained a burden on his neck. In order to please the Amiru-l-umara

I ordered the rank which he formerly held to be confirmed to him,

and his jagir to remain as it was. I promoted Sulaiman Beg, who was

one of my attendants from the time when I was prince, to the title

of Fida'i Khan. On Monday, the 12th, a halt was made at the garden

of Dil-amiz, which is on the bank of the river Ravi. I waited on my

mother in this garden. Mirza Ghazi, who had done approved service in

command of the army at Qandahar, waited on me, and I bestowed great

favour on him.

On Tuesday, the 13th, I auspiciously entered Lahore. The next day

Mir Khalilu-llah, son of Ghiyasu-d-din Muhammad, Mirmiran, who was of

the descendants of Shah Ni`matu-llah Wali, paid his respects. [251]

In the reign of Shah Tahmasp there was no family of such greatness in

the whole country, for the sister of the Shah, by name Janish Begam,

was in the house of (married to) Mir Ni`matu-llah, the father of the

Mirmiran. A daughter who was born to them, the Shah gave in marriage

to his own son Isma`il Mirza, and making the sons of that Mirmiran

sons-in-law, gave his younger daughter to his eldest son, who had the

same name as his grandfather, and connected (in marriage) the daughter

of Isma`il Mirza, who was born of the niece of the Shah, to another

son, Mir Khalilu-llah. After the death of the Shah, by degrees the

family went to decay, until in the reign of Shah `Abbas they became all

at once extirpated, and they lost the property and effects that they

had and could no longer remain in their own place. Mir Khalilu-llah

came to wait upon me. As he had undergone trouble on the road, and

the signs of sincerity were apparent from his circumstances, having

made him a sharer of my unstinted favours I gave him 12,000 rupees in

cash, and promoted him to the rank of 1,000 personal and 200 horse,

and gave an order for a jagir.

An order was given to the civil department (diwaniyan) to confer

the rank of 8,000 personal and 5,000 horse on my son Khurram, and

to provide a jagir for him in the neighbourhood of Ujjain, and to

assign the Sarkar of Hisar Firuza to him. On Thursday, the 22nd, on

the invitation of Asaf Khan, I went with my ladies to his house and

passed the night there. The next day he presented before me his own

offerings, of the value of ten lacs of rupees, in jewels and jewelled

things, robes, elephants, and horses. Some single rubies and jacinths

and some pearls, also silk cloths with some pieces of porcelain from

China and Tartary, were accepted, and I made a present of the rest to

him. Murtaza Khan from Gujarat sent by way of offering a ring made

of a single ruby of good colour, substance, and water, the stone,

the socket, and the ring being all of one piece. They weighed 1 1/2

tanks and one surkh, which is equal to one misqal and 15 surkh. This

was sent to me and much approved. Till that day no one had ever

heard of such a ring having come to the hands of any sovereign. A

single ruby weighing six surkhs or two tanks and 15 surkhs, [252]

and of which the value was stated to be £25,000, was also sent. The

ring was valued at the same figure.

On the same day the envoy of the Sharif of Mecca came to wait on

me with a letter and the curtain of the door of the Ka`bah. He

showed great friendship towards me. The said envoy had bestowed on

him 500,000 dam, equal to 7,000 or 8,000 rupees, and I resolved to

send the Sharif the equivalent of 100,000 rupees of the precious

things of Hindustan. On Thursday, the 10th of the month, a piece

of the Subah of Multan was added to the jagir of Mirza Ghazi,

though the whole of the province of Thattah had been given to him in

jagir. He was also promoted to the rank of 5,000 personalty and 5,000

horse. The government of Qandahar and the protection of that region,

which is the frontier of Hindustan, were assigned to his excellent

administration. Conferring on him a robe of honour and a jewelled

sword I gave him his leave. In fine, Mirza Ghazi possessed perfection,

[253] and he made also good verses. He used Waqari as his takhallus, or

poetic name (Ruz-i-rushan, Bhopal 1297, p. 455; also Ma'asiru-l-umara,

vol. iii, p. 347). This is one of his couplets:--

"If my weeping should cause her to smile, what wonder?

Though the cloud weep, the cheek of the rose-bush smiles."

On the 15th the offering of the Khankhanan was presented to me: 40

elephants, some jewelled and decorated vessels, some Persian robes, and

cloth that they make in the Deccan and those parts, had been sent by

him, altogether of the value of 150,000 rupees. Mirza Rustam and most

of the office-holders of that Subah had also sent good offerings. Some

of the elephants were approved. News of the death of Ray Durga, [254]

who was one of those who had been brought up by my revered father,

arrived on the 18th of the month. He had been in attendance for forty

years and more in the position of an Amir on my revered father, until,

by degrees, he had risen in rank to 4,000. Before he obtained the good

fortune of waiting on my father he was one of the trusted servants

of Rana Uday Singh. He died on the 29th. He was a good military

man. Sultan Shah, the Afghan, whose disposition was turbulent and

mischievous, passed his time in the service of Khusrau, and had his

complete intimacy, so much so that this rebel was the cause of the

running away of that unfortunate one. After the defeat and capture

of Khusrau he went off alone(?) [255] into the skirts of the hills of

Khizrabad and that region. At last he was made prisoner by Mir Mughal,

the karori of that place. As he had been the cause of the destruction

and ruin of such a son, I ordered them to shoot him with arrows on

the plain of Lahore. The aforesaid karori was promoted to higher rank,

and was dignified with a grand dress of honour. On the 29th Shir Khan,

the Afghan, who was one of my old servants, died. One might say that

he took his own life, because he was continually drinking wine, to

the extent that in every watch he used to drink four brimming cups

of arrack of double strength. He had broken the fast of the Ramazan

of the past year, and took it into his head this year that he would

fast in the month of Sha`ban on account of his having broken the fast

of Ramazan, and would fast for two months together. In abandoning

his usual custom, which is a second nature, he became weak and his

appetite left him, and becoming very weak he passed away in his

57th year. Patronising his children and brothers according to their

circumstances, I bestowed on them a portion of his rank and jagir.

On the 1st of the month of Shawwal I went to visit Maulana Muhammad

Amin, who was one of the disciples of Shaikh Mahmud Kamangar (the

bow-maker). The Shaikh Mahmud [256] mentioned was one of the great men

of his age, and H.M. Humayun had entire reliance on him, so much so

that he once poured water on his hands. The aforesaid Maulana is a man

of good disposition, and is free, notwithstanding the attachments and

accidents (of the world), a faqir in manner and ways, and acquainted

with brokenness of spirit. His company pleased me exceedingly. I

explained to him some of the griefs that had entangled themselves

in my mind and heard from him good advice and agreeable words, and

found myself greatly consoled at heart. Having presented him with

1,000 bigha and 1,000 rupees in cash by way of maintenance, I took

leave. One watch of day had passed on Sunday when I left Lahore on

my way to the capital of Agra. Having made Qilij Khan governor, Mir

Qawamu-d-din diwan, Shaikh Yusuf bakhshi, and Jamalu-d-din kotwal,

and presented each according to his circumstances with dresses of

honour, I turned towards my desired way. On the 25th, having passed

over the river at Sultanpur, I proceeded two kos and halted at

Nakodar. My revered father had given Shaikh Abu-l-fazl [257] gold of

the weight of 20,000 rupees to build an embankment between these two

parganahs and prepare a waterfall, and in truth I found a halting-place

exceedingly pleasant and fresh. I ordered Mu`izzu-l-mulk, the jagirdar

of Nakodar, to erect a building and prepare a garden on one side of

this embankment, so that wayfarers seeing it might be pleased. On

Saturday, 10th Zi-l-qa`da, Waziru-l-mulk, who before my ascension

had the good fortune to serve me, and was Diwan of my establishment,

died of diarrhoea. At the end of his life a son of evil fortune (lit

footsteps) had been born in his house, who in the space of forty days

ruined [258] (Erskine has 'ate') both his father and mother, and who

himself died when he was two or three years old. It occurred to me

that the house of Waziru-l-mulk must not all at once be ruined, and

patronising Mansur, his brother's son, I gave him rank. Indeed, [259]

he showed no love to me (the scent of love did not come from him). On

Monday, the 14th, I heard on the road that between Panipat and Karnal

there were two tigers that were giving much trouble to wayfarers. I

collected the elephants and sent them off. When I arrived at their

(the tigers') place I mounted a female elephant, and ordered them

to place the elephants round them after the manner of a qamargah

(enclosure), and by the favour of Allah killed both with a gun,

and thus got rid of the raging tigers that had closed the road to

the servants of God. On Thursday, the 18th, [260] I halted at Delhi

and alighted at the residence which Salim Khan, the Afghan, had made

in the days of his rule in the middle of the river Jumna and called

Salimgadh. My revered father had given the place to Murtaza Khan, who

was originally an inhabitant of Delhi. The aforesaid Khan had built

on the margin of the river a terrace of stone excessively pleasant

and bright. Below that building [261] near the water there was made a

square chaukandi with glazed tiles by the order of H.M. Humayun, and

there are few places with such air. In the days when the late king

Humayun honoured Delhi with his presence, he often sat there with

his intimates, and associated with the members of his assemblies. I

passed four days in that place, and with my courtiers and intimates

enjoyed myself with wine parties. Mu`azzam Khan, who was governor

of Delhi, presented offerings. The jagirdars and citizens also made

offerings and presents, each according to his circumstances. I was

desirous to employ some days in a qamargah hunt in the parganah of

Palam, which is one of the places near the aforesaid city and one

of the fixed hunting-grounds. As it was represented to me that the

(fortunate) hour for approaching Agra had come very near, and another

proper hour was not to be obtained at all near that time, I gave up

the intention, and embarking on board a boat went on by water. On

the 20th of the month of Zi-l-qa`da four boys and three girls,

children of Mirza Shahrukh, whom he had not mentioned to my father,

were brought. I placed the boys among my confidential servants, and

made over the girls to the attendants of the ladies of the harem in

order that they might look after them. On the 21st of the same month

Raja Man Singh came and waited on me from the fort of Rohtas, which

is in the province of Patna and Behar, after orders had been sent

to him six or seven times. He also, like Khan A`zam, is one of the

hypocrites and old wolves of this State. What they have done to me,

and what has happened to them from me, God the knower of secrets knows;

possibly no one could mention such another case(?). The aforesaid

Raja produced as offerings 100 elephants, male and female, not one

of which was fit to be included among my private elephants. As he was

one of those who had been favoured by my father, I did not parade his

offences before his face, but with royal condescension promoted him.

On this day they brought a talking jal (lark) which distinctly said

"Miyan Tuti." It was very strange and wonderful. In Turki they call

this bird turghai. [262]