Futile [107] ideas had entered the mind of Khusrau in consequence
of his youth and the pride youths have, and the lack of experience
and the lack of foresight of worthless companions, especially at the
time of my revered father's illness. Some of these short-sighted ones,
through the multitude of their crimes and offences, had become hopeless
of pardon and indulgence, and imagined that by making Khusrau a tool
they might conduct the affairs of State through him. They overlooked
the truth that acts of sovereignty and world rule are not things to be
arranged by the worthless endeavours of defective intellects. The just
Creator bestows them on him whom he considers fit for this glorious
and exalted duty, and on such a person doth He fit the robe of honour.
"He who is seized of Fortune cannot be deprived of it;
Throne and diadem are not things of purchase;
It is not right to wrest crown and dominion
From the head which God, the Crown-cherisher, has indicated."
As the futile imaginations of the seditious and short-sighted had
no result but disgrace and regret, the affairs of the kingdom were
confirmed in the hands of this suppliant at the throne of Allah. I
invariably found Khusrau preoccupied and distracted. However much,
in favour and affection for him, I wished to drive from his mind
some of his fears and alarms, nothing was gained until, at last,
by the advice of those whose fortune was reversed, on the night of
Sunday, Zi-l-hijja 8th, of the year mentioned (April 6th, 1605), when
two gharis had passed, he made a pretence [108] of going to visit the
tomb of His Majesty (Akbar), and went off with 350 horsemen, who were
his adherents, from within the fort of Agra. Shortly after, one of the
lamp attendants who was acquainted with the Waziru-l-mulk gave him the
news of Khusrau's flight. The Vizier took him to the Amiru-l-umara,
who, as the news seemed true, came in a distracted state of mind to
the door of the private apartments and said to one of the eunuchs,
"Take in my request and say that I have a necessary representation to
make, and let the king honour me by coming out." As such an affair
had not entered my thoughts I supposed that news had come from the
Deccan or Gujarat. When I came out and heard what the news was,
I asked, "What must be done? Shall I mount myself, or shall I send
Khurram?" The Amiru-l-umara submitted that he would go if I ordered
it. "Let it be so," I said. Afterwards he said, "If he will not turn
back on my advice, and takes up arms, what must be done?" Then I said,
"If he will go in no way on the right road, do not consider a crime
anything that results from your action. Kingship regards neither son
nor son-in-law. No one is a relation to a king."
When I had said these words and other things, and had dismissed
him, it occurred to me that Khusrau was very much annoyed with him,
and that in consequence of the dignity and nearness (to me) which
he (the Amir) enjoyed, he was an object of envy to his equals and
contemporaries. [109] Perhaps they might devise treachery and destroy
him. I therefore ordered Mu`izzu-l-mulk to recall him, and selecting
in his place Shaikh Farid Bakhshi-begi commanded him to start off
at once, and to take with him the mansabdars and ahadis who were
on guard. Ihtimam Khan the kotwal was made scout and intelligence
officer. I determined, God willing, to start off myself when it was
day. Mu`izzu-l-mulk brought back the Amiru-l-umara.
About this time, Ahmad Beg Khan and Dust Muhammad Khan had been
sent off to Kabul, [110] and had got as far as Sikandra, which was
on Khusrau's route. On his arrival they came out of their tents with
some of their people, and returned and waited on me with the news that
Khusrau had taken the Panjab road and was hastening on. It occurred
to me that he might change his route and go somewhere else. As his
maternal uncle, Man Singh, was in Bengal, it occurred to many of the
servants of the State that he might go in that direction. I sent out on
every side, and ascertained that he was making for the Panjab. Meantime
day dawned, and in reliance on the grace and favour of God Almighty,
and with clear resolve, I mounted, withheld by nothing and no one.
"In truth, he who is pursued by sorrow.
Knows not how the road is or how he may travel it.
This he knows, that horror drives him on:
He knows not with whom he goes nor whom he leaves behind."
When I reached the venerable mausoleum of my revered father, which
is three kos from the city, I begged for aid to my courage from
the spirit of that honoured one. About this time they captured and
brought in [111] Mirza Hasan, son of Mirza Shahrukh, who had proposed
to accompany Khusrau. He could not deny it when I questioned him, and I
ordered them to tie his hands and mount him on an elephant. [112] This
was the first good omen manifested through the kindness and blessing
of that venerable one. At midday, as it had become exceedingly hot,
having rested awhile under the shade of a tree, I said to the Khan
A`zam that we, with all our composure, were in such a state that we
had not taken till now our regular allowance of opium, which it was
the practice to take the first thing in the morning, and no one had
reminded us of the omission. We might imagine from this what was now
the condition of that graceless one (Khusrau). [113]
My trouble was this, that my son without any cause or reason should
become an opponent and an enemy. If I should make no endeavour to
capture him, the fractious or rebellious would have an instrument,
or else he would take his own way and go for an asylum to the Uzbegs
or the Persians, and contempt would fall upon my government. On this
account, having made a special point of capturing him, I went on
after a short rest two or three kos beyond pargana Mathura, which
is 20 kos from Agra, and I alighted at one of the villages of that
pargana where there is a tank.
When Khusrau arrived at Mathura, he met Husain Beg Badakhshi, who
was of those who had received favours from my revered father and
was coming from Kabul to wait on me. As it is the temperament of
the Badakhshis to be seditious and turbulent, Khusrau regarded [114]
this meeting as a godsend, and made Husain Beg the captain and guide
of 200 or 300 Badakhshan Aimaqs, who were with him.
Anyone whom they met, they plundered of horses and goods. Merchants and
conveyers of goods were plundered by these rascals, and wheresoever
they went men's wives and children were not safe from the calamity
of these wretches. With his own eyes Khusrau was witnessing the
oppression practised in the hereditary dominions of his ancestors,
and after being a witness of the improper deeds of these rascals he
a thousand times every moment wished death for himself. Finally, he
had no remedy but to temporize with and support those dogs. If good
luck and fortune had assisted him in his affairs, he would have made
repentance and regret his voucher, and come without any deceit to
wait on me. God, who knows the world of secrets, knows that I should
have passed over his offences entirely and shown him such favour
and affection that to the extent of a hair's point no estrangement
or fear would have remained upon his mind. Inasmuch as during the
lifetime of the late king (Akbar) an intention of joining in the
sedition of some of the rebels had manifested itself in his mind, and
he knew that this had come to my knowledge, he placed no reliance on
my kindness and affection. His mother, while I was prince, in grief at
his ways and behaviour and the misconduct of her brother Madho Singh,
[115] killed herself by swallowing opium (tiryaq). [116] What shall I
write of her excellences and goodness? She had perfect intelligence,
and her devotion to me was such that she would have sacrificed a
thousand sons and brothers for one hair of mine. She constantly wrote
to Khusrau and urged him to be sincere and affectionate to me. When
she saw that it was of no use and that it was unknown how far he
would be led away, she from the indignation and high spirit which are
inherent in the Rajput character determined upon death. Her mind was
several times disturbed, for such feelings were hereditary, and her
ancestors and her brothers had occasionally showed signs of madness,
but after a time had recovered. At a time when I had gone hunting,
on Zi-l-hijja 26th, 1013 [117] (May 6th, 1605), she in her agitation
swallowed a quantity of opium, and quickly passed away. It was as if
she had foreseen this behaviour of her unworthy son.
My first marriage and that at the commencement of my adolescence
was with her. After Khusrau's birth I gave her the title of Shah
Begam. When she could not endure the bad conduct of her son and
brother towards me she became disgusted with life and died, thereby
escaping the present grief and sorrow. In consequence of her death,
from the attachment I had for her, I passed some days without any kind
of pleasure in life or existence, and for four days, which amount
to 32 watches, I took nothing in the shape of food or drink. When
this tale was told to my revered father, a letter of condolence of
excessive kindness and affection reached this devoted disciple, and
he sent me a robe of honour and the auspicious turban tied just as
he had taken it off his head. This favour threw water on the flame
of my grief and afforded complete quiet and repose to my unquietude
and disturbance. My intention in relating these circumstances is to
point out that no evil fortune is greater than when a son, through the
impropriety of his conduct and his unapproved methods of behaviour,
causes the death of his mother and becomes contumacious and rebellious
to his father, without cause or reason, but simply through his own
imaginations and futile ideas, and chooses to avoid the blessing
of waiting upon him. Inasmuch as the Almighty Avenger lays a proper
punishment on each action, of necessity his condition finally came to
this, that he was caught under the worst circumstances, and falling
from a position of trust became captive to perpetual incarceration.
"When the man of sense behaves as if drunk,
He puts his foot in a snare, his head in a noose."
To sum up, on Tuesday, Zi-l-hijja 10th, I alighted at the station
of Hodal. [118] Shaikh Farid Bakhshi and a band of valiant men were
chosen to pursue Khusrau and became the vanguard of the victorious
army. I sent back Dust Muhammad, who was in attendance on me,
on account of his previous service and his white beard, to take
charge of the fort of Agra and of the zanana and the treasuries. When
leaving Agra, I had placed the city in the charge of I`timadu-d-daula
and Waziru-l-mulk. I now said to Dust Muhammad, "As we are going to
the Panjab, and that province is in the diwani of I`timadu-d-daula,
you will despatch him to us, and will imprison and keep watch over
the sons [119] of Mirza Muhammad Hakim who are in Agra; as when such
proceedings manifest themselves in the son of one's loins what may one
expect from nephews and cousins?" After the dispatch of Dust Muhammad,
Mu`izzu-l-mulk became bakhshi.
On Wednesday I alighted at Palwal, and on Thursday at Faridabad;
on Friday, the 13th, I reached Delhi. From the dust of the road
(i.e. immediately) I hastened to the venerated tomb of Humayun, and
there besought help in my purpose, and with my own hand distributed
money to poor persons and dervishes. Thence turning to the shrine
of the venerable saint Shaikh Nizamu-d-din Auliya, I performed the
dues of pilgrimage. After this I gave a portion [120] of money to
Jamalu-d-din Husain Anju and another portion to Hakim Muzaffar that
they might divide it amongst the poor and dervishes. On Saturday
the 14th I stayed in Saray Narela. [121] This rest-house (saray)
Khusrau had burned as he went.
The rank of Aqa Mulla, brother of Asaf Khan, who had been exalted by
becoming my servant, was fixed in original and increase at 1,000 with
300 horse. He was in close attendance during this journey. Considering
that some of the Aimaqs attached to the royal army were in league
with Khusrau, and fearing that consequently some fraud or sedition
might enter their minds, 2,000 rupees were given to their leaders to
distribute amongst their men and make them hopeful of the Jahangiri
favour. I gave money to Shaikh Fazlu-llah and Raja Dhirdhar to
distribute to faqirs and brahmans on the road. I gave orders that
to Rana Shankar in Ajmir should be given 30,000 rupees by way of
assistance for his expenditure.
On Monday, the 16th, I reached the pargana of Panipat. [122] This
station and place used to be very propitious to my gracious father
and honoured ancestors, and two great victories had been gained in
it. One was the defeat of Ibrahim Lodi, which was won by the might of
the victorious hosts of His Majesty Firdus-makani. The story of this
has been written in the histories of the time. The second victory was
over the wicked Hemu, and was manifested from the world of fortune in
the beginning of the reign of my revered father, as has been described
by me in detail.
At the time that Khusrau had left Delhi and was proceeding to Panipat,
it happened that Dilawar Khan had arrived there. When shortly before
Khusrau's arrival he heard of this affair, he sent his children across
the Jumna and bravely determined to hasten on and throw himself into
the fort of Lahore before Khusrau should arrive. About this time
`Abdu-r-Rahim also reached Panipat from Lahore, and Dilawar Khan
suggested to him that he too should send his children across the
river, and should stand aside and await the victorious standards of
Jahangir. As he was lethargic and timid, he could not make up his mind
to do this, and delayed so much that Khusrau arrived. He went out and
waited on him, and either voluntarily or in a state of agitation agreed
to accompany him. He obtained the title of Malik Anwar and the position
of vizier. Dilawar Khan, like a brave man, turned towards Lahore,
and on his road informed everyone and everybody of the servants of
the court and the karoriyan, and the merchants whom he came across,
of the exodus of Khusrau. Some he took with him, and others he told
to stand aside out of the way. After that, the servants of God were
relieved of the plundering by robbers and oppressors. Most probably,
if Sayyid Kamal in Delhi, and Dilawar Khan at Panipat, had shown
courage and determination, and had blocked Khusrau's path, his
disorderly force would not have been able to resist and would have
scattered, and he himself would have been captured. The fact is that
their talents (himmat) were not equal to this, but afterwards each
made amends for his fault, viz., Dilawar Khan, by his rapid march,
entered the fort of Lahore before Khusrau reached it, and by this
notable service made amends for his earlier shortcoming, and Sayyid
Kamal manfully exerted himself in the engagement with Khusrau, as
will be described in its own place.
On Zi-l-hijja 17th the royal standards were set up in the pargana of
Karnal. Here I raised `Abidin Khwaja, son of Khwaja Kalan Juybari and
pirzada (spiritual adviser), son of `Abdu-llah Khan Uzbeg, who had
come in the time of my revered father, to the rank of 1,000. Shaikh
Nizam Thaneswari, who was one of the notorious impostors (shayyadan)
of the age, waited on Khusrau, and having gratified him with pleasant
news, again [123] led him out of the (right) path, and then came to
wait on me. As I had heard of these transactions, I gave him his road
expenses and told him to depart for the auspicious place of pilgrimage
(Mecca). On the 19th the halt was in pargana Shahabad. Here there was
very little water, but it happened that heavy rain fell, so that all
were rejoiced.
I promoted Shaikh Ahmad Lahori, who from my princehood had filled
the relationship of service and discipleship and the position of
a house-born one (khanazada) to the office of Mir-i-`Adl (Chief
Justice). Disciples [124] and sincere followers were presented on his
introduction, and to each it was necessary to give the token [125] and
the likeness (shast u shabah). They were given on his recommendation
(?). At the time of initiation some words of advice were given to
the disciple: he must not confuse or darken his years with sectarian
quarrels, but must follow the rule of universal peace with regard to
religions; he must not kill any living creature with his own hand,
and must not flay anything. The only exceptions are in battle and
the chase.
"Be not the practiser of making lifeless any living thing.
Save in the battlefield or in the time of hunting."
Honour the luminaries (the Sun, Moon, etc.), which are manifesters of
God's light, according to the degree of each, and recognize the power
and existence of Almighty God at all times and seasons. Be careful
indeed that whether in private or in public you never for a moment
forget Him.
"Lame or low [126] or crooked or unrefined,
Be amorous of Him and seek after Him."
My revered father became possessed of these principles, and was rarely
void of such thoughts.
At the stage of Aluwa(?) [127] I appointed Abu-n-nabi(?) [128] Uzbeg
with fifty-seven other mansabdars to assist Shaikh Farid, and gave
the force 40,000 rupees for its expenses. To Jamil Beg were given
7,000 rupees to divide among the Aimaqs (cavalry). I also presented
Mir Sharif Amuli [129] with 2,000 rupees.
On Tuesday the 24th of the same month they captured five of the
attendants and comrades of Khusrau. Two of these, who confessed to
his service, I ordered to be thrown under the feet of elephants,
and three who denied were placed in custody that enquiry might be
made. On Farwardin 12th of the first year of my reign, Mirza Husain
and Nuru-d-din Quli the kotwal entered Lahore, and on the 24th of
the same month a messenger of Dilawar Khan arrived (there) with news
that Khusrau was moving on Lahore and that they should be on their
guard. On the same day the city gates were guarded and strengthened,
and two days later Dilawar Khan entered the fort with a few men and
began to strengthen the towers and walls. Wherever these were broken
and thrown down he repaired them, and, placing cannon and swivel guns
on the citadel, he prepared for battle. Assembling the small number
of the royal servants who were in the fort, they were assigned their
several duties, and the people of the city also with loyalty gave their
assistance. Two days later, and when all was ready, Khusrau arrived,
and, having fixed a place for his camp, gave orders to invest [130]
the city and to prepare for battle, and to burn one of the gates on
any side where one could be got at. "After taking the fort," he said
to his wicked crew, "I will give orders to plunder the city for seven
days and to make captive the women and children."
This doomed lot set fire to a gate, and Dilawar Beg Khan, Husain Beg
the diwan, and Nuru-d-din Quli the kotwal built a wall inside opposite
the gateway.
Meantime Sa`id Khan, who was one of those appointed to Kashmir and was
now encamped on the Chenab, having heard the news, started rapidly for
Lahore. When he reached the Ravi he sent word to the garrison of the
fort that he came with a loyal intention and that they should admit
him. They sent someone at night and conducted him and some of his
men inside. When the siege had lasted nine days, news of the approach
of the royal army came repeatedly to Khusrau and his adherents. They
became helpless (bi pa), and made up their minds that they must face
the victorious army.
As Lahore is one of the greatest places in Hindustan, a great number of
people gathered in six or seven days. It was reported on good authority
that 10,000 or 12,000 horse were collected, and had left the city with
the view of making a night attack on the royal vanguard. This news
was brought to me at the saray of Qazi `Ali on the night of Thursday
the 16th. Although it rained heavily in the night I beat the drum of
march and mounted. Arriving in Sultanpur at dawn I remained there till
noon. By chance, at this place and hour the victorious army encountered
that ill-fated band. Mu`izzu-l-mulk had brought a dish of roast meat,
[131] and I was turning towards it with zest when the news of the
battle was brought to me. Though I had a longing to eat the roast
meat, I immediately took a mouthful by way of augury and mounted,
and without waiting for the coming up of men and without regard to
the smallness of my force I went off in all haste. However much I
demanded my chiltah (wadded coat), they did not produce it. My only
arms were a spear and sword, but I committed myself to the favour of
God and started off without hesitation. At first my escort did not
number more than fifty horsemen; no one had expected a fight that
day. In fine, when I reached the head of the bridge of Gobindwal,
[132] 400 or 500 horse, good and bad, had come together. When I
had crossed the bridge the news of a victory was brought to me. The
bearer of the good news was Shamsi, tushakchi (wardrobe man), and
for his good news he obtained the title of Khush-khabar Khan. Mir
Jamalu-d-din Husain, whom I had sent previously to advise Khusrau,
came up at the same time and said such things about the number and
bravery of Khusrau's men as frightened his hearers. Though news
of the victory came continuously, this simple-minded Sayyid would
not believe it, and expressed incredulity that such an army as he
had seen could be defeated by Shaikh Farid's force, which was small
and not properly equipped. When they brought Khusrau's litter [133]
with two of his eunuchs, the Mir admitted what had happened. Then,
alighting from his horse, he placed his head at my feet and professed
every kind of humility and submission, and said that there could be
no higher or more lofty fortune than this.
In this command Shaikh Farid behaved with sincerity and devotion. The
Sayyids of Barha, who are of the brave ones of the age, and who
have held this place in every fight in which they have been, formed
the van. Saif Khan, son of Sayyid Mahmud Khan Barha, the head
of the tribe, had shown great bravery and had received seventeen
wounds. Sayyid Jalal, also of the brethren of this band, received an
arrow in his temple and died a few days later. At the time when the
Sayyids of Barha, who were not more than fifty or sixty in number,
having received wounds from 1,500 Badakhshi horsemen, had been cut
to pieces, Sayyid Kamal, who, with his brothers, had been appointed
to support the van, came up on the flank and fought with wondrous
bravery and manliness. After that the men of the right wing raised
the cry of Padshah salamat ("Long live the King") and charged,
and the rebels hearing the words, gave up and scattered abroad to
various hiding-places. About 400 Aimaqs became crushed on the plain
of anger and overcome by the victorious army. Khusrau's box of jewels
and precious things which he had always with him, fell into our hands.
"Who thought that this boy of few years
Would behave so badly to his sire?
At the first taste of the cup he brings up the lees.
He melts away my glory and his own modesty.
He sets on fire [134] the throne of Khurshid,
He longs for the place of Jamshid."
Short-sighted men in Allahabad had urged me also to rebel against my
father. Their words were extremely unacceptable and disapproved by
me. I know what sort of endurance a kingdom would have, the foundations
of which were laid on hostility to a father, and was not moved by
the evil counsels of such worthless men, but acting according to the
dictates of reason and knowledge I waited on my father, my guide,
my qibla, [135] and my visible God, and as a result of this good
purpose it went well with me.
In the evening of the day of Khusrau's flight I gave Raja Baso, who
is a trusty zamindar of the hill-country of Lahore, leave to go to
that frontier, and, wherever he heard news or trace of Khusrau, to
make every effort to capture him. I also appointed Mahabat Khan and
Mirza `Ali Akbarshahi to a large force, which was to pursue Khusrau
in whatever direction he might go. I resolved with myself that if
Khusrau went to Kabul, I would follow him and not turn back till he
was captured. If not delaying in Kabul he should go on to Badakhshan
and those regions, I would leave Mahabat Khan in Kabul and return
myself (to India). My reason for not going to Badakhshan was that that
wretch would (in that case) certainly ally himself with the Uzbegs,
and the disgrace would attach to this State.
On the day on which the royal troops were ordered to pursue Khusrau,
15,000 rupees were given to Mahabat Khan and 20,000 to the ahadis,
and 10,000 more were sent with the army to be given to whom it might
be necessary to give it on the way.
On Saturday, the 28th, the victorious camp was pitched at Jaipal,
[136] which lies seven kos from Lahore. On the same day Khusrau
arrived with a few men on the bank of the Chenab. The brief account
of what had happened is that after his defeat those who had escaped
with him from the battle became divided in opinion. The Afghans and
Indians, who were mostly his old retainers, wished to double back
like foxes into Hindustan, and to become a source of rebellion and
trouble there. Husain Beg, whose people and family and treasure were
in the direction of Kabul, suggested going to Kabul. In the end, as
action was taken according to the wish of Husain Beg, the Hindustanis
and the Afghans decided to separate themselves from him. On arriving
at the Chenab, he proposed to cross at the ferry of Shahpur, which
is one of the recognized crossings, but as he could find no boats
there he made for the ferry of Sodharah, where his people got one
boat without boatmen and another full of firewood and grass.
The ferries over the rivers had been stopped because before
Khusrau's defeat orders had been given to all the jagirdars and the
superintendents of roads and crossings in the subah of the Panjab
that as this kind of dispute had arisen they must all be on the
alert. Husain Beg wished to transfer the men from the boat with
firewood and grass to the other, so that they might convey Khusrau
across. At this juncture arrived Kilan, [137] son-in-law of Kamal
Chaudhari of Sodharah, and saw a body of men about to cross in the
night. He cried out to the boatmen that there was an order from the
king Jahangir forbidding unknown men from crossing in the night,
and that they must be careful. Owing to the noise and uproar,
the people of the neighbourhood gathered together, and Kamal's
son-in-law took from the boatmen the pole with which they propel the
boat, and which in Hindustani is called balli, and thus made the boat
unmanageable. Although money was offered to the boatmen, not one would
ferry them over. News went to Abu-l-Qasim Namakin, who was at Gujarat,
near the Chenab, that a body of men were wanting to cross the river
by night, and he at once came to the ferry in the night with his
sons and some horsemen. Things went to such a length that Husain Beg
shot arrows at the boatmen, [138] and Kamal's son-in-law also took to
shooting arrows from the river-bank. For four kos the boat took its
own way down the river, until at the end of the night it grounded,
and try as they would they could not get it off. Meantime it became
day. Abu-l-Qasim and Khwaja Khizr Khan, who by the efforts of Hilal
Khan had assembled on this (? the west) side of the river, fortified
its west bank, and the zamindars fortified it on the east.
Before this affair of Khusrau's, I had sent Hilal Khan as sazawal
to the army appointed for Kashmir under Sa`id Khan, and by chance
he arrived in the neighbourhood (of the ferry) that same night;
he came in the nick of time, and his efforts had great effect in
bringing together Abu-l-Qasim Khan Namakin, and Khwaja Khizr Khan in
the capture of Khusrau.
On the morning of Sunday, the 24th of the aforesaid month, people on
elephants and in boats captured Khusrau, and on Monday, the last day
of the month, news of this reached me in the garden of Mirza Kamran. I
immediately ordered the Amiru-l-umara to go to Gujarat and to bring
Khusrau to wait on me.
In counsels on State affairs and government it often happens that I
act according to my own judgment and prefer my own counsel to that
of others. In the first instance I had elected to wait on my revered
father from Allahabad in opposition to the advice of my faithful
servants, and I obtained the blessing of serving him, and this was
for my spiritual and temporal good. By the same course of conduct I
had become king. The second instance was the pursuit of Khusrau, from
which I was not held back by taking time to ascertain the (auspicious)
hour, etc., and from which I took no rest until I captured him. It
is a strange thing that after I had started I asked Hakim `Ali, who
is learned in mathematics, how the hour of my departure had been
(i.e. whether propitious or not), and he replied that in order to
obtain my object if I had wished to select an hour, there could not
have been for years one selected better than that in which I mounted.
On Thursday, Muharram 3rd, 1015, in Mirza Kamran's garden, they brought
Khusrau before me with his hands tied and chains on his legs from the
left side [139] after the manner and custom of Chingiz Khan. They
made Husain Beg stand on his right hand and `Abdu-r-Rahim on his
left. Khusrau stood weeping and trembling between them. Husain Beg,
with the idea that it might profit him, began to speak wildly. When
his purport became apparent to me I did not allow him to continue
talking, but handed over Khusrau in chains, and ordered these two
villains to be put in the skins of an ox and an ass, and that they
should be mounted on asses with their faces to the tail [140] and
thus taken round the city. As the ox-hide dried more quickly than
that of the ass, Husain Beg remained alive for four watches and died
from suffocation. `Abdu-r-Rahim, who was in the ass's skin and to
whom they gave some refreshment from outside, remained alive.
From Monday, the last day of Zi-l-hijja, until the 9th of Muharram
of the aforesaid year, I remained in Mirza Kamran's garden because
the time was unpropitious. [141] I bestowed Bhairawal, [142] where
the battle had taken place, on Shaikh Farid, and rewarded him with
the high title of Murtaza Khan. For the sake of good government I
ordered posts to be set up on both sides of the road from the garden
to the city, and ordered them to hang up and impale the seditious
Aimaqs and others who had taken part in the rebellion. Thus each one
of them received an extraordinary punishment. I gave headship to those
landholders who had shown loyalty, and to every one of the Chaudharis
between the Jhelam and the Chenab I gave lands for their support.
Of Husain Beg's property there were obtained from the house of Mir
Muhammad Baqi nearly seven lakhs of rupees. This was exclusive of what
he had made over to other places and of what he had with him. After
this, whenever his name is mentioned, the words [143] gawan u kharan
(bullocks and asses) will be used. When he came to this Court in
company with Mirza Shahrukh he had one horse. By degrees his affairs
flourished so that he became possessed of treasure both visible and
buried, and projects of this kind entered his mind.
While Khusrau's affair was still in the will of God, as there was no
actual governor between Afghanistan and Agra, which is a source of
sedition and mischief, and, fearing that Khusrau's affair might be
prolonged, I ordered my son Parwiz to leave some of the sardars to
look after the Rana and to come to Agra with Asaf Khan and a body of
those nearly connected with him in the service. He was to consider
the protection and management of that region his special charge. But
by the blessed favour of Allah, Khusrau's affair was settled before
Parwiz arrived in Agra; I accordingly ordered my aforesaid son to
come and wait on me.
On Wednesday, Muharram 8th, I auspiciously entered the fort of
Lahore. A number of loyalists represented to me that my return to
Agra would be for the good of the State at this time when much was
going amiss in Gujarat, in the Deccan, and in Bengal. This counsel
did not meet with my approval, for the reports of Shah Beg Khan, the
governor of Qandahar, showed that the officers of the Persian border
were meditating an attack on that fortress. They had been moved thereto
by the machinations of the residuum of the Mirzas of Qandahar's army,
which was always shaking the chain of contention. The Persian officers
had written letters to these malcontents, and there was likelihood of
a disturbance. It occurred to me that the death of His Majesty Akbar
and the unreasonable outbreak of Khusrau might put an edge on their
design, and that they might attack Qandahar. What had occurred to
my mind became a realized fact. The governor of Farah, the Malik of
Sistan, and the jagirdars of that neighbourhood, with the assistance
of Husain Khan, the governor of Herat, invaded Qandahar. Praise is
due to the manliness and courage of Shah Beg Khan, who planted his
foot firmly like a man, and strengthened the fort, and seated himself
on the top of the third(?) citadel of the aforesaid fort in such a
manner that outsiders could see his entertainments. During the siege
he girded not his loins, but with bare head and feet arranged parties
of pleasure; yet no day passed that he did not send a force from the
fort to meet the foe and did not make manly efforts. This went on as
long as he was in the fort. The Qizilbash army had invested on three
sides. When news of this reached Lahore it was clearly advisable to
remain in that neighbourhood. A large force was immediately appointed
under the leadership of Mirza Ghazi, who was accompanied by a number of
men of rank and servants of the Court, such as Qara Beg and Tukhta Beg,
who had been promoted with the titles of Qara Khan and Sardar Khan. I
appointed Mirza Ghazi to a mansab of 5,000 personal, and horsemen,
and bestowed drums on him. Mirza Ghazi was the son of Mirza Jani
Tarkhan, king of Thathah (Sind), and by the efforts of `Abdu-r-Rahim
Khankhanan that country had been conquered in the reign of the late
king. The country of Thathah was included in his jagir, and he held
the rank with personality and horsemen of 5,000. After his death his
son Mirza Ghazi was raised to his rank and service. Their ancestors
were among the amirs of Sultan Husain Mirza Bay-qara, the ruler of
Khurasan, and they were originally descended from the amirs of Timur
(Sahib-qirani). Khwaja `Aqil was appointed bakhshi of this army; 43,000
rupees were given to Qara Khan for road expenses, and 15,000 to Naqdi
Beg and Qilij Beg, who were to accompany Mirza Ghazi. I determined to
stay at Lahore in order to settle this matter and with the intention
of a tour to Kabul. About this time the rank of Hakim Fathu-llah was
fixed, original and increased, at 1,000 personality and 300 horse. As
Shaikh Husain Jami had had dreams about me which had come true, I
gave him twenty lakhs of dams, equivalent to 30,000 or 40,000 rupees,
for the expenses of himself and his monastery and the dervishes who
were with him. On the 22nd I promoted `Abdu-llah Khan to the rank of
2,500 personal and 500 horse, original and increased. I ordered to
be given to the ahadis two lakhs of rupees to be paid in advance and
deducted by degrees from their monthly pay. I bestowed 6,000 rupees
on Qasim Beg Khan, the son-in-law of Shah Beg Khan, and 3,000 rupees
on Sayyid Bahadur Khan.
In Gobindwal, which is on the river Biyah (Beas), there was a Hindu
named Arjun, [144] in the garments of sainthood and sanctity, so much
so that he had captured many of the simple-hearted of the Hindus, and
even of the ignorant and foolish followers of Islam, by his ways and
manners, and they had loudly sounded the drum of his holiness. They
called him Guru, and from all sides stupid people crowded to worship
and manifest complete faith in him. For three or four generations
(of spiritual successors) they had kept this shop warm. Many times
it occurred to me to put a stop to this vain affair or to bring him
into the assembly of the people of Islam.
At last when Khusrau passed along this road this insignificant fellow
proposed to wait upon him. Khusrau happened to halt at the place where
he was, and he came out and did homage to him. He behaved to Khusrau
in certain special ways, and made on his forehead a finger-mark
in saffron, which the Indians (Hinduwan) call qashqa, [145] and
is considered propitious. When this came to my ears and I clearly
understood his folly, I ordered them to produce him and handed over
his houses, dwelling-places, and children to Murtaza Khan, and having
confiscated his property commanded that he should be put to death.
There were two men named Raju and Amba, who, under the shadow of
the protection of the eunuch Daulat Khan, made their livelihood by
oppression and tyranny, and had done many acts of oppression in the
few days that Khusrau was before Lahore. I ordered Raju to the gallows
and a fine to be taken from Amba, who was reputed to be wealthy. In
short, 15,000 rupees were collected from him, which sum I ordered
them to expend on bulghur-khanas (refectories) and in charity.
Sa`du-llah Khan, son of Sa`d Khan, was promoted to the rank of 2,000
personal and 1,000 horse.
In his great desire to wait upon me, Parwiz traversed long distances in
a short time, in the rainy season and incessant rain, and on Thursday,
the 29th, when two watches and three ghari of day had passed, obtained
the blessing of seeing me. With exceeding kindness and affection,
I took him into the embrace of favour and kissed his forehead.
When this disgraceful conduct showed itself in Khusrau, I had
resolved not to delay in any place till I had captured him. There
was a probability that he might turn back towards Hindustan, so
it appeared impolitic to leave Agra empty, as it was the centre
of the State, the abode of the ladies of the holy harem, and the
depository of the world's treasures. On these accounts I had written
when leaving Agra to Parwiz, saying that his loyalty had had this
result, that Khusrau had fled and that Fortune had turned her face
toward himself; that I had started in pursuit of Khusrau, and that he
should consequently dispose of the affairs of the Rana in some way
according to the necessity of the time, and for the benefit of the
kingdom should himself come quickly to Agra. I had delivered into
his charge the capital and treasury, which was equal to the wealth
of Qarun, [146] and I had commended him to the God of power. Before
this letter reached Parwiz, the Rana had been so humbled that he
had sent to Asaf Khan to say that as by his own acts he had come
to shame and disgrace, he hoped that he would intercede for him in
such a way that the prince would be content with his sending Bagha,
[147] who was one of his sons. Parwiz had not agreed to this, and
said that either the Rana himself should come or that he should send
Karan. Meantime the news of Khusrau's disturbance arrived, and on its
account Asaf Khan and other loyalists agreed to the coming of Bagha,
who obtained the blessing of waiting on the prince near Mandalgarh.
Parwiz, leaving Raja Jagannath and most of the chiefs of his army,
started for Agra with Asaf Khan and some of those near to him and
his own attendants, and with him brought Bagha to the Court. When
he came near Agra he heard the news of the victory over Khusrau and
his capture, and after resting two days an order reached him that
as matters appeared settled in all quarters he should betake himself
to me, in order that on the prescribed date he might obtain the good
fortune of waiting on me. I bestowed on him the parasol (aftab-gir),
[148] which is one of the signs of royalty, and I gave him the rank
of 10,000 and sent an order to the officials to grant him a tankhwah
jagir. At this time I sent Mirza `Ali Beg to Kashmir; 10,000 rupees
were delivered to Qazi `Izzatu-llah to divide amongst faqirs and
the poor of Kabul. Ahmad Beg Khan was promoted to the rank of 2,000
personal and 1,250 horse, original and extra. At the same time Muqarrab
Khan, who had been sent to Burhanpur to bring the children of Daniyal,
returned after an absence of 6 months 22 days and had the honour of
an audience, and related in detail what had occurred in those regions.
Saif Khan was promoted to the rank of 2,000 personal and 1,000
horse. Shaikh `Abdu-l-Wahhab [149] of the Bukhara sayyids, who was
governor of Delhi under the late king, was dismissed from the post
(by me) for certain ill-deeds done by his men, and was entered amongst
the holders of subsistence lands and the arbab-i-sa`adat.
In the whole of the hereditary dominions, both the crown lands
and the jagirs, I ordered the preparation of bulghur-khanas (free
eating-houses), where cooked food might be provided for the poor
according to their condition, and so that residents and travellers
both might reap the benefit.
Amba [150] Khan Kashmiri, who was of the stock of the rulers
of Kashmir, was selected for the rank of 1,000 personal and 300
horse. On Monday, Rabi`u-l-akhir 9th, I gave Parwiz a special sword;
and jewelled swords were presented also to Qutbu-d-din Khan Koka and
the Amiru-l-umara. I saw Daniyal's children, whom Muqarrab Khan had
brought; there were three sons and four daughters. The boys bore
the names Tahmuras, [151] Baysunghar, and Hushang. Such kindness
and affection were shown by me to these children as no one thought
possible. I resolved that Tahmuras, who was the eldest, should always
be in waiting on me, and the others were handed over to the charge
of my own sisters.
A special dress of honour was sent to Raja Man Singh in Bengal. I
ordered a reward of 30 lakhs of dams to Mirza Ghazi. I bestowed
on Shaikh Ibrahim, son of Qutbu-d-din Khan Koka, the rank of 1,000
personal and 300 horse, and dignified him with the title of Kishwar
Khan.
As when I started in pursuit of Khusrau I had left my son Khurram in
charge of the palaces and treasury, I now, when that affair had been
settled, ordered the said son to attend upon Hazrat Maryam-zamani
and the other ladies, and to escort them to me. When they reached the
neighbourhood of Lahore, on Friday the 12th of the month mentioned,
I embarked in a boat and went to a village named Dahr to meet my
mother, and I had the good fortune to be received by her. After the
performance of obeisance and prostration and greeting which is due
from the young to the old according to the custom of Chingiz, the rules
of Timur and common usage, and after worship of the King of the World
(God), and after finishing this business, I obtained leave to return,
and re-entered the fort of Lahore.
On the 17th, having appointed Mu`izzu-l-mulk bakhshi of the army
against the Rana, I dismissed him to it. As news had come of the
rebellion of Ray Ray Singh and his son, Dulip, in the neighbourhood of
Nagor, I ordered Raja Jagannath to proceed against them with others
of the servants of the State and Mu`izzu-l-mulk, and to put a stop
to this disturbance. I gave 50,000 rupees to Sardar Khan, who had
been appointed to the place of Shah Beg Khan as Governor of Qandahar,
and I promoted him to the rank of 3,000 personal and 2,500 horse. To
Khizr Khan, the late ruler of Khandesh, were given 3,000 rupees, and
to his brother, Ahmad Khan, [152] who is one of the khanazadas of the
State. Hashim Khan, son of Qasim Khan, who is one of the house-born of
the State, and worthy of advancement, I promoted to the rank of 2,500
personal and 1,500 horse. I gave him also one of my own horses. I sent
robes of honour to eight individuals amongst the nobles of the army of
the Deccan. [153] Five thousand rupees were given to Nizam of Shiraz,
the story-teller. Three thousand rupees were given for the expenses
of the bulghur-khana of Kashmir to the wakil of Mirza `Ali Beg, the
governor of that place, to send to Srinagar. I presented a jewelled
dagger of the value of 6,000 rupees to Qutbu-d-din Khan.
News reached me that Shaikh Ibrahim Baba, the Afghan, had opened
a religious establishment (lit. one of being a shaikh and having
disciples) in one of the parganas [154] of Lahore, and as his doings
were disreputable and foolish a considerable number of Afghans had
collected round him. I ordered him to be brought and handed over to
Parwiz to be kept in the fort of Chunar; so this vain disturbance
was put an end to.
On Sunday, 7th Jumada-l-awwal, many of the mansabdars and ahadis
were promoted: Mahabat Khan obtained the rank of 2,000 personal
and 1,300 horse, Dilawar Khan 2,000 personal and 1,400 horse,
Waziru-l-mulk 1,300 personal and 550 horse, Qayyam Khan 1,000
personal and horse, Shyam Singh 1,500 personal and 1,200 horse;
in the same way forty-two mansabdars were promoted. On most days
the same observances occur. I presented Parwiz with a ruby of the
value of 25,000 rupees. On Wednesday the 9th of the aforesaid month,
the 21st of Shahriwar, [155] after three watches and four gharis,
the feast for my solar weighing, which is the commencement of the
38th year of my age, took place. According to custom they got ready
the weighing apparatus and the scales in the house of Maryam-zamani
(his mother). At the moment appointed blessings were invoked and I sate
in the scales. Each suspending rope was held by an elderly person who
offered up prayers. The first time the weight in gold came to three
Hindustani maunds and ten seers. After this I was weighed against
several metals, perfumes, and essences, up to twelve weighings, the
details of which will be given hereafter. Twice a year I weigh myself
against gold and silver and other metals, and against all sorts of
silks and cloths, and various grains, etc., once at the beginning
of the solar year and once at that of the lunar. The weight of the
money of the two weighings I hand over to the different treasurers
for faqirs and those in want. On the same auspicious day I promoted
Qutbu-d-din Khan Koka, who for many years had expected such a day,
[156] with various favours. First, I gave him the rank of 5,000
personal and horse, and with this a special robe of honour, a jewelled
sword, and one of my own horses, with a jewelled saddle, and I gave
him leave to go to the subahdarship of the province of Bengal and
Orissa, which is a place for 50,000 horse. As a mark of honour he
set off accompanied by a large force, and two lakhs of rupees were
given him as a sumptuary allowance. My connection with his mother is
such that as in my childhood I was under her guardianship and care,
I have not so much affection for my own mother as for her. She is to
me my gracious mother, and I do not hold him less dear than my own
brothers and children. Qutbu-d-din is the foster-brother who is most
fit for fosterage. I gave 300,000 rupees to his auxiliaries. On this
day I sent 130,000 as a marriage present (sachiq) for the daughter
of Pahari (his brother Murad), who had been betrothed to Parwiz.
On the 22nd, Baz Bahadur Qalmaq, who had long been guilty of evil
practices in Bengal, by the guidance of fortune obtained the honour
of kissing my threshold. I gave him a jewelled dagger, 8,000 rupees,
and promoted him to the rank of 1,000 personal and horse. One lakh of
rupees and cash and jewels were bestowed on Parwiz. Kesho Das Maru
was promoted to the grade of 1,500 personal and horse. Abu-l-hasan,
who had been the diwan and factotum of my brother Daniyal, together
with his children, [157] had the honour of an audience, and was
raised to the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. On the 1st of the
second Jumada Shaikh Bayazid, [158] who was one of the shaikhzadas
of Sikri, well known for brilliance of understanding and knowledge,
and the connection of old service, [159] was honoured with the title
of Mu`azzam Khan, and to him I gave the government of Delhi. On the
21st of the same month I presented Parwiz with a necklace composed
of four rubies and one hundred pearls. The rank of Hakim Muzaffar
was fixed at 3,000 personal and 1,000 horse, original and extra. I
gave 5,000 rupees to Nathu Mal (?), Raja of Manjholi. [160]
A remarkable occurrence was the discovery of a letter from Mirza `Aziz
Koka to `Ali Khan, the ruler of Khandesh. I had had an impression
that he had a particular enmity to me on Khusrau's account, who was
his son-in-law. From the discovery of this writing it became clear
that he had never given up his innate treachery, and had adopted
this unbecoming attitude towards my revered father also. In short,
this letter which he had written at some time to Raja `Ali Khan was
from beginning to end full of abuse and disapprobation, and said
things which no enemy even could have written and such as could
not be attributed to anyone, and far less to one like His Majesty,
`Arsh-ashyani, a king and an appreciative sovereign, who from childhood
had educated him and brought him up because of what was due for
services rendered by his mother, and raised the standard of reliance
on him to such a high degree as no other person possessed. This letter
fell into the hands of Khwaja Abu-l-hasan in Burhanpur amongst the
property of Raja `Ali Khan. He brought and laid it before me. In
reading and seeing it the hair on my limbs stood on end. But for
the consideration and due recognition of the fact that his mother
had given her milk to my father I could have killed him with my own
hand. Having procured his attendance I gave the letter into his hand
and told him to read it with a loud voice to those present. When he
saw the letter I thought his body would have parted from his soul,
but with shamelessness and impudence he read it as though he had
not written it and was reading it by order. Those present in that
paradise-like assembly of the servants of Akbar and Jahangir and heard
the letter read, loosened the tongue of reproach and of curses and
abuse. I put the question to him, "Leaving aside the treacheries which
in reliance on your worthless self you contrived against my fortune,
what was done to you by my father, who raised you and your family
from the dust of the road to such wealth and dignity as to make you
the envy of your contemporaries, that you should write these things
to the enemies of his Empire? Why did you enrol yourself amongst the
wicked and disloyal? Truly, what can one make of an original nature and
innate disposition? Since your temperament has been nourished by the
water of treachery, what else can spring up but such actions? Passing
over what you did to myself, I gave you the rank you had held before,
thinking that your treachery was directed against me only. Since it
has become known that you behaved in a similar way to your benefactor
and visible Deity, I leave you to the thoughts and actions which you
formerly had and still have." After these remarks his lips closed,
and he was unable to make any reply. What could he have said in the
presence of such disgrace? I gave an order to deprive him of his
jagir. Although what this ingrate had done was unpardonable, yet in
the end, from certain considerations, I passed it over.
On Sunday the 26th of the above-mentioned month was held the marriage
feast of Parwiz and the daughter of Prince Murad. The ceremony was
performed in the house of Her Highness Maryam-zamani. The entertainment
was arranged in the house of Parwiz, and all who were present were
exalted with all kinds of honour and civilities. Nine thousand rupees
were handed over to Sharif Amuli and other nobles, to be given in
alms to faqirs and other poor people.
On Sunday the 10th Rajab I left the city to hunt in Girjhak and
Nandana, [161] and took up my quarters in the garden of Ram Das,
where I remained four days.
On Wednesday the 13th the solar weighing of Parwiz took place. They
weighed him twelve times against various metals and other things,
and each weighing came to two maunds and eighteen seers. I ordered
the whole to be distributed amongst faqirs. At this time the rank
of Shaja`at Khan was fixed at 1,500 personal and 700 horse, original
and extra.
After the march of Mirza Ghazi and his force it occurred to me to send
a second contingent after him. Having bestowed on Bahadur [162] Khan
Qurbegi the rank of 1,500 personal and 800 horse, original and extra,
I started off a body of cavalry, [163] which came to about 3,000,
with him under the leadership of Shah Beg and Muhammad Amin. For the
expenses of this force 200,000 rupees were given and 1,000 musketeers
were also appointed.
I left Asaf Khan to guard Khusrau and defend Lahore. The Amiru-l-umara
was deprived of the honour of waiting on me, as he had a severe illness
and remained in the city. `Abdu-r-Razzaq Ma`muri, who had been summoned
from the Rana's country, was promoted to be bakhshi at headquarters,
and it was ordered that in company with `Abu-l-hasan he should perform
this service permanently. Following my father's rule, I appoint two
men in association in the discharge of the chief offices, not from
want of confidence in them, but because, as they are mortal and no
man is safe from accidents or illness, if any confusion or obstacle
should present itself to one the other is there so that the affairs
of the servants of God may not come to ruin.
At this time also news came that at the Dasahra, which is one of the
fixed feast days of the Hindus, `Abdu-llah Khan had made an incursion
from Kalpi, which is his jagir, into the province of Bandilah, and
displaying great valour made prisoner Ram Chand, son of Madhukar, who
for a long time had made a centre of disturbance in that difficult
country and taken him to Kalpi. For this service he was presented
with a standard and raised to 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse.
Petitions from the subah of Bihar represented that Jahangir Quli Khan
had had a battle with Sangram, one of the chief zamindars of Bihar,
who had about 4,000 horse and innumerable foot, on account of certain
opposition and disloyalty on rough land, and that on the field the
aforesaid Khan had exerted himself manfully. In the end Sangram died
of a gunshot wound; many of his men fell in the battle, and those
saved from the sword took to flight. Since this distinguished affair
had been brought about by Jahangir Quli Khan, I promoted him to the
rank of 4,500 personal and 3,500 horse.
Three months and six days passed by in hunting; 581 animals were
captured with the gun, hunting leopards and nets, and a qamargah;
of these 158 were killed by my own gun. The qamargah was held twice;
on one occasion in Girjhak, when the ladies were present, 155 animals
were killed; and the second time, in Nandina, 110. [164] The details
of the animals killed are as follows: mountain sheep, 180; mountain
goats, 29; wild asses, 10; Nilgai, 9; antelope, etc., 348.
On Wednesday the 16th Shawwal I returned safe from my hunting, and
when one watch and six gharis of day had passed I entered Lahore on
the day named. During this hunting a strange affair was witnessed. At
Chandwalah, where a minaret had been erected, I had wounded in the
belly a black antelope. When wounded, a sound proceeded from him
such as I have never heard from any antelope, except in the rutting
season. Old hunters and those with me were astonished, and said they
never remembered nor had they heard from their fathers that such a
voice issued from an antelope except at rutting time. This has been
written down because it is not void of strangeness. I found the flesh
of the mountain goat more delicious than that of all wild animals,
although its skin is exceedingly ill-odoured, so much so that even
when tanned the scent is not destroyed. I ordered one of the largest
of the he-goats to be weighed; it was 2 maunds and 24 seers, equal
to 21 foreign maunds (Persian). I ordered a large ram to be weighed,
and it came to 2 maunds and 3 seers Akbari, equal to 17 Persian
(wilayati) maunds. The largest and strongest of the wild asses weighed
9 maunds and 16 seers, equal to 76 Persian (wilayati) maunds. I have
frequently heard from hunters and those fond of the chase that at
a certain regular time a worm develops in the horns of the mountain
ram, and that this worm causes an irritation which induces the ram
to fight with his hind, and that if he finds no rival he strikes his
head against a tree or a rock to allay the irritation. After enquiry it
seems that the same worm appears in the horn of the female sheep, and
since the female does not fight the statement is clearly untrue. Though
the flesh of the wild ass is lawful food and most men like to eat it,
it was in no way suited to my taste.
Inasmuch as before this time the punishment of Dulip and of his
father, Ray Ray Singh, had been ordered, there now came news that
Zahid Khan, the son of Sadiq Khan, and `Abdu-r-Rahim, son of Shaikh
Abu-l-fazl, and Rana Shankar and Mu`izzu-l-mulk, with another force
of mansabdars and followers of the Court, had heard news of Dulip
in the neighbourhood of Nagor, which is in the subah of Ajmir, and
having moved against him had found him. As he could find no way of
escape, of necessity he planted a firm foot and came to blows with
the royal army. After a short encounter he was badly beaten and gave
over many to slaughter, and himself, taking with him his own effects,
fled into the vale of ruin.
"With broken arms and loosened belt,
No power to fight and no care for head."
In spite of his old age, I continued Qilij Khan in his mansab because
of his service under my father, and I ordered that he should get a
jagir in the sarkar of Kalpi.
In the month Zi-l-qa`da the mother of Qutbu-d-din Khan Koka, who had
given me her milk and was as a mother to me or even kinder than my
own kind mother, and in whose lap I had been brought up from infancy,
was committed to the mercy of God. I placed the feet of her corpse on
my shoulders and carried her a part of the way (to her grave). Through
extreme grief and sorrow I had no inclination for some days to eat,
and I did not change my clothes.