CIVIL WAR AND ITS RESULTS
The successful conclusion of the war with Peru and Bolivia began a new
era in Chile. The control of the nitrate fields meant an immense revenue
for the government, and everyone wanted a chance to reap some profit.
Politics absorbed the public attention, and the holding of office became
the most popular occupation. Material prosperity followed. The Chileans
believed themselves invincible on land and sea. With outside troubles
settled for the time being internal dissensions arose, and the fight
between the clergy and the anti-clericals broke out with renewed energy.
The time seemed ripe for the settlement of disturbing questions arising
out of the union of church and state.
A new presidential election became necessary soon after the capture of
Lima, and while the victorious troops were still in possession of that
city. Through the influence of President Pinto, Don Domingo Santa Maria
(which, in English, means Sunday Saint Mary) was chosen as his successor.
The opposition tried to centre on General Baquedano, the popular hero of
the recent war, but the prestige of the government was too powerful. He
was a liberal and had been banished for his opinions by President Montt.
The conservatives by this time were in a great minority. Santa Maria was
bitterly opposed to clerical influence in political affairs, and this led
to bitter opposition from that quarter. The President proclaimed that
the time had come for absolute liberty of conscience, civil marriage
and the secularization of the cemeteries. Heretofore the priests alone
had charge of the registers of births, deaths and marriages, were alone
able to perform marriages, and in the cemeteries only those baptized
into the Roman Catholic church were permitted interment in consecrated
ground. All other political questions were held in abeyance during this
controversy, and feeling became intense. The President was obliged to
use all his official prestige in order to secure a majority in Congress,
but he succeeded in passing a law requiring civil marriage, freeing the
cemeteries and establishing a special official for the registration of
births, deaths and marriages. These were, indeed, valuable reforms, and
reflect credit on the administration of Santa Maria. Serious disorders
resulted as the 1886 election approached, in which several persons lost
their lives. Several men had the presidential bee in their bonnets
and were backed by an active following. Nevertheless, in spite of all
opposition, Santa Maria’s chief cabinet officer, and the man who had been
most active in carrying out his program, Balmaceda, was chosen to succeed
his chief, through the active aid of the administration and its official
influence.
Since the close of the war with Peru, the most noted name in Chilean
history is that of José Manuel Balmaceda. He was inaugurated President on
the 18th of September, 1886, and his term was destined to be marked by
stirring events. This man was, as a contemporary describes him, “about
fifty years of age, six feet in height, of spare build and broad sloping
forehead, with a good, humourous eye and wears generally on his face a
half-playful, half-cynical smile.” His opponents call him a tyrant, a
usurper and a dictator, but historians generally credit him with being a
man far ahead of his time.
The first position of prominence held by Balmaceda, except as a member
of Congress, was in the cabinet of President Santa Maria. Educated for
the priesthood, he had been saved from that career by the opposition
of his father, and later he became one of the most radical opponents
of the Church, and one of the leaders in the fight for the separation
of Church and State, which had been carried on during the term of his
predecessor. He had been one of the most active and influential advocates
of the radical programs of the _reformistas_. At the time of Balmaceda’s
election the country was divided into no less than six different parties,
ranging from the fiercest radicals to the most conservative churchmen.
The civil marriage law, which had been inaugurated during the term of
Santa Maria, as well as some other anti-church legislation, had aroused
the opposition of all the clergy. The priests went so far as to refuse to
perform a religious ceremony for any one who had been married by civil
officers, and had even excommunicated the President and his cabinet
who supported that measure. The women, who were especially under the
domination of the priests, used all of their influence in opposition to
the new marriage law. Nevertheless, with all of this opposition, ladies’
entreaties and priests’ absolution could not prevent the election of
Balmaceda, who was chosen by a coalition of the radical elements, even
though they were somewhat loosely cohered.
Balmaceda took the reins of government at an exceedingly unfortunate
period. I have already had occasion to state the predominating influence
of Congress in the government, and the possibilities it gave for an
obstinate Congress to embarrass the President. It had become one of
the unwritten laws that the resignation of a ministry should follow an
adverse vote on any measure. In other words a ministry could only hold
office when it represented a majority in Congress. As no power was given
the President to dissolve that body when an adverse majority existed, so
that an appeal might be made to the country, the President was greatly
hampered. The last year of Santa Maria’s administration had brought about
a serious condition of affairs. Violent scenes were enacted in Congress
in the fight between the supporters of the President and his opponents.
The revenue and appropriation bills had expired, and a filibuster on the
part of the opposition had prevented new ones from being enacted.
It was at this crisis that Balmaceda was inaugurated. He faced the
situation courageously, and proceeded to collect the taxes and pay the
expenses in accordance with the provisions of the expired law. This
situation was accepted by the country, for a prosperity had fallen
upon Chile such as the country had never known. In spite of reckless
expenditures the revenues from the nitrate fields, which had been taken
from Peru, mounted up so rapidly that the surplus soon reached immense
sums. Mining industries of all kinds were exceedingly flourishing.
Balmaceda, who was both clever and capable, as well as sincere, entered
upon a campaign to educate the people, and no less than fifteen hundred
public schools were established by him. Hospitals, health offices, fire
brigades and other progressive institutions were aided liberally. Many
public works, including railways and colonization schemes, were fostered,
salaries were raised, and the Araucanian Indians were admitted as
citizens of the republic. New election laws were passed, which had for
their purpose the development of real democratic government.
Nevertheless beneath the outward prosperity a smouldering fire was
burning. The slogan of Balmaceda “Chile for the Chileans” aroused the
opposition of foreign interests. The reduction of ecclesiastical fees
and stipends, and the enforcement of the civil marriage law, kept the
opposition of the clergy alive. The jealousy of the old families, who
had heretofore been supreme in the government, to the new democratic
measures advocated by Balmaceda were aroused. Furthermore the election
of Balmaceda was really not by a party, but the result of a temporary
coalition of three discordant elements. By 1889 Balmaceda had succeeded
in arousing the enmity of practically all the parties. The progressive
elements had split into nationals, liberals, dissentient-liberals and
radicals. Continual changes in his cabinet followed, and one group was
substituted for another every few months. It had been the ambition of
Balmaceda to unite all the liberal elements into one party, but in this
he had signally failed.
Balmaceda soon found himself without a majority in Congress, and with
no prospect of securing one. Heretofore a majority had sometimes been
acquired by the trading of votes among the different factions in exchange
for a share of patronage. Even this method no longer availed. The idea
gradually became prevalent that the President was plotting to build up
a strong personal following, in order to establish a dictatorship and
replace with it the power of Congress. Circumstances, as much as anything
else, practically forced Balmaceda into this position. He believed in
himself and his own motives, and the selfishness of the different liberal
groups irritated him. All of this turmoil was galling to a man of the
character of Balmaceda. Reformation of various evils was his aim, but he
found himself thwarted at every turn. He soon grasped the fact that if he
could control Congress, he could settle the vexed questions which, in his
opinion, retarded the development of his country. Furthermore, he gave a
wider interpretation to the constitution in relation to the powers of the
executive than did the legislative body.
Congress finally refused to pass appropriation bills or vote supplies for
the army, and, in retaliation, Balmaceda dissolved Congress, which he
claimed he had a right to do under the constitution of 1833. In January,
1890, he appointed a cabinet composed exclusively of personal followers,
and these new ministers announced that they would hold office so long
as they were satisfactory to the President, regardless of Congress.
A definite rupture was inevitable, for the breach had become so wide
that temporizing was impossible. Balmaceda must either resign or assume
dictatorial powers. He chose the latter.
The _Comision Conservada_, which safeguards the interests of Congress
when that body is not in session, demanded that that body be convoked.
Balmaceda ignored the request. A mass meeting in Santiago denounced the
President. The opposition finally became so bold that a _junta_ was
formed, of which Captain Jorge Montt, a naval officer, was the head. The
particular charges made by the revolutionists were that the President had
no right to maintain any military forces after the appropriations for its
support were exhausted. Balmaceda retaliated with a proclamation that he
would follow the precedent established when he came into office, would
collect taxes and maintain the public service by executive authority
until the assembling of the next Congress. He expressly disclaimed any
intention of establishing a dictatorship, but refused to allow Congress
to interfere with the executive functions of the government. As neither
party would recede actual war soon followed.
Through the influence of Captain Montt the entire navy, with the
exception of a couple of torpedo boats, adhered to the revolutionists.
On the night of January 6th, 1891, the Vice-President of the Senate
and the President of the Chamber of Deputies embarked on the _Blanco
Encalada_ with Captain Montt, and the revolution was begun. A cargo of
war material designed for the government was captured and the naval
stores at Talcahuana seized. On the 10th a skirmish occurred between the
shore batteries at Valparaiso and some boats of the navy, and in this
engagement the first blood in this civil war was shed. From this time
events moved forward with great rapidity. The majority of the aristocracy
espoused the cause of the revolutionists, and this move had great
influence. Although several attempts were made to produce mutiny among
the troops they remained loyal to Balmaceda.
The disaffection of the entire navy was both a surprise and
disappointment to Balmaceda, but he immediately placed the army on a war
footing and increased their pay. A reward of two years pay was offered
to the crew of any man-of-war if the vessel deserted the revolutionary
cause, but this inducement had no effect. Balmaceda placed the troops
in several parts of the country, where he thought they would be most
useful in defense. The natural conditions of Chile, however, hindered
him. As the revolutionists had control of the sea, it was impossible
for Balmaceda to relieve the small garrisons at Iquique, Antofagasta
and Pisagua, the nitrate ports. The revolutionists, after a few short
skirmishes, obtained possession of these places. Pisagua fell first,
and a couple of bloody battles were fought for its possession and then
recovery. The troops at Iquique were withdrawn to resist the land forces,
and marines were landed who captured it.
[Illustration: THE MILITARY BARRACKS, SANTIAGO.]
The congressionalists then established their headquarters at Iquique,
and took possession of the immense revenues derived from the export
of nitrate. With this cash they purchased the most modern arms and
equipments. Balmaceda, although having means, was unable to get
modern rifles, so that his troops were not so well armed as those of
the revolutionists. The two torpedo boats, which remained loyal to
the government succeeded in sinking the _Blanco Encalada_, and also
in doing other damage to the navy, but not enough to cripple its
effectiveness. Blockades of the ports cut off all of Balmaceda’s outside
supplies. Balmaceda attempted to purchase ironclads in Europe, but the
revolutionists outbid him and he was unable to build up a navy. The long
seacoast was also a disadvantage to him, since it was impossible for him
to transport his troops by water as the revolutionists could. It was not
many months until all the northern provinces were under the control of
the revolutionists, but no engagements had taken place in the central
or southern provinces. The revolutionists were encouraged by these
successes, and public opinion was undoubtedly changing because of the
high-handed and arbitrary methods of Balmaceda. Suspected persons were
arrested, and many of them executed without trial. The value of human
life seemed to sink into insignificance, and a reign almost of terror
followed. In one instance a guerilla band composed of young men, some of
whom were not more than sixteen years of age, and all belonging to the
best families in Santiago, were captured by the government force at a
farmhouse. Eight were shot at once and the others, after a court martial,
were sent back to the place where they were captured to be executed.
This led to a storm of execration against Balmaceda. Furthermore, he had
chosen Señor Claudio Vicuña as his successor, and the latter was declared
elected after a farcical contest in which no opposing candidate appeared.
The congressionalists decided to carry the war into the heart of the
enemy’s country, and a large army was embarked at the various northern
ports under their control.
On the 18th of August, 1891, the revolutionary fleet of seventeen vessels
suddenly appeared at Valparaiso with the entire revolutionary army,
consisting of a little less than ten thousand men, aboard. This force
was to oppose an army of forty thousand government forces. The former,
however, were volunteers, while the latter was known to contain large
numbers of disaffected ones. Two days later these troops were landed at
Quinteros, not far from Valparaiso, and near the mouth of the Aconcagua
River.
At this place the river flows through a flat valley, which is from six
hundred to eight hundred yards in width, and is bordered by lines of
hills from four hundred and fifty to six hundred feet in height. The
government forces numbering six thousand, three hundred and twenty-two
men, were located on the southern bank of the river at Concon, where
their line was about three miles in length. They were armed with old
rifles, while the troops of the revolutionists were provided with
Mannlicher rifles of the newest pattern. General Korner, who was in
charge of the congressists, did not hesitate before this formidable
position. He divided his forces into three parts. One forded the icy-cold
waters of the Aconcagua at Concon _bajo_ and attacked the flank of the
enemy. The second and third brigades engaged them from the opposite side
of the river, and then crossed the river higher up. The ships of the navy
also directed their fire against the Balmacedists. The battle was begun
on the morning of the 21st. The government troops ran short of ammunition
and began to give way. After four and one-half hours of fighting the
battle was won. Retreat soon turned into a rout, and the defeated forces
fled in every direction. The government loss was seventeen hundred killed
and wounded, and fifteen hundred men and all their artillery captured.
The revolutionists had only eight hundred and sixty-nine casualties. The
result was a decided victory for Balmaceda’s enemies.
Of the Balmacedist troops only two thousand could be mustered after
this disaster. But thousands of other troops were hurried to Valparaiso
before railroad communication was severed. A slight repulse was given
the congressists near Viña del Mar. The army then took a wide detour in
order to attack Valparaiso from the southeast. The government forces
took possession of the heights at Placilla and awaited the expected
battle. Each army at this time exceeded nine thousand men and were evenly
balanced. But the government forces were disheartened, even though they
occupied an exceptionally strong position. Their cavalry seems also to
have been untrustworthy, for they gave no intelligence of this expected
move of the enemy. No less than four hundred cavalrymen actually deserted
and joined the other army. The country through which the congressists
marched was broken, full of small streams and marshes. Hundreds of weary
stragglers slept out under the trees. They reached Las Cadenas on the
27th and rested during that night. Early on the morning of the following
day they started for the Balmacedist position on the heights, and this
seems to have been the first knowledge that army had of the presence of
the foe. The revolutionists began the engagement with artillery fire.
The advance was stubbornly resisted, but a bayonet charge carried an
outpost. A hand-to-hand conflict ensued until the defenders finally threw
down their arms. Generals Alcerrica and Barbosa fought valiantly until
killed. A horrible slaughter followed and the troops of Balmaceda fled
in all directions. The casualties on both sides were heavy. Although the
fighting only lasted four hours the government loss in killed and wounded
was three thousand, three hundred and sixty-three, and the victors lost
eighteen hundred. That same night Valparaiso was occupied, and a night
of carousal and lawlessness and bloodshed ensued. Houses were set on
fire, and ruffians shot at the firemen as they attempted to put out the
flames. The soldiers and mob seem to have been entirely beyond control.
The next morning four or five hundred dead bodies were found on the
streets.
[Illustration: CHILEAN SOLDIERS.]
This battle was the deciding point of the civil war. When the news
reached Valparaiso, Balmaceda realized it was useless to continue the
struggle. He decided to resign and turn his office over to General
Baquedano, a friend of the revolutionists. He issued a proclamation
beseeching the citizens to preserve order during the crisis, in order to
prevent bloodshed and plunder. On the 29th he turned the office over to
General Baquedano in a short and dignified speech. That day being his
wife’s saint day, the President had invited in several of his friends to
dine. Notwithstanding the changed conditions Balmaceda did not recall the
invitations, but acted during the whole evening as a generous host. As
soon as his visitors had left, he walked over to the Argentine legation
and took shelter. For several days the revolutionists believed that he
had escaped the country and fled in disguise. No one suspected that
the defeated President was at the house of the Argentine Minister, Mr.
Uriburu, afterwards president of Argentina. On the 18th of September,
the day upon which his legal term as president expired, the country was
shocked to hear that Balmaceda had shot himself that morning at the home
of his friend.
Balmaceda feared that his friends might be embarrassed by his presence,
and he furthermore believed that his own death would make easier the
position of those who had supported him during the trying times of the
civil war. It is quite probable, also, that his pride could not brook
the idea of a public trial and the humiliation necessarily attending it.
To die, also, was to pose in a sense as a martyr. “I could escape,” he
said in a letter to his brother, “but I would never run the risk of the
ridicule any disaster to such an attempt would entail, and which would
be the beginning of vexatious humiliation that I could not endure for
myself or my family.” It was, indeed, a tragic end, and was done in a
more or less tragical way, as he believed that he thus offered himself as
an expiatory sacrifice. He left a message for his friends, which might
be called his political testament, in which were these words: “Whenever
you and the friends remember me, believe me that my spirit, full of the
tenderest love, will be amongst you.” General Baquedano ruled the country
for three days until the revolutionary _junta_ reached Santiago, when
he relinquished his authority to them. A short time later at a special
election Jorge Montt was chosen as Balmaceda’s successor, although Vicuña
had previously been selected by the following of the deceased executive.
As was to be expected, after such a desperate struggle, Congress was
composed of members having a common political platform. It had been
decided that the executive should be advised by and rule in harmony with
the legislative majority. President Montt accepted the situation and
appointed a cabinet acceptable to the majority.
Confidence was soon restored and business quickly adjusted itself. The
new President proved to be conservative and non-aggressive. The country
was in a bad financial condition, but the nitrate revenues were large.
The Balmacedists were gradually brought under amnesty laws, until
all were finally permitted to return to Chile. Having been a sailor
President Montt took steps to build up a stronger navy, in order to
be ready for impending trouble with Argentina. For two years the new
administration kept a majority, but a new election gave the Balmacedists
the balance of power amidst the warring factions. Montt soon began
to experience the same trouble as his predecessors. No party had a
majority, and by new combinations of factions the dominating groups
were changed. A new cabinet became necessary every few weeks, and no
definite policy or program was possible. On the whole this administration
was very satisfactory in view of the difficulties under which it
laboured. Agricultural and mining depression further embarrassed his
administration, but for these no government could be held responsible.
President Montt retired from office with the respect of all.
At the election in 1896 Señor Federico Errázuriz, son of a former
president of the same name, was elected over his opponent by a majority
of one. The new congressional elections still further complicated
matters. The liberal groups became more divided than ever. Cabinet
crises grew even more frequent, and it was only when Congress was not
in session that a ministry could remain in power any length of time.
The result was an absolute confusion in legislation. The most serious
foreign question was the dispute with Argentina. Excitement in both
countries ran high. Warlike speeches were made, and the public mind was
unduly excited. Preparations were made for the mobilization of an army of
fifty thousand men, and a declaration of war was expected almost daily.
President Errázuriz finally took the matter upon himself and asked that
the matter be submitted to arbitration. Argentina at last consented.
The northern part was to be decided by the representative of the United
States in Argentina, Mr. W. I. Buchanan, and the southern section by
Queen Victoria, of England. If Errázuriz had done nothing else during his
term of office this one act places the whole country greatly in his debt.
President Errázuriz died just before his term of office ended, and the
duties of the office were filled by the Minister of the Interior, Señor
Zañartú, until the inauguration of his successor.
Señor Jerman Riesco was chosen president for the term beginning November
18th, 1901. The same confusion continued during the greater part of his
term, so that much useful legislation was rendered impossible. It was not
possible for the executive to select a cabinet that would be responsive
to his will, but he was obliged to take one selected for him by the
legislative body. As President Balmaceda said: “Only in the organization
of a popular representative government with independent and responsible
powers, and easy means to make that responsibility effective, will there
be parties of a national character, derived from the will of the people
and ensuing harmony between the different powers of the state.” The
several presidents since Balmaceda have realized this condition, but the
serious lesson of the civil war has prevented any radical step being
taken by the occupant of that office.
At the election in 1906, Pedro Montt, son of Manuel Montt, was elected
to the office of President of Chile. President Montt had served his
country in many ways, having been a member of Congress for a long time,
had held positions in several cabinets, and had also represented Chile
as minister to the United States. Owing to his dark complexion Montt was
once taken for a negro in Washington and refused admission to a hotel.
He proved to be a conservative and able president, who had at heart the
best interests of his country. On few occasions, however, did he have the
legislative body with him, and many of his good projects failed. He had
ability, tact and honesty of purpose, but met the same obstacles as his
predecessors. In July, 1910, President Montt visited the United States.
He spent a few days in this country while on his way to Europe to secure
medical attention, and was shown numerous official courtesies. He was
a spectator of the shooting of Mayor Gaynor on board a steamer in New
York harbour. Soon after reaching Europe President Montt was attacked by
heart failure, and died in Bremen, Germany, on the 16th day of August,
1910. Señor Elias Fernandez Albano, Minister of the Interior, assumed the
office of executive on the death of President Montt. In poor health at
the time Acting-President Albano survived less than one month after his
inauguration, and died on the 7th of September.
On the 15th of November, 1910, Dr. Ramon Barros Luco was elected
President of Chile, and assumed office on the 23rd of December, 1910.
Dr. Luco was born in 1835, and has had a long and honourable career in
politics. He held the office of Minister of Finance and Minister of
the Interior under several different administrations. He has also been
President of the Senate, and has filled numerous other responsible
positions. He now has the opportunity to round out a long life, which has
already passed the scriptural limit, with the highest office in the gift
of his countrymen.