_the imaginary inhumanity of Torpedo war_
In numerous discussions which I have had on this subject and its
consequences, it has been stated, that instead of giving liberty to the
seas, its tendency would be to encourage piracy and buccaneering, by
enabling a few men in a boat to intimidate and plunder merchant vessels,
thereby producing greater evil than the existing military marines. This
idea, is similar to one which might have arisen on the invention of
muskets, which, giving to an individual the power of certain death at the
distance of fifty or a hundred yards, robbers might infest the highways,
and from an ambush, shoot the traveller and take his property; yet there
is not so much robbery now as before the invention of gun-powder; society
is more civilized; it is not so much divided into feuds, or clans, to
secrete and protect villainy; and all civilized society will, in their
own defence, combine against the robber, who has little chance to escape.
In like manner, as an individual, instigated by revenge, might with an
air-gun shoot his neighbour, or by means of gun-powder blow up his barn
or buildings; but society combine against such atrocious acts, and he
who would commit them, could have little other prospect before him than
the gibbet. In the case of pirates or buccaneers, they could not make
a Torpedo without some intelligent workmen, who would be a means of
discovery. Were they to take a prize, they must have some port to carry
it to, or it could be of no use to them; were they to plunder a ship,
they could not carry much in a Torpedo boat, and the boat must have a
port to go to, where neighbours or spectators, observing her suspicious
character, would lead to investigation; added to which, pirates are
seldom constant in their attachment to each other, and each would suspect
the other turning informer. It would be difficult for a Torpedo boat to
depart from any port of America, and return without being detected.
It is certainly much more easy and secure for an individual to go on
the highway and rob, yet how seldom is that done. When nations combine
against pirates, there is no reason to fear that individuals can make a
bad use of this invention.
But men, without reflecting, or from attachment to established and
familiar tyranny, exclaim, that it is barbarous to blow up a ship with
all her crew. This I admit, and lament that it should be necessary; but
all wars are barbarous, and particularly wars of offence. It is barbarous
for a ship of war to fire into a peaceable merchant vessel, kill part of
her people, take her and the property, and reduce the proprietor with his
family from affluence to penury. It was barbarous to bombard Copenhagen,
set fire to the city, and destroy innocent women and children. It would
be barbarous for ships of war to enter the harbour of New-York, fire on
the city, destroy property, and murder many of the peaceable inhabitants;
yet we have great reason to expect such a scene of barbarism and
distress, unless means are taken to prevent it; therefore, if Torpedoes
should prevent such acts of violence, the invention must be humane.
When a fortress is besieged, and a mine driven under the citadel, the
powder laid, and the train ready to light, it is the custom for the
besiegers to send to the commander of the besieged, to inform him of the
preparations, and leave it to his judgment to surrender or risque the
explosion; if he will not surrender after such warning, and he, with his
men, should be blown up, he is to be charged with the inhumanity, and
not the besiegers. Should government adopt Torpedoes as a part of our
means of defence, the Europeans will be informed of it, after which,
should they send hostile ships into our ports among anchored Torpedoes or
Torpedo boats, and such ships should be blown up, the inhumanity must be
charged to them, and not to the American government or to this invention.
Having, in the preceding chapter, given details for a system of French
Torpedo boats, which could command the narrow parts of the British
channel, I may be accused of enmity to England and partiality to France;
yet I have neither hatred nor particular attachment to any foreign
country. I admire the ingenuity, industry, and good faith of the English
people; I respect the arts, sciences, and amiable manners of the people
of France. There is much in each of those countries which we may copy
to great advantage. But my feelings are wholly attached to my country,
and while I labour for her interest in this enterprise, I am happy that
the liberty of the seas, which I believe can be effected, will not only
benefit America; it will be an immense advantage to England, to France,
and to every other nation. Convinced of this, I have viewed military
marines as remains of ancient warlike habits, and an existing political
disease, for which there has hitherto been no specific remedy. Satisfied
in my own mind, that the Torpedoes now discovered, will be an effectual
cure for so great an evil. To introduce them into practice, and prove
their utility, I am of opinion, that blowing up English ships of war, or
French, or American, were there no other, and the men on shore, would be
humane experiments of the first importance to the United States and to
mankind.