the colonies under one government, so far as might be necessary for
defense and other important general purposes. As we passed through New
York I had there shown my project to Mr. James Alexander and Mr.
Kennedy, two gentlemen of great knowledge in public affairs; and,
being fortified by their approbation, I ventured to lay it before the
congress. It then appeared that several of the commissioners had
formed plans of the same kind. A previous question was first taken,
whether a union should be established, which passed in the affirmative
unanimously. A committee was then appointed, one member from each
colony, to consider the several plans and report. Mine happened to be
preferred, and, with a few amendments, was accordingly reported.
By this plan the general government was to be administered by a
president-general, appointed and supported by the Crown, and a grand
council was to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the
several colonies, met in their respective assemblies. The debates upon
it in congress went on daily, hand in hand with the Indian business.
Many objections and difficulties were started, but at length they were
all overcome, and the plan was unanimously agreed to, and copies
ordered to be transmitted to the Board of Trade and to the assemblies
of the several provinces. Its fate was singular; the assemblies did
not adopt it, as they all thought there was too much prerogative[154]
in it, and in England it was judged to have too much of the
democratic.[155] The Board of Trade, therefore, did not approve of it
nor recommend it for the approbation of his Majesty; but another
scheme was formed, supposed to answer the same purpose better, whereby
the governors of the provinces, with some members of their respective
councils, were to meet and order the raising of troops, building of
forts, etc., and to draw on the treasury of Great Britain for the
expense, which was afterward to be refunded by an act of Parliament
laying a tax on America. My plan, with my reasons in support of it, is
to be found among my political papers that are printed.
Being the winter following in Boston, I had much conversation with
Governor Shirley upon both the plans. Part of what passed between us
on the occasion may also be seen among those papers. The different and
contrary reasons of dislike to my plan make me suspect that it was
really the true medium, and I am still of opinion it would have been
happy for both sides the water if it had been adopted. The colonies,
so united, would have been sufficiently strong to defend themselves;
there would then have been no need of troops from England. Of course
the subsequent pretense for taxing America, and the bloody contest it
occasioned, would have been avoided. But such mistakes are not new;
history is full of the errors of states and princes.
"Look round the habitable world, how few
Know their own good, or, knowing it, pursue!"
Those who govern, having much business on their hands, do not
generally like to take the trouble of considering and carrying into
execution new projects. The best public measures are therefore seldom
adopted from previous wisdom, but forced by the occasion.
The governor of Pennsylvania, in sending it down to the Assembly,
expressed his approbation of the plan, as appearing to him to be drawn
up with great clearness and strength of judgment, and therefore
recommended it as "well worthy of their closest and most serious
attention." The House, however, by the management of a certain member,
took it up when I happened to be absent, which I thought not very
fair, and reprobated it without paying any attention to it at all, to
my no small mortification.
In my journey to Boston this year I met at New York with our new
governor, Mr. Morris, just arrived there from England, with whom I had
been before intimately acquainted. He brought a commission to
supersede Mr. Hamilton, who, tired with the disputes his proprietary
instructions subjected him to, had resigned. Mr. Morris asked me if I
thought he must expect as uncomfortable an administration. I said,
"No; you may, on the contrary, have a very comfortable one, if you
will only take care not to enter into any dispute with the Assembly."
"My dear friend," says he, pleasantly, "how can you advise my avoiding
disputes? You know I love disputing; it is one of my greatest
pleasures. However, to show the regard I have for your counsel, I
promise you I will, if possible, avoid them." He had some reason for
loving to dispute, being eloquent, an acute sophister, and therefore
generally successful in argumentative conversation. He had been
brought up to it from a boy, his father, as I have heard, accustoming
his children to dispute with one another for his diversion while
sitting at table after dinner. But I think the practice was not wise;
for in the course of my observation, these disputing, contradicting,
and confuting people are generally unfortunate in their affairs. They
get victory sometimes, but they never get good will, which would be of
more use to them. We parted, he going to Philadelphia and I to Boston.
In returning I met at New York with the votes of the Assembly, by
which it appeared that, notwithstanding his promise to me, he and the
House were already in high contention; and it was a continual battle
between them as long as he retained the government.
I had my share of it; for, as soon as I got back to my seat in the
Assembly, I was put on every committee for answering his speeches and
messages, and by the committees always desired to make the drafts. Our
answers, as well as his messages, were often tart, and sometimes
indecently abusive, and, as he knew I wrote for the Assembly, one might
have imagined that when we met we could hardly avoid cutting throats;
but he was so good-natured a man that no personal difference between him
and me was occasioned by the contest, and we often dined together.
One afternoon, in the height of this public quarrel, we met in the
street. "Franklin," says he, "you must go home with me and spend the
evening; I am to have some company that you will like;" and, taking me
by the arm, he led me to his house. In gay conversation over our wine
after supper, he told us jokingly that he much admired the idea of
Sancho Panza,[156] who, when it was proposed to give him a government,
requested it might be a government of blacks, as then, if he could not
agree with his people, he might sell them. One of his friends, who sat
next to me, says, "Franklin, why do you continue to side with these
Quakers? Had not you better sell them? The proprietor would give you a
good price." "The governor," says I, "has not yet blacked them
enough." He, indeed, had labored hard to blacken the Assembly in all
his messages, but they wiped off his coloring as fast as he laid it
on, and placed it in return thick upon his own face; so that, finding
he was likely to be negrofied himself, he, as well as Mr. Hamilton,
grew tired of the contest, and quitted the government.
These public quarrels were all at bottom owing to the proprietaries,
our hereditary governors, who, when any expense was to be incurred for
the defense of their province, with incredible meanness instructed
their deputies[157] to pass no act for levying the necessary taxes,
unless their vast estates were in the same act expressly excused, and
they had even taken bonds of these deputies to observe such
instructions. The Assemblies for three years held out against this
injustice, though constrained to bend at last. At length Captain
Denny, who was Governor Morris's successor, ventured to disobey those
instructions. How that was brought about I will show hereafter.
But I am got forward too fast with my story. There are still some
transactions to be mentioned that happened during the administration
of Governor Morris.
[Footnote 138: It stood on Fourth Street, below Arch.]
[Footnote 139: A member of a denomination which has its name from
Moravia, a division of Austria-Hungary. For an account of their home
and practices, see pp. 168-170.]
[Footnote 140: A representative in the lower house of the legislature.]
[Footnote 141: "Magic squares," i.e., square figures of a series of
numbers so disposed that the sums of each row or line, taken in any
direction, are equal. Magic squares are also formed of words or
phrases so arranged as to read the same in all directions. The magic
circle is a modification of the magic square, one form of which was
devised by Franklin.]
[Footnote 142: A form or draft of the law, presented to the
legislature for adoption.]
[Footnote 143: The church of this society is now on the corner of
Walnut and Twenty-first Streets.]
[Footnote 144: Pleasure gardens in the London of Franklin's day.]
[Footnote 145: A street in London in which Franklin had apartments.]
[Footnote 146: Little channel or gutter.]
[Footnote 147: Now a part of London, but formerly a separate
corporation.]
[Footnote 148: "From the manuscript journal of Mr. Andrew Ellicott,"
says Mr. John Bigelow in one of his editions of the Autobiography, "I
have been kindly favored by Mr. J. C. G. Kennedy, of Washington, one
of his descendants, with the following extract, which was written
three years before the preceding paragraph in the Autobiography:
"'I found him [Franklin] in his little room among his papers. He
received me very politely, and immediately entered into conversation
about the western country. His room makes a singular appearance, being
filled with old philosophical instruments, papers, boxes, tables, and
stools. About ten o'clock he placed some water on the fire, but not
being expert through his great age, I desired him to give me the
pleasure of assisting him. He thanked me, and replied that he ever
made it a point to wait upon himself, and, although he began to find
himself infirm, he was determined not to increase his infirmities by
giving way to them. After the water was hot, I observed his object was
to shave himself, which operation he performed without a glass and
with great expedition. I asked him if he ever employed a barber; he
answered: "No; I think happiness does not consist so much in
particular pieces of good fortune, which perhaps occasionally fall to
a man's lot, as to be able in his old age to do those little things
which, being unable to perform himself, would be done by others with a
sparing hand."'"]
[Footnote 149: That is, he examined the accounts and managed the
financial affairs.]
[Footnote 150: The ministers of the Crown in London.]
[Footnote 151: The college in Cambridge, Harvard College.]
[Footnote 152: The commissioners of trade, who lived in England, and
to whom the colonial governors made their reports and returns. Their
duty was "to put things into a form and order of government that
should always preserve these countries in obedience to the Crown."]
[Footnote 153: A union of six of the more considerable Indian tribes.]
[Footnote 154: The power of the king.]
[Footnote 155: The government of the people.]
[Footnote 156: The squire of Don Quixote, to whom a duke jokingly
granted the government of an island for a few days. This is one of the
best-known episodes in that amusing history.]
[Footnote 157: The governors of the provinces, who were appointed by
the proprietaries (see Note 1, p. 58).]
§ 8. FRANKLIN ACTS IN CONCERT WITH BRADDOCK'S ARMY.
ORGANIZATION OF MILITIA.
War being in a manner commenced with France,[158] the government of
Massachusetts Bay projected an attack upon Crown Point,[159] and sent
Mr. Quincy to Pennsylvania, and Mr. Pownall, afterward Governor Pownall,
to New York, to solicit assistance. As I was in the Assembly, knew its
temper, and was Mr. Quincy's countryman,[160] he applied to me for my
influence and assistance. I dictated his address to them, which was well
received. They voted an aid of ten thousand pounds, to be laid out in
provisions; but the governor refusing his assent to their bill (which
included this with other sums granted for the use of the Crown), unless
a clause were inserted exempting the proprietary estate[161] from
bearing any part of the tax that would be necessary, the Assembly,
though very desirous of making their grant to New England effectual,
were at a loss how to accomplish it. Mr. Quincy labored hard with the
governor to obtain his assent, but he was obstinate.
I then suggested a method of doing the business without the governor,
by orders on the trustees of the Loan Office,[162] which, by law, the
Assembly had the right of drawing. There was, indeed, little or no
money at that time in the office, and therefore I proposed that the
orders should be payable in a year, and to bear an interest of five
per cent. With these orders I supposed the provisions might easily be
purchased. The Assembly, with very little hesitation, adopted the
proposal. The orders were immediately printed, and I was one of the
committee directed to sign and dispose of them. The fund for paying
them was the interest of all the paper currency then extant in the
province upon loan, together with the revenue arising from the
excise,[163] which being known to be more than sufficient, they
obtained instant credit, and were not only received in payment for the
provisions, but many moneyed people who had cash lying by them
invested it in those orders, which they found advantageous, as they
bore interest while upon hand and might on any occasion be used as
money; so that they were eagerly all bought up, and in a few weeks
none of them were to be seen. Thus this important affair was by my
means completed. Mr. Quincy returned thanks to the Assembly in a
handsome memorial, went home highly pleased with the success of his
embassy, and ever after bore for me the most cordial and affecting
friendship.
The British government, not choosing to permit the union of the
colonies as proposed at Albany, and to trust that union with their
defense, lest they should thereby grow too military and feel their own
strength, suspicions and jealousies at this time being entertained of
them, sent over General Braddock with two regiments of regular English
troops for that purpose. He landed at Alexandria, in Virginia, and
thence marched to Fredericktown, in Maryland, where he halted for
carriages.[164] Our Assembly, apprehending from some information that
he had conceived violent prejudices against them as averse to the
service, wished me to wait upon him, not as from them, but as
postmaster-general, under the guise of proposing to settle with him
the mode of conducting with most celerity and certainty the dispatches
between him and the governors of the several provinces, with whom he
must necessarily have continual correspondence, and of which they
proposed to pay the expense. My son accompanied me on this journey.
We found the general at Fredericktown, waiting impatiently for the
return of those he had sent through the back parts of Maryland and
Virginia to collect wagons. I stayed with him several days, dined with
him daily, and had full opportunity of removing all his prejudices by
the information of what the Assembly had before his arrival actually
done, and were still willing to do, to facilitate his operations. When
I was about to depart, the returns of wagons to be obtained were
brought in, by which it appeared that they amounted only to
twenty-five, and not all of those were in serviceable condition. The
general and all the officers were surprised, declared the expedition
was then at an end, being impossible, and exclaimed against the
ministers[165] for ignorantly landing them in a country destitute of
the means of conveying their stores, baggage, etc., not less than one
hundred and fifty wagons being necessary.
I happened to say I thought it was pity they had not been landed
rather in Pennsylvania, as in that country almost every farmer had his
wagon. The general eagerly laid hold of my words, and said: "Then you,
sir, who are a man of interest there, can probably procure them for
us, and I beg you will undertake it." I asked what terms were to be
offered the owners of the wagons, and I was desired to put on paper
the terms that appeared to me necessary. This I did, and they were
agreed to, and a commission and instructions accordingly prepared
immediately. What those terms were will appear in the advertisement I
published as soon as I arrived at Lancaster, which being, from the
great and sudden effect it produced, a piece of some curiosity, I
shall insert it at length as follows:
ADVERTISEMENT.
LANCASTER, April 26, 1755.
Whereas, one hundred and fifty wagons, with four horses to each
wagon, and fifteen hundred saddle or pack horses, are wanted for
the service of his Majesty's forces now about to rendezvous at
Will's Creek, and his Excellency, General Braddock, having been
pleased to empower me to contract for the hire of the same, I
hereby give notice that I shall attend for that purpose at
Lancaster from this day to next Wednesday evening, and at York
from next Thursday morning till Friday evening, where I shall be
ready to agree for wagons and teams, or single horses, on the
following terms, viz.: 1. That there shall be paid for each
wagon, with four good horses and a driver, fifteen shillings per
diem;[166] and for each able horse with a pack saddle, or other
saddle and furniture, two shillings per diem; and for each able
horse without a saddle, eighteenpence per diem. 2. That the pay
commence from the time of their joining the forces at Will's
Creek, which must be on or before the 20th of May ensuing, and
that a reasonable allowance be paid over and above for the time
necessary for their traveling to Will's Creek and home again
after their discharge. 3. Each wagon and team, and every saddle
or pack horse, is to be valued by indifferent[167] persons chosen
between me and the owner; and in case of the loss of any wagon,
team, or other horse in the service, the price according to such
valuation is to be allowed and paid. 4. Seven days' pay is to be
advanced and paid in hand by me to the owner of each wagon and
team, or horse, at the time of contracting, if required, and the
remainder to be paid by General Braddock, or by the paymaster of
the army, at the time of their discharge, or from time to time,
as it shall be demanded. 5. No drivers of wagons, or persons
taking care of the hired horses, are on any account to be called
upon to do the duty of soldiers, or be otherwise employed than in
conducting or taking care of their carriages or horses. 6. All
oats, Indian corn, or other forage that wagons or horses bring to
the camp, more than is necessary for the subsistence of the
horses, is to be taken for the use of the army, and a reasonable
price paid for the same.
NOTE.--My son, William Franklin, is empowered to enter into like
contracts with any person in Cumberland County.
B. FRANKLIN.
TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE COUNTIES OF LANCASTER, YORK, AND CUMBERLAND.
FRIENDS AND COUNTRYMEN: Being occasionally at the camp at
Frederick, a few days since, I found the general and officers
extremely exasperated on account of their not being supplied with
horses and carriages, which had been expected from this province,
as most able to furnish them; but, through the dissensions
between our governor and Assembly, money had not been provided,
nor any steps taken for that purpose.
It was proposed to send an armed force immediately into these
counties, to seize as many of the best carriages and horses as
should be wanted, and compel as many persons into the service as
would be necessary to drive and take care of them.
I apprehended that the progress of British soldiers through these
counties on such an occasion, especially considering the temper
they are in, and their resentment against us, would be attended
with many and great inconveniences to the inhabitants, and
therefore more willingly took the trouble of trying first what
might be done by fair and equitable means. The people of these
back counties have lately complained to the Assembly that a
sufficient currency was wanting. You have an opportunity of
receiving and dividing among you a very considerable sum; for, if
the service of this expedition should continue, as it is more
than probable it will, for one hundred and twenty days, the hire
of these wagons and horses will amount to upward of thirty
thousand pounds, which will be paid you in silver and gold of the
king's money.
The service will be light and easy, for the army will scarce
march above twelve miles per day, and the wagons and baggage
horses, as they carry those things that are absolutely necessary
to the welfare of the army, must march with the army, and no
faster; and are, for the army's sake, always placed where they
can be most secure, whether in a march or in a camp.
If you are really, as I believe you are, good and loyal subjects
to his Majesty, you may now do a most acceptable service, and
make it easy to yourselves; for three or four of such as cannot
separately spare from the business of their plantations a wagon
and four horses and a driver, may do it together, one furnishing
the wagon, another, one or two horses, and another, the driver,
and divide the pay proportionately between you; but if you do not
this service to your king and country voluntarily, when such good
pay and reasonable terms are offered to you, your loyalty will be
strongly suspected. The king's business must be done; so many
brave troops, come so far for your defense, must not stand idle
through your backwardness to do what may be reasonably expected
from you; wagons and horses must be had; violent measures will
probably be used, and you will be left to seek for a recompense
where you can find it, and your case, perhaps, be little pitied
or regarded.
I have no particular interest in this affair, as, except the
satisfaction of endeavoring to do good, I shall have only my
labor for my pains. If this method of obtaining the wagons and
horses is not likely to succeed, I am obliged to send word to the
general in fourteen days; and I suppose Sir John St. Clair, the
hussar,[168] with a body of soldiers, will immediately enter the
province for the purpose, which I shall be sorry to hear, because
I am very sincerely and truly your friend and wellwisher,
B. FRANKLIN.
I received of the general about eight hundred pounds, to be disbursed
in advance money to the wagon owners, etc.; but that sum being
insufficient, I advanced upward of two hundred pounds more, and in two
weeks the one hundred and fifty wagons, with two hundred and
fifty-nine carrying horses,[169] were on their march for the camp. The
advertisement promised payment according to the valuation, in case any
wagon or horse should be lost. The owners, however, alleging they did
not know General Braddock, or what dependence might be had on his
promise, insisted on my bond for the performance, which I accordingly
gave them.
While I was at the camp supping one evening with the officers of
Colonel Dunbar's regiment, he represented to me his concern for the
subalterns,[170] who, he said, were generally not in affluence, and
could ill afford, in this dear country, to lay in the stores that
might be necessary in so long a march through a wilderness, where
nothing was to be purchased. I commiserated their case, and resolved
to endeavor procuring them some relief. I said nothing, however, to
him of my intention, but wrote the next morning to the committee of
the Assembly who had the disposition of some public money, warmly
recommending the case of these officers to their consideration, and
proposing that a present should be sent them of necessaries and
refreshments. My son, who had some experience of a camp life and of
its wants, drew up a list for me, which I inclosed in my letter. The
committee approved, and used such diligence that, conducted by my son,
the stores arrived at the camp as soon as the wagons. They consisted
of twenty parcels, each containing
6 lbs. loaf sugar,
6 lbs. good Muscovado[171] do.,
1 lb. good green tea,
1 lb. good bohea do.,
6 lbs. good ground coffee,
6 lbs. chocolate,
1/2 cwt. best white biscuit,
1/2 lb. pepper,
1 quart best white wine vinegar,
1 Gloucester cheese,
1 keg containing 20 lbs. good
butter,
2 doz. old Madeira wine,
2 gals. Jamaica spirits,
1 bottle flour of mustard,
2 well-cured hams,
1/2 doz. dried tongues,
6 lbs. rice,
6 lbs. raisins.