Though the Queen had at first been opposed to the appointment of a

Commission for the consideration of some of the more important questions

which had arisen between the two kingdoms, owing mainly to Buccleuch's

exploits, she ultimately yielded the point, and it is an interesting and

significant fact that during the time of the sitting of the Commission

Buccleuch was busily engaged in ravaging with fire and sword some of the

fairest districts within the English Border. The magnitude of his offences

had evidently impressed them. They hardly knew what to say about him. In

the first paragraph of the report which they issued we read:--"We have

accomplished the treaty of the Border causes with all the diligence

possible, though not to so great advantage to the realm as we desired. Yet

we have revived articles of the former treaties discontinued, supplied

many old defects, and made new ordinances. Slaughters we were forced to

leave as they were (the Scots protesting that they could not, under their

instructions, deal with them); but we trust as the punishment is left to

the princes, her Majesty will so consider the same, that it shall be found

far better that we have left that article at large, than if we had

condiscended to any meane degree of correccion for so barbarous acts ...

specially by Baklugh, who is _flagellum Dei_ to his miserably distressed

and oppressed neighbours."[98]

But, however distressing Buccleuch's conduct may have been to the English

members of the Commission, it is evident that neither King nor Council in

Scotland was disposed to regard him as a "scourge of God." He went up to

Edinburgh at this time, when things seemed to be going so much against him

in the Commission, and had an interview with James, and so obtained his

favourable countenance, that "they laughed a long time on the purpose."

The Council took an equally favourable view of the situation, affirming

that "it was found that his last invasion of England was just, for

'repetition' of goods stolen a short time before, and the slaughter was

but of special malefactors, enemies to the public weal and quiet of both

countries."

Elizabeth, however, took a different view of the matter, and put her foot

down with such purpose and determination that James speedily became

convinced that he must either surrender his favourite, or involve the

country in a war with England. The latter alternative was out of the

question, as it might have imperilled his claim to the succession, and so

Buccleuch was compelled to place himself as a prisoner in the hands of

Sir William Bowes, who conducted him to Berwick, and put him in ward,

there to await the Queen's pleasure. Sir John Cary was then governor of

the town, and it was with much perturbation and many misgivings that he

undertook the safe custody of such a notorious and masterful captive. In a

pathetic letter which he addressed to Lord Hunsdon, he says--"I entreat

your lordship that I may not become the jailor of so dangerous a prisoner,

or, at least, that I may know whether I shall keep him like a prisoner or

no? for there is not a worse or more dangerous place in England to keep

him in than this; it is so near his friends, and besides, so many in this

town willing to pleasure him, and his escape may be so easily made; and

once out of the town he is past recovery. Wherefore I humbly beseech your

honor let him be removed from hence to a more secure place, 'for I protest

to the Almighty God, before I will take the charge to keep him here, I

will desire to be put in prison myself, and to have a keeper of me!' For

what care soever be had of him here, 'he shall want no furtherance

whatsoever wit of man can devise, if he himself list to make an escape.'

So I pray your lordship, 'even for God's sake and for the love of a

brother,' to relieve me from this danger."[99]

This passionate appeal, to be relieved from the responsibility of taking

charge of Buccleuch, does not seem to have received much attention.

Buccleuch remained under Cary's guardianship, and, needless to say, proved

himself one of the most tractable of prisoners. He could not well have

acted otherwise, for he must by this time have become fully convinced that

Elizabeth was determined to have her way, and that, in the peculiar

circumstances in which the Scottish King was placed, he could ill afford

to thwart her wishes. Sir Robert Ker was also induced to place himself in

the hands of the English authorities. Strange to relate, he was placed in

charge of Sir Robert Cary, with whom he lived for a considerable time on

the most intimate and friendly terms. "Contrary to all men's

expectations," says Cary, "Sir Robert Car chose me for his guardian, and

home I brought him to my own house after he was delivered to me. I lodged

him as well as I could, and took order for his diet, and men to attend on

him; and sent him word, that (although by his harsh carriage towards me,

ever since I had that charge, he could not expect any favours, yet)

hearing so much goodness of him, that he never broke his word; if he would

give me his hand and credit to be a true prisoner, he would have no guard

set upon him, but would have free liberty for his friends in Scotland, to

have ingress and regress to him as often as he pleased. He took this very

kindly at my hands, accepted of my offer, and sent me thanks.

Some four days passed; all which time his friends came unto him, and he

kept his chamber. Then he sent to me, and desired me I should come and

speak with him, which I did; and after long discourse, charging and

recharging one another with wrongs and injuries, at last, before our

parting, we became good friends, with great protestations on his side,

never to give me occasion of unkindness again. After our reconciliation,

he kept his chamber no longer, but dined and supped with me. I took him

abroad with me, at least thrice a-week, a-hunting, and every day we grew

better friends. Bocleugh, in a few days after, had his pledges delivered,

and was set at liberty. But Sir Robert Car could not get his, so that I

was commanded to carry him to York, and there to deliver him prisoner to

the archbishop, which accordingly I did. At our parting he professed great

love unto me for the kind usage I had shown him, and that I would find the

effects of it upon his delivery, which he hoped would be shortly."[100]

Sir Robert Ker was as good as his word. After he had regained his freedom,

by the delivery of the pledges demanded, he returned to his duties as

warden of the East March, and seems to have conducted himself to the

entire satisfaction of his generous opponent. Cary says that they often

met afterwards at days of truce, and that he had as good justice as he

could have desired--their friendship remaining unbroken to the end.

The fortunes of the "Bold Buccleuch," after his imprisonment in Berwick,

were of a varied, but by no means of an unpleasant character. He returned

to his duties as Keeper of Liddesdale, and applied himself with energy and

ability to the arduous task of keeping his unruly charge, as far as

possible, within due bounds of law. This was an almost impossible

undertaking, as the Armstrongs and Elliots and other "broken men" of the

district had been so long accustomed to a lawless life that they quickly

resented any interference with their liberty. The change which had come

over the spirit of Buccleuch's dream was not at all to their liking, and

consequently they turned against him, and assailed him with much

bitterness. He was "in contempt with them" because of his just dealing

with Cary. They would gladly have shaken off his yoke, and were privately

working for his overthrow, that they might have the "raynes louse" again.

But difficult as the task was, Buccleuch was not easily turned aside from

his purpose. He had evidently become convinced that a change of policy was

desirable in the interests of the country, and he was determined to carry

it out, however formidable might be the opposition with which he had to

contend. The fact is significant, and ought to be carefully borne in mind.

Buccleuch's indiscretions during the earlier part of his official life

were manifold, and severely reprehensible. The only defence which can be

offered in his behalf is, that he was placed in a position of great

responsibility before he was old enough to appreciate to the full extent

the consequences of his actions. His extreme youth, fiery temperament, and

fervid patriotism, account for many things in his life which otherwise

would be difficult either to explain or justify. But if he sinned greatly,

he also repented sincerely. It is really to him we owe the first impulse

in the social regeneration of the Borders. From 1597 onwards, he

contributed more towards the establishment of good order in the district

over which he presided--and it was infinitely the worst district in the

country--than any other man of his time. It may be said, indeed, that in

him many of the finest qualities of the Scottish Borderer came to full

fruition. He was brave, resolute, independent, quick to resent injuries,

but withal, warm-hearted and generous. We do not greatly wonder at the

large place he has filled in the traditional story of the country. His was

a powerful and fascinating personality, and though, from a national point

of view, the sphere of his activities was comparatively limited, his name

is not unworthy of being associated with some of the greatest names in

Scottish history.

Towards the close of the year 1599 he went to London to make his peace

with the Queen. In a letter to Cecil, written by Sir Robert Cary, we have

striking testimony given of the change which had taken place in

Buccleuch's attitude towards the English government. "He will be

desirous," Cary says, "to kiss the Queen's hand: which favour of late he

hath very well deserved, for since my coming into these parts, I do assure

your honour he is the only man that hath run a direct course with me for

the maintenance of justice, and his performance hath been such as we have

great quietness with those under his charge. Nor have I wanted present

satisfaction for anything by his people: and he has had the like from me.

There is not an unsatisfied bill on either side between us."[101]

Considering the terms of this letter, we are not surprised to learn that

the "Bold Buccleuch" was received at Court with considerable favour. If it

be true that Elizabeth at one time was privy to a plot to assassinate him,

she must surely have had some qualms of conscience when at last this

"stark reiver" stood before her. The scene is a memorable one. The Queen

demanded of him, with one of those lion-like glances which used to throw

the proudest nobles on their knees, how he dared to storm her castle, to

which the Border baron replied--"What, madam, is there that a brave man

may not dare?" The rejoinder pleased her; and, turning to her courtiers,

she exclaimed--"Give me a thousand such leaders, and I'll shake any throne

in Europe!"

XIII.

MINIONS OF THE MOON.

"Diana's Foresters, Gentlemen of the shade,

Minions of the Moon."--FALSTAFF.

"_Reparabit Cornua Phoebe._"--MOTTO: HARDEN FAMILY.

"The siller moon now glimmers pale;

But ere we've crossed fair Liddesdale,

She'll shine as brightlie as the bale

That warns the water hastilie.

"O leeze me on her bonny light!

There's nought sae dear to Harden's sight:

Troth, gin she shone but ilka night,

Our clan might live right royallie."

FEAST OF SPURS.

The more famous reivers whose names have been handed down in the

traditions, poetry, and history of the Scottish Border, are seldom

regarded with any very pronounced feelings of aversion. The Armstrongs,

Elliots, Graemes, Stories, Burneses, and Bells; the Scotts, Kers, Maxwells,

and Johnstones--whose depredations have been recorded with much fulness of

detail in the annals of the country, were no doubt quite as bad as they

have been described. They cannot be acquitted of grave moral

delinquencies, judged even by the standard of the age in which they lived.

But at this distance of time many are disposed to regard their

depredations and lawless life, if not with a kindly, at least with an

indulgent eye. It must be frankly admitted that there was an element of

genuine heroism in their lives, which goes far to redeem them from the

contempt with which, under other conditions, we would have been compelled

to regard them. What they did was, as a general rule, done openly, and

evidently with a certain sub-conscious feeling that their actions, if

rightly understood, were not altogether blame-worthy. Their reiving was

carried on under conditions which developed some of the best as well as

worst elements of their nature and manhood. The Border reiver, whatever he

was, can certainly not be described as cowardly. He carried his life in

his hands. He never knew when he went on a foraging expedition, whether he

might return. The enemy with which he had to contend was vigilant and

powerful. Before he could drive away the cattle, he had, first of all, to

settle accounts with the owner. He might be worsted in the encounter, and

instead of securing his booty, he might find himself a captive, with the

certainty of being strung up on the nearest tree, or drowned in some

convenient pool. Such incidents were of almost every day occurrence.

Reiving was therefore one of the most exciting and hazardous of

occupations, demanding on the part of those engaged in it, a strong arm

and a dauntless spirit. The burglar who sneaks up to a house while the

inmates are asleep, and plies his nefarious calling in silence and under

shade of night, and is ready to start off, leaving everything behind him,

the moment the alarm is raised, is a contemptible miscreant, for whom the

gallows is almost too mild a form of punishment. But the Border reiver was

made of different metal; was, indeed, a man of an essentially higher type.

He was prepared to fight for every hoof or horn he wished to secure. It

was a trial of skill, of strength, of resource, with the enemy. No doubt

he had occasionally to ride during the night, aided only by the mild rays

of the moon. The way was often long, the paths intricate, and the dangers

manifold; but he was also prepared, under the full blaze of the noonday

sun, to challenge those he had come to despoil, to protect and retain

their property if they could. It was open and undisguised warfare on a

miniature scale. This, of course, was not true of _all_ the reivers on the

Borders. Some of them were hardly worthy of their profession. There are

black sheep in every trade--men who represent the baser qualities of their

kind, and who bring discredit on their associates.

In looking back over the long list of famous reivers there are many names

which, somehow or other, we are disposed to regard with a more or less

kindly feeling. This may be difficult to explain, but the fact is

undeniable. Perhaps the feeling is due, to a certain extent at least, to

the fact that, despite the mode of life adopted by these men, they

represented many really admirable qualities, both of intellect and heart.

Johnie Armstrong of Gilnockie, for example, was one of the most notorious

of the clan to which he belonged, and yet he was evidently regarded as a

great hero, who had been most shamefully treated by the King. It is also

interesting to find that he had a high opinion of himself. He prided

himself on his _honesty_. However much injury he had inflicted on the

unfortunate Englishmen, who had to bear the brunt of his onslaughts, it

gives him infinite pleasure and satisfaction to affirm that "he had never

skaithed a Scots wife a puir flee." It is possible, too, that his tragic

end may have something to do with the kindly feeling with which his memory

is cherished, though this in itself is not sufficient to account for the

place he occupies in the Valhalla of Border heroes.

In the same way a halo of romance has gathered round the name of the "Bold

Buccleuch," whose spirit of chivalry has gone far to redeem his memory

from opprobrium. The penetrating eye of the English Queen was quick to

discern in him qualities of a high order which only required the proper

sphere for their development. He may well be regarded as a truly great

man who was compelled by the circumstances in which he found himself

placed, to devote his time and talents to tasks which were quite unworthy

of his genius. Hence, when the opportunity occurred, he speedily proved

himself not only a great leader of men, but a most potent factor in the

social and moral regeneration of the district with which he was so

intimately associated.

But of all the Border reivers whose names have been handed down in song

and story, none is regarded with more kindly, we might almost say

affectionate interest, than that of "Auld Wat of Harden." For many years

he played an important part in Border affairs, and was always to the front

in harassing and despoiling the English. We have already noticed the

assistance he gave his near kinsman, the "Bold Buccleuch," in the assault

on Carlisle castle, when Kinmont Willie was so gallantly rescued from

imprisonment. But, four years prior to this event, in the year 1592, he

took part, under the leadership of Bothwell, in the famous "Raid of

Falkland," when the King was surprised in his Palace, and would have had

short shrift from the Borderers, had not timely warning been given him of

his danger. This escapade entailed on the laird of Harden somewhat serious

consequences. An order was issued by the King, with the consent of the

Lords of his Council, to demolish the _places, houses, and fortalices_ of

Harden and Dryhoip, pertaining to the said Walter Scott. The order runs

thus--"Apud Peiblis, xiij die mensis Julij, anno lxxxxij (1592)--The

Kingis Majestie, with aduise of the Lordis of his Secreit Counsale, Gevis

and grantis full pouer and Commission, expres bidding and charge, be thir

presentis, to his weil-belouitt Williame Stewart of Tracquair, to DIMOLEIS

and cause to be dimoleist and cassin doun to the ground, _the place and

houssis of_ TYNNEIS, quhilkis pertenit to James Stewart sumtyme of

Tynneis; as alswa, the lyke pouer and commissioun, expres bidding and

charge, to Walter Scott of Gouldielandis and Mr Iedeon Murray, conjunctlie

and seuerallie, to dimoleis and caus be dimoleist and cassin doun to the

ground, _the placeis, houssis, and fortalices of_ HARDEN _and_ DRYHOIP,

pertening to Walter Scott of Harden, quha, with the said James Steuart,

wes arte and parte of the lait tresonabill fact, perpetrat aganis his

hienes awin persone at Falkland: And that the foirsaidis personis caus the

premisses be putt in execution with all convenient expeditioun in signne

and taikin of the foirsaidis uthiris personis tressounable and unnaturall

defection and attemptat, committit be thame in manner foirsaid. As thay

will ansuer to his hienes upon thair obedience."[102]

This was a severe blow to the laird of Harden, but he doubtless bore it

with that fine philosophical indifference for which he was distinguished.

The motto of the Harden family, "We'll hae moonlight again," breathes the

spirit of optimism, and indicates that the reverses of fortune were never

regarded as irreparable. Hope sprang eternal in the Harden breast!

But Auld Wat was never disposed to linger unduly, even when courting the

smile of the capricious Goddess. He believed in himself, and relied mainly

for his good fortune on his own energy and skill. He was a man of the

world--keen, subtle, far-seeing, energetic--never allowing the grass to

grow under his feet. He believed in taking time by the forelock--in making

hay while the sun shone. Rarely did he ever miss a favourable opportunity

of increasing "his goods and gear." And his reiving was carried on in no

paltry or insignificant fashion. He was a man of large ideas, and he

carried them out on a splendid scale. For example, we find that in 1596 he

ran a day foray into Gilsland, and carried off "300 oxen and kye, a horse

and a nag." This was a large addition to make to his stock, and one cannot

help thinking that the "dell" in front of Harden castle, where he kept his

captured nowte, must have often been unduly crowded. But then it ought be

remembered that the demands on his hospitality were numerous and not

always easily met. He had a numerous body of retainers, as was befitting a

man of his position, who had to be kept in "horse meat and man's meat,"

and having so many to provide for, his large herds often disappeared with

great rapidity. The result was that he was constantly under the necessity

of crossing the Border in order to replenish his stock. It is related that

on one occasion he overheard the town herd calling out to some one, as he

was passing, to "send out Wat o' Harden's coo." "Wat o' Harden's coo!" the

old reiver indignantly exclaimed, "My sang, I'll soon mak ye speak of Wat

o' Harden's kye," and so he at once gathered his forces, marched into

Northumberland, and before long he was seen on his way back driving before

him a big herd of cows and a basson'd bull. On his way he passed a large

sow-backed haystack. Turning round in his saddle and looking at it

wistfully, he said, in a regretful tone of voice, "If ye had four feet, ye

wadna stand long there!"

It is perhaps to this successful foray that Lord Eure refers in a letter

addressed to Cecil under date July 15, 1596, in which he says:--"Watt

Ellatt, _alias_ Watt of Harden, with other East Tividale lairds had 300 or

400 able horsemen, laying an ambush of 300 or 400 foote, brake a day

forray a myle beneathe Bellinghame, spoiled the townes men in

Bellinghame, brake the crosse, toke all the cattell upp the water to the

number thre or fower hundred beastes at the leaste, hath slaine three men

of name and wounded one allmoste to deathe, fired noe houses. The fray

rose and being brought to me at Hexhame about ix(o) or x(o) houers in the

morning, I rose myself with my household servuantes, caused the beacons to

be fired and sent the fray eche way rounde aboute me, and yet could not

make the force of the countrie iiij{xx} horsemen and some six score

footmen. I followed with the horsemen within twoe or three myles of

Scotland, and except Mr Fenwick of Wellington, together with the Keaper of

Tindale, Mr Henry Bowes, ther was not one gentleman of the Marche to

accompanie me, or mett me at all; and when all our forces were togeither,

we could not make twoe hundredth horsse, nor above twoe hundredth

footmen.... With shame and greife I speake it' the Scottes went away

unfought withall."[103]

It will thus be seen that within a few months this famous freebooter had

transferred from English soil some six or seven hundred head of cattle. No

doubt like his neighbours, who were engaged in the same precarious line of

business, he had many unsuccessful raids to recount, but he was certainly

one of the most wary and successful of the reivers on the Scottish side of

the Border.

Sir Walter Scott, who was a descendant of Wat of Harden, has an

interesting note in his "Border Minstrelsy" regarding the family. "Of this

Border laird," he says, "commonly called _Auld Wat of Harden_, tradition

has preserved many anecdotes. He was married to Mary Scott, celebrated in

song by the title of 'The Flower of Yarrow.' By their marriage contract,

the father-in-law, Philip Scott of Dryhope, was to find Harden in horse

meat and man's meat at his Tower of Dryhope for a year and a day; but five

barons pledge themselves, that, at the expiry of that period, the

son-in-law should remove without attempting to continue in possession by

force! A notary-public signed for all the parties to the deed, none of

whom could write their names. The original is still in the charter-room of

the present Mr Scott of Harden. By 'The Flower of Yarrow' the Laird of

Harden had six sons; five of whom survived him, and founded the families

of Harden (now extinct), Highchesters (now representing Harden), Reaburn,

Wool, and Synton. The sixth son was slain at a fray, in a hunting match,

by the Scotts of Gilmanscleuch. His brothers flew to arms; but the old

laird secured them in the dungeon of his tower, hurried to Edinburgh,

stated the crime, and obtained a gift of the land of the offenders from

the Crown. He returned to Harden with equal speed, released his sons, and

showed them the charter. 'To horse, lads!' cried the savage warrior, 'and

let us take possession! The lands of Gilmanscleuch are well worth a dead

son.'"

Hogg's description of "Auld Wat" as he set out for Edinburgh on this

occasion is humourously realistic:

And he's awa' to Holyrood,

Amang our nobles a',

With bonnet lyke a girdle braid,

And hayre lyke Craighope snaw.

His coat was of the forest green,

Wi' buttons lyke the moon;

His breeks were o' the guid buckskyne,

Wi' a' the hayre aboon.

His twa hand sword hang round his back,

An' rattled at his heel;

The rowels of his silver spurs

Were of the Rippon steel;

His hose were braced wi' chains o' airn,

An' round wi' tassels hung:

At ilka tramp o' Harden's heel,

The royal arches rung.

* * * *

Ane grant of all our lands sae fayre

The King to him has gien;

An' a' the Scotts o' Gilmanscleuch

Were outlawed ilka ane.

But Harden's best fortune came to him with his wife--the far-famed "Flower

of Yarrow."

This beautous flower, this rose of Yarrow,

In nature's garden has no marrow.

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