He was not far from the city, when he met a vessel covered with

streamers and olive branches, bringing ten of the most considerable

persons of the state, as ambassadors to implore his clemency.

However, he dismissed them without making any answer, and bid

them come to him at Tunis, where he should halt. The deputies of

Carthage, being 30 in number, came to him at the place appointed,

and sued for peace in the most submissive terms. He then called

a council there, the majority of which were for razing Carthage,

and treating the inhabitants with the utmost severity. But the

consideration of the time which must necessarily be employed before

so strongly fortified a city could be taken, and Scipio’s fear lest

a successor might be appointed him whilst he should be employed in

the siege, made him incline to clemency.”

ZARAGOZA, SECOND SIEGE OF.--“The sufferings of the gallant

Zaragozans, during the former siege, had not subdued the spirit

of heroic devotion by which they had been animated. Another

trial awaited them, not less memorable and glorious, though less

fortunate in its result.

After the defeat of Tudela, Palafox retired to Zaragoza, to make

preparations for a second siege. He was not present in the action.

The intelligence of its issue came upon him like a thunderbolt; and

the refusal of Castanos to throw his troops into Zaragoza, instead

of retreating on Madrid, put an end to those feelings of confidence

and frankness which had hitherto existed between the generals.

The multiplied disasters of the Spanish armies, however, so far

from shaking the resolution of Palafox or the Zaragozans, appear

only to have stimulated them to redoubled exertions in the service

of their country. Proclamations were issued, commanding all women,

old men, and children, to quit the city. Every inhabitant was

imperatively called upon to make sacrifice, if necessary, of his

life and property, in the common cause; and the whole population

were required, by their personal exertions, to contribute to the

completion of the fortifications of the city.

The approach of the enemy cut short the preparations for defence.

Neither women nor children left the place. Even these refused to

seek safety at a distance from their fathers and husbands, and

preferred participating in the danger and the glory which awaited

them in Zaragoza, to wandering unprotected through a troubled and

a suffering country.

During the former siege, the defenders had been embarrassed by the

presence of French residents in the city. These had been strictly

guarded, with the double object of preventing any intercourse

between them and the besiegers, and of protecting them against

the fatal effects of popular suspicion, to which, without such

precaution, it is more than probable they would have fallen

victims. In order to prevent the repetition of such danger and

inconvenience, Palafox determined that these unfortunate persons

should be removed from the city to other places of confinement.

This was done, notwithstanding the hostility of the populace,

though not until Palafox had issued a proclamation appealing to

Spanish honour and humanity, and imploring the gallant Zaragozans

not to stain the sacred cause of liberty and justice by the foul

murder of these defenceless victims.

The aid of superstition was not wanting to strengthen the

confidence of the Zaragozans. They relied on the miraculous

protection of Our Lady of the Pillar, who had made their favoured

city the seat of her peculiar worship. The successful termination

of the former siege had given strength to their belief in the

beneficent regards of the patron saint. Omens, too, had been

observed in the sky. Approaching victory had been prefigured

by unwonted conformations of the clouds; and celestial voices

were heard in the elements, offering divine promise of glory and

protection.

Fortunately, the Zaragozans were not induced, by their belief in

these flattering portents, to disregard any of the human means of

safety in their power. A continued line of exterior defensive works

had been planned and executed, as far as time and circumstances

permitted. Yet this, imperfect as it was, added little to the real

strength of the city; and, in forming a just estimate of the zeal

and courage of the defenders, Zaragoza should almost be considered

as an unfortified town. The walls, originally built rather for

the purpose of civic impost than defence, were surmounted by 150

pieces of cannon. Large stores of provisions had been formed. Arms

and ammunition were in abundance; and the town contained upwards of

20,000 regular troops, besides 15,000 armed peasants.

All the houses within 700 toises of the place were demolished, and

the materials employed to strengthen the fortifications. The trees

around the city were cut down. The greatest activity reigned on all

hands; the women were employed in making clothes for the soldiers;

the monks made cartridges: and all those not employed in labouring

at the works, practised the use of arms.

Measures were likewise taken for the defence of the city, in

case the enemy, which was scarcely to be doubted, should effect

an entrance. Traverses were cut across the streets. The doors

and windows on the ground-floor were strongly barricaded.

Communications were made between the houses; and parapets were

constructed on the roofs. Every householder had in his dwelling an

ample store of provisions, to enable him to continue his resistance

when the enemy should gain possession of the streets. Thus

prepared, the Zaragozans awaited the approach of the besiegers.

In the meanwhile, the corps of Marshal Moncey, which had been

ordered to blockade the city, remained at Alagon, collecting

materials, and awaiting the arrival of his heavy artillery from

Pamplona. On the 19th of December it was joined by the corps of

Mortier, and on the 20th the united army appeared before Zaragoza.

It consisted of about 35,000 infantry, and was accompanied by a

battering train of sixty pieces. A corps of cavalry was stationed

at Fuentes, to keep the surrounding country in a state of

subjection.

The city was approached on both sides of the Ebro. Gazan’s

division, having passed the river at Tauste, marched, by the road

of Castejon, to Cuera and Villa Nuevo. That of Suchet took post on

the right of the Ebro, near a convent, about a league distant from

Zaragoza, after driving in the Spanish outposts.

During the night, the enemy erected a battery, which commanded

the Torrero, and, in the morning, opened fire on the fort.

Unfortunately, a quantity of ammunition was blown up, by the

bursting of a shell, which occasioned considerable disorder in the

garrison. The French took advantage of this. A column crossed the

canal by an aqueduct, of which on the evening before, they had

become masters, and entering the fort by the gorge, succeeded in

maintaining the place against the efforts of the garrison. At the

same time, a brigade of Morlot’s division advanced up the ravine

of the Huerba, and, passing the canal under the aqueduct on which

it crosses that river, gained possession of a work commanding the

sluices of the canal. Two guns were taken in this work. Three

guns and 100 prisoners in the fort. General St. Mark succeeded in

withdrawing the rest of the garrison.

On the 22nd, General Gazan advanced against the suburb, on the left

of the river. He was encountered by about 4000 of the garrison,

posted in the woods and gardens, from which, after a warm contest,

he succeeded in dislodging them. Gazan then attempted to carry the

suburb by a _coup-de-main_. In this he failed. Repulsed in all

his efforts, after a long and fruitless contention, he at length

withdrew, pursued by the garrison, and with the loss of near 1000

men. The chief loss of the besieged consisted of a corps of Swiss,

almost all of whom were killed or taken prisoners in a large

building considerably in advance of the suburb.

For several days all was quiet. The enemy were now aware that it

was necessary to make a regular investment of the place; and the

works in all quarters, were pushed on with vigour. The besieged on

their part endeavoured, by incessant labour, to complete the works

of defence; batteries were constructed, to enfilade the principal

approaches--the magazines were rendered bomb-proof--every outlet

was palisaded and traversed; and, thus prepared, they waited with

calm fortitude for the approaching struggle.

On the 30th, Marshal Moncey addressed a letter to Palafox,

summoning him to surrender the city, now entirely invested, and

to spare the effusion of blood which must necessarily follow any

further attempt at hopeless resistance. Moncey likewise informed

him that Madrid had fallen; and that Napoleon, at the head of a

great army, was then in the act of chasing the English to their

ships.

To this Palafox replied, that if Madrid had fallen, Madrid had

been _sold_. The works of Zaragoza were yet entire; but, were they

levelled with the ground, the people and the garrison would rather

be buried in the ruins of their city, than disgraced by surrender.

In the meanwhile, General Gazan succeeded in effecting the blockade

of the suburb.

On the 29th, the trenches were regularly opened against the Chateau

of the Inquisition on the left, the bridge of the Huerba in the

centre, and the convent of St. Joseph on the right. The last of

these was the principal object of the enemy, because the works in

rear were destitute of a rampart, and it was intended to connect

the attack with a simultaneous attempt to gain possession of the

suburb.

The garrison, however, were not idle. The communication between the

convent and the city could not be interrupted; and the garrison of

the former, being daily relieved, made frequent sallies, by which

the progress of the besiegers was materially retarded. On the 31st,

a general sortie, supported by the whole guns of the place, was

made against the enemy’s line. Though gallantly supported, it was

unattended by any successful result. The repeated attacks of the

garrison were repulsed; and, baffled in their efforts, they again

entered the city. The loss on both sides was nearly equal.

On the 2nd of January, Moncey was superseded by Marshal Junot in

the command of the besieging army. The latter was the bearer of an

order to Mortier, to move on Calatayud with Suchet’s division, in

order to keep open the communication with Madrid. This arrangement

occasioned a material diminution of the besieging force, but no

cessation of hostile operations. The works against the convent of

St. Joseph still went on, and between the 3rd and 6th of January

the second parallel was completed. Till the 10th no action took

place; but on that day a tremendous fire from thirty guns was

opened on the convent. It was soon rendered untenable. But, amid

the ruins, the gunners covered by bags of wool, still continued

to exercise their vocation, and fired on the enemy, till the

walls were levelled with the ground. Even then the post was not

relinquished without a gallant effort. At midnight a sortie was

made against one of the batteries, in ignorance that two guns

had been planted for its protection. The intention of the brave

assailants was thus defeated; and, having suffered heavy loss from

a murderous fire, both in front and flank, they again retreated to

the city.

Even in the dilapidated condition of the convent, it was not till

the evening of the next day that the enemy attempted to carry it

by assault. At the same time a party, having turned the convent,

succeeded, by means of a wooden bridge which the besieged had

omitted to destroy, in effecting an entrance; and thus did the

French at length become masters of a heap of ruins, and of about

100 gallant men by whom they were defended.

No sooner were the enemy in possession of St. Joseph, than they

employed themselves in repairing the works, and completing the

communication between the second and third parallels, the latter of

which they established on the right and left of the convent. The

garrison on that side were now compelled to remain within their

walls; for the besiegers were secured against their efforts by the

double obstacle of a river and an escarpment eight feet high.

On the 15th a second parallel was opened against the town; and

batteries were commenced in it, to enfilade the defences of the

Augustine and Capuchin convents, and that of Sta. Engracia. Yet

neither the loss of their outworks, nor a tremendous bombardment,

which the French kept up for several days, had the effect of

diminishing the ardour of the inhabitants. The Zaragozans were not

only actuated by that active and living energy which stimulates to

deeds of high enterprize, but they possessed, likewise, that calm

and passive fortitude, that buoyant upbearing of the spirit, which

suffering cannot depress, nor misfortune overthrow.

But their cup was not yet full. The inhabitants of the part of the

city most injured by the bombardment, were driven into the other

quarters, where many of them took up their abode in cellars, which

afforded comparative security from the shells. The consequence

was, that these dark and miserable receptacles became the focus of

infectious fever. The disease spread rapidly among a crowded and

redundant population. Thus did death, on all hands, present itself

to the unshrinking Zaragozans; and the greater part preferred

exposing themselves on the ramparts, to breathing the infected air

which pervaded the dark and noisome retreats in which they had

sought refuge from the shells.

From the 17th to the 21st, the besiegers were occupied in the

construction of new batteries to overcome the defences of the

garrison; and the third parallel was extended to command two sides

of the convent of Sta. Engracia. In these circumstances, a sortie

was made, in the hope of spiking the enemy’s artillery. The fire

of a battery of four mortars was found peculiarly annoying: and

eighty men, commanded by Don Mariano Galindo, volunteered to attack

it. They boldly precipitated themselves on the guard of the third

parallel, put them to the sword, and succeeded in entering the

battery. At the same moment the enemy’s reserve came up. There was

no retreat; all perished except the officers and a few wounded

soldiers, who were made prisoners.

The movements of the numerous bodies of armed peasantry, in

the surrounding country, occasioned great inconvenience to the

besiegers. Bands were formed on all hands; which, though unable

to resist the attack of disciplined troops, yet were sufficiently

formidable to require perpetual vigilance, and numerous enough to

narrow the supplies of the besieging army, in a very considerable

degree.

About this time, Napoleon, dissatisfied with the slow progress of

the siege, sent Marshal Lannes to assume the command. This officer

directed Mortier, with his division, to leave Calatayud, and to act

on the left of the Ebro. Mortier attacked the force of Francisco

Palafox, and succeeded in dispersing it with very considerable

loss. Lannes, in order to depress the hopes of the garrison of

external assistance, addressed a letter to Palafox, communicating

this circumstance, and all the other disasters which had befallen

the Spanish armies. But the mortifying intelligence thus conveyed,

did not shake the firmness of the undaunted leader. He rejected

all compromise, and continued, with undiminished vigour, to oppose

every possible obstacle to the progress of the enemy.

All the outworks of the place had now fallen, except the castle of

the Inquisition, which had been subjected to no serious attack.

The newly-raised works of the _Enceinte_ had been battered by

fifty-five guns, and, on the 27th January, three breaches were

declared practicable. One was near an oil-mill, which stood

without the walls of the place, though but little removed from

them. The second was to the left of this, between the convent of

St. Joseph and the town. The third was in the convent of Sta.

Engracia. All these were attacked. At mid-day, a column issued from

the oil-mill, which had been occupied over-night, and, rapidly

clearing the short distance which divided it from the walls,

entered the breach, unbroken by the heavy fire to which they were

exposed, and the explosion of two _fougasses_. Having reached the

summit, the assailants found an interior retrenchment armed with

two guns, which the garrison had unexpectedly erected to obstruct

their progress. They attempted, without success, to surmount this

obstacle, under a shower of grape, musketry and grenades. Forced to

retire, the besiegers took advantage of the cover afforded by the

exploded _fougasses_ to effect a lodgment on the breach.

The breach in face of St. Joseph presented fewer obstacles to be

overcome. The column of attack having reached the summit, succeeded

in occupying the opposite house, which the artillery, in firing on

the wall, had laid open. The houses adjoining were then gained;

and on the right of the breach they found a gate which afforded

another entrance into the town. Here, however, their progress was

arrested by a battery of the enemy, commanding a court which it was

necessary to pass. On the left, a double _caponnier_, which the

garrison had used to communicate with St. Joseph’s, was repaired

and lengthened to the breach.

The attack on Sta. Engracia was yet more successful. After a

severe struggle, the assailants gained the breach of the convent,

but in attempting to advance further, they met a spirited repulse.

Another effort was made, which terminated in their gaining

possession of the building. The curtain leading from Sta. Engracia

to the bridge of the Huerba was then enfiladed, and, taking the

_tête-de-pont_ in reverse, the enemy at once became masters of

that important post. Here they were joined by fresh troops, and,

pushing on within the curtain of the convent of Mount Carmel, made

an effort to gain possession of it, which met with a repulse.

From thence they advanced rapidly to the Capuchin convent, putting

forty artillerymen, who constituted the whole of its garrison, to

the sword, The assailants then established themselves along the

rampart, in order to guard the posts they had been successful in

acquiring.

A dreadful fire was soon opened on the besiegers from the houses

commanding the rampart. From this they in vain sought shelter among

the ruins of the half-demolished walls. Retreat became necessary,

and the column was directed to retire on the Puerta del Carmen. The

garrison, by a bold attack, regained possession of the Capuchin

convent; but two battalions coming up to reinforce the assailants,

it was again taken, and maintained, though at a dear price, by the

enemy.

During the night, a strong but unsuccessful effort was made by the

besieged to regain possession of the convents of Sta. Engracia and

the Capuchins. The result of these operations were the loss to the

besieged of fifteen guns and 200 prisoners, and that the enemy

gained footing in the city at two different points. The loss in

killed and wounded, by the French accounts, was nearly equal on

both sides. It amounted to about 600.

The misfortunes of the Zaragozans were hourly accumulating. The

fever demon stalked through the city like a destroying angel,

conquering and to conquer. The number of dead per day amounted to

350, without including those who fell the more immediate victims of

war. The hospitals were too small to contain the host of patients,

and the medicines were exhausted. The burying grounds were choked

with corpses; and large pits were dug in the streets, into which

the dead were tossed indiscriminately. Heaps of bloated and

putrescent bodies were piled before the churches, which were often

struck by the shells; and the maimed and ghastly carcasses lay

dispersed along the streets, a frightful spectacle of horror. Even

under such evils the courage of the Zaragozans did not quail.

The city was now open to the invaders, and the war, as formerly,

was carried on in the streets and houses. Not one inch of ground

was yielded by the besieged without a struggle; and when finally

driven from a building, they frequently, by a desperate offensive

effort, recovered it; and an equal resistance had again to be

encountered by the assailants. Traverses were cut around the

portions of the city occupied by the enemy; and at the sound of the

tocsin, the garrison were ever ready to rush to any quarter where

hostilities had commenced.

Palafox, however, did not limit his efforts to obstructing the

progress of the enemy; he made vigorous efforts to recover the

ground already lost, and drive the assailants from their stations.

Two attempts were made to regain the convent of the Capuchins. Both

failed. A third more powerful effort was made on the 31st. A breach

was effected during the day, and at night the assault took place.

The besieged advanced with signal resolution towards the breach,

but owing to a ditch sunk by the enemy, it was found impossible to

mount it. They then threw themselves on the floor of the church,

and endeavoured to force it. In spite of the fire from the windows,

and the grenades showered from the steeple, they maintained their

ground, and forced the door; but an epaulement within obstructed

their progress; and fresh troops being brought up by the enemy, the

project was at length renounced.

Priests and women bore part in these operations. The former carried

munitions, and gave ghostly succour to the dying, animating the

soldiers at once by their words and their example. The latter

bore refreshments to their sons, or husbands, or fathers; and

sometimes, when one of those dear relatives fell by their side,

they seized his arms, determined to revenge his death or perish in

the same glorious cause. In truth, the contest lay between skill

and enthusiasm--mingled, indeed, with superstition, yet active,

firm, vigorous, and unshrinking; skill exerted in a struggle as

unjust and degrading, as any by which the pages of history are

contaminated and defaced.

Notwithstanding the utmost efforts of the garrison, the French

gained ground. The 1st of February was marked by the capture of

the convents of St. Augustin and St. Monica. Having been repelled

in assaulting the breaches, the assailants sprung a mine, and by

that means effected an entrance, and took in reverse the works

erected for their defence. A deadly struggle took place in the

church. Every chapel, every column, every altar, became a point

of defence--the pavement was strewed with blood, and the aisles

and nave of the church were covered with the dead. During this

terrific conflict, the roof, shattered by bombs, fell in. Those

who escaped, renewed the contest on the bodies of the dead and

dying. The French were at last successful, and advancing on the Rua

Quemada, gained possession of several houses. From these, however,

they were eventually compelled to retreat, with a loss of above 100

men.

At the same time, an attack was made on the houses near Sta.

Engracia. Two mines, one on the left, the other on the right,

of the convent, were sprung by the besiegers; after which two

columns of Polish infantry succeeded in gaining possession of

the ruins caused by the explosion. The loss of the besiegers was

very considerable, and General Lacoste, commandant of engineers,

was killed. He was an officer of great professional eminence, and

untarnished character.

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