especial clearness at Jalapa. Not only were offences, extending to
robbery and murder, committed against our troops, but it was found
on scrupulous investigation that often definite stories of misdeeds
charged to our men were plausible only till the other side came out,
and that many claims for damages were deliberately invented or grossly
exaggerated.[31.34]
Against all real offenders the successive governors--particularly
Colonel George W. Hughes, who remained in office a considerable
time--were as a rule severe. Stern orders, biting rebukes, earnest
appeals to represent our country worthily, precautions like patrols
and frequent roll-calls, and at need exemplary punishments were
not lacking. One day four soldiers received thirty lashes each,
had their heads shaved, and were drummed out of camp, with the
word "ROBBER" pasted on their backs, for breaking into a
house.[31.33] But at the same time careful measures had to be taken for
the protection of our men and our government. Happily the people in
general seem to have understood that some pilfering and occasionally
other misdemeanors were unavoidable, and to have appreciated our
efforts to defend, conciliate and please them, to maintain--in
coöperation with the town officials--the municipal service, to provide
for the charities of the city, and to ensure respect for woman,
religion and civil authority. Vigne, a French traveller, says the
Americans were much liked at Jalapa, and probably they were nowhere
treated more pleasantly.[31.34]
[THE AMERICANS AT PUEBLA]
At Puebla, August 1, 1847, the Robert Anderson of Fort Sumter wrote:
"We have been now in this large City since May 15th, with a soldiery
gathered from many Nations, many of them undisciplined, and yet, I will
venture the assertion, without fear of contradiction, that, in no City
of the same size, either in our own blessed Country or in any other,
is private property, or are private rights, more secure and better
guarded than here.... Not an instance, I am certain, has been elicited,
or brought to light, of one of our soldiers killing a Mexican.... 'Tis
truly Wonderful, I cannot understand it."[31.35] The people are all
contented, said a letter to _El Republicano_, for business is good and
taxes are low; and, he might have added, an American band plays for
us in the park. It is "almost incredible," admitted a writer in _El
Nacional_, a newspaper of the state, how well the American soldiers
treat our priests and women. How are they able to wear the mask so
long? The common people, not seeing through the trick, accept their
conduct in good faith.[31.37]
After the siege ended, some of our men were arrested for plundering
houses from which they had been fired upon, and there was a little
pilfering at the fruit stands; but Fúrlong, the Mexican prefect, urged
the people to give the war no further thought, and friendly relations
very soon returned. Street lanterns were still punctured occasionally
by tipsy and facetious Americans with their bayonets, but they were
paid for. When Lane's brigade of volunteers arrived, complaints began
in earnest, and a committee laid the situation before Scott; but there
was no case of such importance that amends or even investigation was
demanded.[31.36] The city council stated to the prefect that Childs
had saved its authority, improved the condition of the town, aided
the Mexican officials, and given them willing audience in order to
concert measures for the public good. One measure in particular was the
re-establishment of the chamber of commerce, destroyed by the state
government; and, as the bishop admitted, Childs did all in his power to
prevent and remedy abuses.[31.37]
[AMERICAN RULE AT THE CAPITAL]
At Mexico City there were "some outrages naturally," reported Doyle,
chargé d'affaires of England; and emphasis can fairly be placed on
his last word, for the troops, entering the town excited by desperate
fighting and crowned with victory, were fired upon by the populace,
and found themselves hunted at every turn by robbers, assassins and
their confederates.[31.38] Doyle added that "even from the beginning
a great deal of forbearance" was displayed by the Americans; and the
correspondent of the London _Daily News_ wrote, "On the whole I must
confess that General Scott and his troops have acted with unexpected
moderation." Indeed, they "have shown an exemplary clemency," admitted
a Mexican letter printed by a Mexican paper.[31.43]
The restaurant-keeper who furnished a meal and got rather less than
he expected or the janitor who tried to keep soldiers out of their
assigned quarters and got rather more, had little reason to complain.
Indeed, both had reason to be content, for in a city full of léperos
and escaped felons property and life depended upon our protection. "We
must endure the presence of the Americans or suffer worse things," said
a Mexican. No allowances were made by Scott, however.[31.39] "Revelling
in the halls of Montezuma" means now, a soldier wrote home, that if the
patrol finds you in the street after eight o'clock in the evening you
are taken to the guardhouse, and if noisy, you are handcuffed; and for
more serious offences the punishments were extremely severe. Quitman,
the first governor of the city,[31.40] and P. F. Smith, who succeeded
him, ably seconded the commander-in-chief.[31.43]
Under such auspices the shops began to open within a week after the
capital surrendered, and business was soon brisker than ever. The
clergy were somewhat refractory, and on September 19 all the churches
were found closed; but Quitman immediately sent word that should they
remain closed, the United States flags would be removed from their
towers as a sign that our army had withdrawn its protection. No further
hint was needed, for millions in gold, silver and gems lay within their
dark walls; and soon the relations between army and church became
entirely satisfactory.[31.43]
The troops then felt at liberty to make themselves at home. The
_American Star_, "a neat and saucy little sheet," whose proprietors and
editors had followed the troops from Vera Cruz, and set up their press
wherever Scott made a stay, appeared on September 20, and later was
followed by the _North American_.[31.41] The cafés and eating places
took on strange names: New York Restaurant Eagle Hotel, Old Kentucky
House and the like. "American Dry Goods," read one sign; "Mince Pies
for sale Here," another; "Mush and Milk at All Hours," a third.
Officers formed an association called the Aztec Club. An agitation
for an American railroad to Vera Cruz began. An American sermon was
preached at the palace in the splendid Ambassadors' Hall, on the text:
"Only fear the Lord, and serve Him in truth with all your heart; for
consider how great things he hath done for you"; and other sermons
followed. American citizens, temporarily soldiers, made all the shows
prosperous, and a complimentary benefit was given to Señora Canete
at the National Theatre by "The Chiefs and Officers of the American
Army." As cold weather came on, stoves, chimneys and smoke made their
appearance to the intense astonishment of the natives, total strangers
to such abominations; and finally that proud Spanish institution, the
bull-fight, succumbed in this manner:[31.43]
"The Publid are respectfull informed thoh the _secind Bull Fihk_
nill take place, _this Evening, Wsdnesday_, 10te instant, cohen
nill bi introduced á variez of new performanas, by the Compay of
Bull Fighk, and fa which occasia has been obtaind. Some of the
mest fusian Bulls in the Countri.
THIS WSDNESDAY. NIGHT 10 NOVEMBRE 1847."
Unfortunately, under such names as "Contreras," "Churubusco" and "Old
Chapultepec," American drinks of established fame arrived. Music halls
and dance houses, familiarly known as the Hells of Montezuma, were
crowded. Relieved now from the anxiety and tension of the campaign, the
gallant volunteers could not be still a moment. Generally they were
rather brusque and rowdyish, and to the polite Mexicans they appeared
even more so than they really were. They loved to present themselves
at a show with trousers tucked into their boots, drape their legs over
the backs of the seats, and yell for American patriotic airs; and they
seemed to be always eating except when busy with a glass.[31.43]
Gambling became a rage, and in its temples were other priestesses
besides those of Chance. Of _La Bella Unión_, the chief resort, it
was said, What is unknown "is as well as what is known." Eager for
popularity and advancement many officers would not interfere, and in
fact some of them sank almost as low as their men. One consequence
of such dissipation was illness,[31.42] and another was robberies,
quarrels and fights. The arrival of reinforcements--fresh volunteers
and recruits--quickened all riotous tendencies. So far as personal
morals went the conditions of Santa Fe were approached by not a few,
and to crown all two volunteer officers, involved in what seems to have
been a gambling-house fracas, were convicted of murder. Conqueror as
well as conquered must pay his penalty.[31.43]
Most, however, shrank from such a life, and many tried to render the
American stay a fine experience for themselves and for others. It was
not in vain. Their nobler tastes found congenial soil. The turquoise
sky, the pictured façades of the houses, the handsome gray old palaces
curiously and lavishly sculptured, and embellished with precious tiles
in blue and white, the Alameda with its grand trees and its fountain,
the amazing richness of the churches and their wondrous gilded
carvings, the embroidered gold vestments of the priests, the perfume
here and there of an ancient garden stealing out through a broken wall,
the red conflagration of sunrise behind snowy mountains, the distant,
mellow clang of a convent bell as evening shadows gathered, the
brilliant round moon turning the peaks into gigantic veiled watchmen
and setting massive domes and spires a-quiver with a mystical sort of
life--these things helped introduce our finer spirits to the heart
of the land, and fill them with sympathy and good-will. Mexico has
never been without strangers to love her, and she found such among her
conquerors.[31.43]
Here our survey of the ground ends, but a few vertical sections will
be instructive. While always having it understood that our authority
was paramount, the American local governors desired to let the alcaldes
and ayuntamientos (city councils) look after municipal affairs, and
were disposed to coöperate in a liberal fashion with them for the
good order, the efficient and economical administration and even the
improvement of the towns.[31.46]
[AMERICAN METHODS]
Naturally enough those officials, exposed to the criticism of both
sides, found their positions irksome. Usually, though not always, they
were permitted to resign if they chose to do so, and new officials
were then elected by the people or appointed by the governor. Shields
extinguished the ayuntamiento of Tampico for incompetence and
malfeasance in office, and selected their successors. At Mexico a
refractory council was dissolved by Scott, and a Puro body, friendly
to the Americans and anxious to make the city government democratic
through our aid, was chosen in a somewhat irregular way. When
provisions, mules and other such things were needed, it was usual to
call upon the town authorities to furnish them at liberal prices. A
threat that otherwise the needed supplies would be taken by force and
nothing paid, often accompanied the request; but this was in most cases
only designed to justify the authorities, in the view of the people,
for complying.[31.46]
Attention was paid by the governors to the care and lighting of the
streets, proper sanitation, the maintenance of schools, hospitals,
prisons and public works, and especially to the police. At Córdoba the
city guards were allowed to carry only clubs, but such a restriction
was not usual. Worth had regulars for policemen at one time. At Puebla
after the siege a guard of 100 volunteers patrolled the streets all
night. General Smith enlisted at Mexico a picked body of four hundred
American soldiers. Shields, while governor of Tampico, placed an
officer of the regulars at the head of this department. The police were
firmly supported by the governor, if they proved reliable; if not, a
change occurred. The Americans held that peaceable citizens lost none
of their political rights during our occupation, and on election days
our troops were kept in their quarters or marched out of town.[31.44]
So, too, Mexican tribunals were entirely free in dealing with Mexican
affairs, though no one connected with our army could be tried by them;
and their decisions were enforced by our commanders.[31.45] When
Mexicans were placed before an American military commission they were
permitted to bring counsel, but occasionally somewhat unusual methods
had to be employed, because men ready to make any sort of an oath in
defence of a fellow-countryman could always be found. Our protection
extended, of course, to the subjects of foreign powers.[31.46]
Social relations between the Mexicans and our armies were hindered by
the old impression that Americans were haughty, taciturn and insolent,
by the fear of receiving actual insults and injuries from our soldiery,
and, when this fear wore off, by a dread that any association with
Americans would later be punished by fellow-citizens--as proved to be
the result at Victoria, for example. The relations of Scott and his
officers with churchmen were generally good, but as a rule the educated
and wealthy moved away on our approach or shut themselves up. In the
case of Tampico,[31.47] however, officers were able to secure the
presence of Mexican ladies at a steamboat excursion and a ball.[31.50]
As a rule, Parras was hospitable throughout the war. At Jalapa the two
nationalities mixed somewhat freely. Governor Hughes became intimate
with the leading clergymen, and he stated that on account of the
general cordiality shown by the Franciscans the head of that order was
banished from the capital. A handsome ball was given there to Childs
when he left the city. It was at Mexico, however, that social relations
were best established.[31.48] Society decided rather promptly to appear
in public as usual. Even common soldiers were often able to make
friends of respectable persons, and officers became intimate in many
families. What was more surprising, a figure in public affairs like
Alamán opened his door.[31.50]
The women, usually so ardent in their patriotism, were noticeably
cordial. The Mexican men were as a rule essentially feminine, and the
downright virility of the northern breed made itself deeply and quickly
felt. Less than three weeks after the capture of Monterey Private
Kingsbury naïvely wrote, "The women are very kind.... I enjoy myself
much in company with the fair Señoras." Conversation was probably
somewhat limited; but a great many soldiers made a dash at Spanish, and
while some concluded the people did not understand their own language,
others achieved results that were at least interesting.[31.49] Our
officers, it hardly need be said, never lagged behind their men.[31.50]
A fandango on hard ground beside a winding river with mandolins and
guitars softly singing and moonlight sifting down through gently waving
palms, was not despised, and to go from leaky canvas to a gilded
ball-room for a whirl with a black-eyed beauty who could waltz with a
full glass of water on her head, was a strong argument for treating
Mexicans kindly. The dark señoritas of Jalapa in particular, and still
more their celestial cousins of the golden hair and blue eyes, loved
to dance, chat and intrigue, and now their wit and their fans had the
opportunity of a lifetime; at Puebla, the full name of which meant
The City of Angels, "bewitching glances" often made our officers feel
"aguish," said one of them; and the capital stood first in this as in
all other respects. Romance never had a more brilliant or a deadlier
course. Many a brave heart was thrilled by a mysterious invitation that
meant perhaps a kiss and perhaps a stab, and many a fearless gallant
made a wild ride into the night. That woman's subtle power, added
to the influence of our gentlemanly and highly educated officers in
social intercourse, had important effects on public sentiment cannot
be doubted. Still, fear of their own countrymen prevented people from
associating openly with Americans to any great extent.[31.50]
In short, as this phase of the subject is reviewed, one finds, much
that was deplorable and in the case of a foreign war should always be
guarded against. But that is not strange. War is ugly business; and
since all of us begin conscious existence as savages, and many rise
little above that stage, we should not be surprised if some of our
soldiers, deprived to such an extent of uplifting influences, reverted
more or less toward it. Besides, a grain or two of lawlessness is after
all a normal and useful ingredient in human nature.[31.52]
[AMERICAN RULE BENEFICENT]
On the whole there was a vast deal to admire and praise. Scott, a man
well versed in the history of campaigns, asserted that his troops
displayed "the highest moral deportment and discipline ever known in
an invading army." Doyle, after making careful inquiries all the way
from Vera Cruz to the capital and viewing the case as a practical man,
reported with reference to our troops that "Even from the account of
the Mexicans themselves they seem to have behaved very well." Gutiérrez
de Estrada, a Mexican of high standing, said to his people that the
Americans occupying their country ensured them security of person
and possessions and all proper satisfactions better than their own
governments had ever done.[31.52]
And when one considers also the relative fewness of serious outrages
and the comparatively small number of individuals affected, the great
sums of money paid for supplies and labor,[31.51] the reduced prices
of almost all manufactured articles, the prevention of brigandage,
insurrections, and civil as well as military extortions, tyranny and
excesses in the territory that we held, the promotion of commerce and
trade, the good ideas of municipal administration frequently exhibited
by the governors of towns, and the fine examples of subordination to
authority, both military and civil, exhibited by all grades of our
troops from the private up to General Scott himself--when these things
are considered, one may well feel that our occupation was a blessing to
the people. Yet--they would rather have had Mexican abuse than American
benefits.[31.52]
XXXII
PEACE
October, 1847-July, 1848
In the end peace came, for sooner or later it had to come; but nobody
could have imagined the extraordinary course of events that was to
bring it about, and for a long while it seemed impossible.
All the men of sense in Mexico recognized that she had neither physical
nor moral strength enough to continue the struggle, but the majority
of the nation were not sensible. The old influences operated still.
Some could not forgive the outrages perpetrated by our volunteers; some
wished so lucrative a war to continue; some dreaded the demoralizing
effect of the millions coming from the United States, of which every
politician and every military chief were sure to want as much as
possible. Incorrigible vanity still ignored failures and offered
iridescent hopes. Pride revolted against making terms while the
invader's foot pressed the sacred earth of the fatherland, and against
the inevitable surrender of territory. At least, said not a few, we
must wait until we make ourselves look formidable, so as to command
respect; and this meant indefinite postponement.[32.1]
Our army still appeared insignificant; many of our troops were
deserting, and some of the generals hated one another. Most of the
people saw an American soldier or heard a word of English seldom, if at
all. Almost everything went on as before. The people confessed their
sins to the same priests, answered for their misdemeanors in the same
courts, bribed the same officials, paid taxes to the same embezzlers,
and were bullied by the same policemen in the same uniform. Evidently
the Americans dared not use their advantage. On the other hand they
were eager for peace. Doubtless they knew the war had few apologists in
the United States, thought many, and realized that soon a change of
administration would end it.[32.1]
A large section of the Puro party--a section which may be called for
the present purpose Eventualists--felt, even though Santa Anna's fall
had removed one great objection to peace, that it was highly desirable
to have the war continue until the old army should be virtually
exterminated, or desired that at least we should hold the country until
the military, clerical, political and social reforms desired by the
Puros could be effected and public tranquillity be ensured. A larger
number than ever craved annexation to the United States as the only
guaranty of order and prosperity; and still others dared not advocate
peace, lest they should be charged with lacking patriotism or touching
"foreign gold." Besides, had not the government, since the fall of the
capital, announced that all damages resulting from hostilities would
have to be made good by the United States? That did not seem like
throwing up the sponge.[32.1]
In addition to these embarrassments many facts appeared to show that
sensible, concerted action, even if generally desired, would be
impossible. Political organization seemed to be dissolving. News of
riots and insurrections came on every wind. Even the governor of México
state was made a prisoner by malcontents. Many believed with reason
that, like the Texas war, the present conflict had been used as a
pretext for official extortion, and refused to pay taxes. The central
government was regarded not infrequently as a common enemy. Unruly,
vicious, greedy men--especially the unpaid army officers--plotted
incessantly. Signs pointed to Indian uprisings, which the presence of
the Americans encouraged. State decrees against an ignominious peace,
and state governments that had not experienced the ills of invasion,
barred the way of negotiation.[32.2]
Secessions looked highly probable. The Coalition of Lagos agitated
constantly. The legally obliterated state of Aguas Calientes threatened
to take up arms. Zacatecas made trouble about internal affairs. The
Eventualists, or a large part of them, felt ready to smash the federal
union into bits. The monarchists labored, not without success, to
prove that a European king and European troops could save the nation.
The Santannistas hoped to make the Prince of Spoilers dictator.
Many of the Puros felt ready to join them in order to regain a share
of the power, and a dull, subterranean rumbling satisfied not a few
that Santa Anna would soon be supreme. Almonte, the implacable foe of
peace, though now regarded by nearly every one as a cunning, selfish
adventurer, seemed to many a useful tool; and his Presidential hopes
found strong support.[32.2]
Among the Americans officers pessimism reigned. In point of time, wrote
the commanding general, we may not be half through the war. Bankhead
could observe no sign of peace. "Mexico is an ugly enemy. She will
not fight--and will not treat," said Webster. The venerable Albert
Gallatin, scanning the horizon from his watchtower, discovered "hardly
any hope" that peace would be concluded by Polk's administration. With
the capture of Mexico City the real difficulties of the Americans
begin, thought _Le Correspondant_ of Paris; and the London _Times_
declared that we should have to drop the war or annex a country that
would cost us more than its value.
[PEACE NEGOTIATIONS REOPENED]