the tricolor, and it was a point of pride to capture the town, for
guns from the _Truxtun_--our finest brig, wrecked on the bar--had
been mounted there, and the strength of the position challenged our
squadron. The city stood on the left bank of a river bearing the same
name and about six miles from its mouth. On the lower edge of it rose
a steep eminence, Hospital Hill, with a 9-pounder not far from its
base and a 32-pound carronade pivoted at its top, both of them bearing
upon the river. Nearly a mile and a half below, at the junction of a
tributary, stood a water battery of two 18's called Palmasola; and
some distance farther down, on a bluff about sixty feet high jutting
into the stream, two 32-pound carronades and a long nine in La Peña
redoubt commanded the stream for perhaps two miles. In and near these
forts were stationed some three or four hundred Mexicans under General
Cos.[30.22]
[TUXPÁN CAPTURED]
Early on April 17 a large American force, including the "Two Pollies,"
as forecastle wit or experience had christened the _Spitfire_ and
_Vixen_, concentrated off the mouth of the river. Perry had the channel
of the bar sounded and marked with buoys, and the small steamers
lightened. The next morning at high tide--near ten o'clock--in spite of
serious misgivings the flotilla got through the surf into the placid
river. The _Spitfire_, commanded by Tattnall and carrying Perry, the
_Vixen_ and another small steamer named the _Scourge_, then took in tow
three armed schooners and some thirty rowboats, which contained four
light guns and almost 1600 men; and this fine procession, adorned with
brilliant pennants and ensigns, wound upward in admirable order between
the low and verdant banks.[30.22]
Perhaps two miles below La Peña the river, here two or three hundred
yards in width, straightened, the current became swifter, and the banks
rose into thickly wooded hills. When the flotilla reached this point,
a curl of smoke burst from the redoubt. "Go ahead fast!" signalled the
Commodore. The steamers dropped their tows. The sails of the schooners
filled, and hundreds of oars flashed in the now declining sun.[30.22]
It was a race, but more than a race. The shore artillery spoke loudly
and well. The _Spitfire_ suffered repeatedly. Tattnall was wounded.
With boom after boom steamers and gunboats replied. As the Americans
approached it, La Peña's fire died out. "Land and storm!" ordered
Perry. "Ay, ay, Sir," was the response. Amidst the thunder of cheers it
was done, but the Mexicans did not wait for their visitors. Dropping
rammers and sponges they ran, and the Stars and Stripes flew up. A
fire from the woods was quickly silenced. No less promptly yielded
the other forts; and "at a gallop" the town was captured. In all, the
casualties numbered only fourteen. A few prizes fell into Perry's net
above Tuxpán; the forts were demolished; the _Truxtun's_ guns were
shipped off, and leaving two vessels to blockade the river, he sailed
away.[30.22]
After this Perry and his officers cruised for prizes, and invited a
number of small ports to raise our flag--an invitation always accepted
with alacrity if not enthusiasm--but his attention was chiefly fixed on
the southeast. Yucatan and to a certain extent her neighbor, Tabasco,
endeavored to carry water on both shoulders. The former province,
which was more industrious and prosperous than any other part of
Mexico, had always demanded and usually been accorded under both
Spanish and Mexican rule a position of semi-independence. In recent
years difficulties had arisen between her and the government, but her
sympathies were entirely against the United States. Both from policy
and from a sense of humanity, our desire was to see her remain neutral
and to spare her the rigors of war; but Yucatan, without appreciating
either our wish or our conduct, aimed simply to preserve her export
commerce, her no less valued business of importing American flour, and
her trade--especially in foodstuffs and munitions--with Mexico, escape
all the burdens and losses of the conflict, and run no risk of later
Mexican vengeance.[30.23]
To accomplish so difficult a task her cunning and unscrupulous
politicians veered and turned, put out statements, and organized
revolutions according to the exigencies of the moment. Her two chief
cities, Mérida and Campeche, now joined hands and now seemed or were
antagonistic. Local rivalries complicated the situation further; and
on our side, owing to the distance between Washington and the Home
Squadron, there could not be perfect cöoperation. The blockade was
therefore imposed and lifted, imposed and lifted by turns. At length,
in May, 1847, Perry took possession of Laguna and El Carmen Island,
appointed a naval officer as governor, and authorized commerce under
the contributory tariff; but at the same time our efforts to prevent
all contraband trade, both there and by Tabasco River, continued.[30.23]
In June Perry decided to attack San Juan Bautista again. On the
thirteenth he reached the bar at Frontera in the _Mississippi_, and
the next day he proceeded up the river, with a flotilla of one brig,
one schooner, four small steamers, three bomb-vessels and a fleet of
rowboats. After easily silencing the fire of two breastworks on the
way, he found obstructions in the river opposite a third, and fearing
the steamers might not be able to pass them without delay, landed
quickly with ten guns and more than 1100 men, and under an almost
insupportable heat routed a hostile party. The steamers, however,
passed on, driving the enemy from the breastwork, and by the sixteenth
San Juan Bautista once more became ours. The fortifications were
destroyed, and the guns put aboard.[30.24]
[OPERATIONS ON THE PACIFIC COAST]
Perry decided to hold the place, and on retiring left there nearly two
hundred men besides four small vessels and their complements. But this
proved another mistake. The Mexicans were driven from the vicinity,
but when our force went back to the town, they immediately returned
to blockade it; and on July 22, after the climate had laid low more
than a third of the Americans, our garrison abandoned the place.
From this time on, Perry found occupation enough in watching Tuxpán
River, protecting against Mexican irregulars the ports where American
customhouses existed, and patrolling the coast.[30.24]
[Illustration: A PART OF TABASCO RIVER From Devil's Bend to S. Juan
Bautista Showing the Landing and March of Com. Perry's Forces June 16,
1847]
During these operations of the Home Squadron significant events had
been taking place also on the other coast of Mexico. Its enormous
length made a strict blockade practically impossible; but on the
nineteenth of August, 1846, the magnificent Stockton covered it
completely--with a proclamation. It was not that he intended to declare
a paper blockade, but only that he did not, like finite creatures,
realize the necessity of adequate means. About three days later Du Pont
in the _Cyane_ and Hull in the _Warren_ left California for the south.
During their cruise fourteen or fifteen prizes were taken--including
the _Malek Adel_, an armed brig--and so all probability that our
commerce and whalers in the Pacific would be molested happily vanished.
Guaymas was cannonaded a little (October 6), and Mazatlán suffered a
rather nominal blockade of about four weeks. That period ended on the
eighth of November, and for almost three months no American vessel
appeared there.[30.25]
[Illustration: Guaymas, Mexico]
In February and March, 1847, the _Portsmouth_ watched the port for
about five weeks, but then it was left wide open again. England
refused to recognize such a blockade. The United States admitted its
illegality; and on the sixth of March, 1847, Commodore Biddle, now
commanding the squadron, cancelled Stockton's proclamation. During
the spring of 1847 Mazatlán, which had almost a monopoly of the
commerce, was again blockaded for a time, and after May the summer
hurricanes interdicted commerce. Since Mexico had no armed vessel
of any importance in the Pacific, naval operations then became
unnecessary.[30.25]
In July, 1847, Shubrick succeeded Biddle. As the blockade of Mazatlán
had been raised, he issued on August 6 a fresh notice, covering that
port, Guaymas and San Blas, and about the middle of October sailed
from Monterey, California, in the _Independence_, accompanied by
the _Cyane_. The rest of his active squadron--which had preceded
him southward or was to join him in that quarter--consisted of the
_Congress_, _Portsmouth_, _Preble_, _Dale_ and two storeships. On the
twenty-ninth near Cape San Lucas he met Lavallette in the _Congress_,
and learned that after an hour's cannonading--caused by the disobliging
refusal of General Campusano to surrender--Guaymas had been occupied
nine days before. November 10 mountains lighted by a declining sun and
canopied by a turquoise sky rose from the Gulf of California before
him on the east; and soon, approaching a long, curving line of white
beach, he dropped anchor near the lioness-hill of Crestón Island, which
crouched, grandly recumbent, with her fore paws extended, watching over
two islet cubs that slept in front of her. Here, on the mainland, was
Mazatlán.[30.26]
[OPERATIONS ON THE PACIFIC COAST]
For nearly eighteen months the port, second only to Vera Cruz in the
value of its commerce, had been controlled by Colonel Rafael Téllez,
a happy-go-lucky insurgent of convivial tastes, oriental convictions
on the subject of seraglios, and aboriginal ideas touching honor.
In finance he succeeded, for it was only necessary to put his fist,
whenever it felt empty, into the till at the customhouse; but as a
warrior he proved hardly equal to the crisis. In short, he retired
promptly and contented himself with partially blocking the port,
which our forces occupied on the eleventh. November 20 an attempt of
the Americans to cut off an annoying Mexican party some ten miles
from the city failed; but the town was presently fortified in such a
way that it stood in no danger. Early in January, 1848, San Blas was
blockaded. Manzanillo's turn came on the seventeenth of that month; and
numerous expeditions, which scoured the coast and went short distances
inland, seized light craft, destroyed fortifications, and captured
ordnance.[30.27]
[Illustration: PLAN OF MAZATLÁN]
In tracing all these operations in the Pacific one receives a certain
impression of tardiness and inefficiency. Acapulco, a point of slight
commercial importance but one distinctly in the view of our naval
commanders, escaped entirely; and other ports, especially San Blas,
were apparently neglected. But the American vessels had no base near at
hand. Few safe harbors could be found. Long voyages were necessary to
obtain provisions and to send or pick up despatches. The sailors often
found themselves compelled to do the work of soldiers ashore; and in
particular vexatious duties had to be performed by the navy in Lower
California.[30.28]
[Illustration: LOWER CALIFORNIA]
January 11, 1847, J. Y. Mason informed Stockton that both Californias
were to be retained; and in the course of fifteen days, beginning
with March 30, La Paz, San Lucas and San José, the chief towns of the
peninsula, were occupied by our squadron. The authorities readily
submitted, and the people seemed to concur. An intensely hostile spirit
showed itself before long, however, and, with the aid of leaders
and resources drawn from the mainland, bitter attacks--heroically
resisted--were made upon our feeble posts at San José and La Paz
during the fall and winter. Some American troops from upper California
rendered great assistance; but Shubrick's watchful coöperation was
constantly requisite, and the spirit of resistance could not be
exorcised until the end of March, 1848.[30.28]
[REVIEW OF THE NAVAL OPERATIONS]
The naval operations on both coasts failed to win loud applause, but
there were obvious reasons. The high expectations of the public, based
upon the war of 1812, could not possibly be satisfied, for our navy
met with no enemy on its proper element. Its work had to be plodding
and monotonous. Due preparations for that had not been made, and
even the best informed landsmen understood but very imperfectly the
difficulties that were encountered. Under such circumstances to conduct
the blockade with as much efficiency as was actually shown, depriving
Mexico of revenues and to a large extent of munitions, giving general
satisfaction meanwhile to foreign interests more than willing to
complain, was no slight achievement; and to play at the same time so
effective a part on land, especially in the conquest of California,
merited far higher encomiums than were bestowed.[30.29]
The conduct of naval men in occupied territory crowned their
services. At Mazatlán, for example, Shubrick announced that he
would exert himself to benefit, not injure, the people. Religious
freedom, the protection of person and property, firm support of the
city authorities, a low tariff and unrestricted commerce--except in
munitions and with Mexican ports--were granted. Vexatious taxes that
burdened the poor disappeared, and a wise, economical fiscal system
took their place. The sale of ardent spirits to men in our service was
prohibited. The Americans mingled freely with the people and, as the
local historian admitted, "behaved like gentlemen." After six weeks of
this régime Shubrick was formally requested by the merchants to stay
there. At Guaymas a similar policy produced similar results, and the
people felt anxious to have Campusano's forces leave the vicinity.
Laguna became under our authority more prosperous than ever before. The
naval balls and parties were extremely popular; and even after peace
came, the Commodore was "most earnestly" requested by the people to let
our forces remain for a while.[30.30]
XXXI
THE AMERICANS AS CONQUERORS
1846-1848
For a considerable time large parts of Mexico were occupied by our
troops, and it is quite worth while to know something of their life and
behavior there. Conquering soldiers in a foreign land, especially when
the enemy is deemed cowardly, treacherous and cruel, are not likely to
be angels; and we may count upon meeting here with disagreeable as well
as complimentary facts. But we must face these as brave and honest men
who love the truth, believe in our country, and are not foolish enough
to expect perfection of human nature. It will be some consolation to
recall Napoleon's maxim, "The conduct of a general in a conquered
country is beset with difficulties," and to remember that no nation, if
well acquainted with its history, will think of pointing the finger at
us.
The purpose of the United States was to treat non-combatants as
friends, and protect them in all their rights of person, property
and religion.[31.1] Civilization prescribed this course, and policy
emphasized it. Both for immediate military success and for the
restoration, after the war, of mutually profitable relations, it seemed
highly desirable to strike only at the government and the army of
Mexico, and to avoid angering the great body of the citizens.[31.2]
Accordingly Taylor was promptly supplied with a proclamation, to be
distributed in both English and Spanish, which threw upon Paredes the
odium of the conflict, assured the Mexican people that a government of
"usurpers and tyrants" had involved them in its losses and miseries,
and promised that no one behaving as a neutral would be molested; the
General was instructed that his "utmost endeavors" must be put forth to
make good the pledge; and an active policy of conciliation was urged
upon him. As will be seen later, the course of the war and the attitude
of Mexico eventually suggested a programme considerably sterner in
certain respects; but such was the real desire of our government, and
it went so far that in order to prove we had no intention of attacking
the religion of the Mexicans, Roman Catholic priests were engaged to
accompany our army.[31.2]
Taylor, besides resting under a strict obligation to obey his orders,
doubtless concurred fully in this view of the matter, and for a time
good conduct on the part of our troops prevailed. The authorities of
Matamoros were respected; the people felt contented, and viewed the
war with indifference; persons of the upper classes began to show
themselves; and the town seemed on the way to being a smart little New
Orleans. But the arrival of the volunteers in force gave the situation
a new aspect.[31.3] Even men of unblemished reputations appeared to
feel that becoming soldiers exempted them from every law, both civil
and moral.[31.6]
[DISORDERS AT MATAMOROS]
When in camp below New Orleans the troops were guilty of some
"sky-larking"--that is to say, plundering; and when they entered the
enemy's country they became, said a regular officer, "the living
embodiment of a moral pestilence. Crime followed in their footsteps,
and wherever they trod, they left indelible traces of infamy." To meet
their wishes, disorderly establishments of every kind sprang up,[31.4]
and the streets were constantly filled with drunken, brawling, insolent
officers and men carrying arms. One of them drew a pistol on the
British consul because his cane was black; many depredations were
committed; and before the tenth of July at least five or six harmless
persons were shot down for amusement.[31.6]
Although it would seem as if Taylor, with some 2500 regulars at his
back, might have enforced order, he declared that he could not,
and soon gave up the effort. Unwilling to bring offenders before a
military court, he endeavored to have the Mexican judges act in some
cases, but of course they dared not; and he shipped a few of the
malefactors to New Orleans, where they could not be held a moment for
crimes perpetrated abroad. The result was practical impunity--"perfect
impunity," wrote the British consul--for the worst of crimes. At the
beginning of August, however, the General prohibited the importation
of liquor by the Rio Grande; and as the army was then moving on,
Matamoros became comparatively quiet.[31.6]
Later commanders undertook with considerable success to keep it so;
but even in January, 1847, robbery and violence were not unknown
there, and the non-commissioned officers as well as the soldiers were
forbidden to leave their quarters with arms unless on duty. Discharged
volunteers on their way down the river did great harm,[31.5] and Taylor
wrote in June, 1847, "There is scarcely a form of crime that has not
been reported to me as committed by them." Above Matamoros determined
efforts were made with partial success to keep liquor from the troops,
and the conditions were better. Here and there Americans would "muster
in" some fruit or fowls. "Soldiers who have to fight their enemy in the
enemy's country will never go hungry as long as there are any chickens
about," wrote one of them; and in fact, said an officer, it was a
patriotic duty for Uncle Sam's men to keep their souls and their bodies
together. But the rule in such cases was to compensate the owners, and
probably no serious resentment lingered.[31.6]
During the battles of Monterey there was enough shooting to satisfy
any reasonable person, and the quiet beauty of the scene should soon
have banished thoughts of carnage. The tranquil mountains that stood
about the town on three sides, receding as the clouds enveloped them
in shadow or approaching as the splendor of the sun brightened every
point, the statuesque aguacates clothed in foliage like dark green
velvet, the fan-like palmettoes, the feathery date palms, the delicious
oranges and pomegranates, the murmuring streams, and the lilies that
brightened many a pool invited to repose; yet no sooner was battle over
than murder began.[31.10]
The chief criminals were the Texans,[A] who felt that barbarities
committed by the Mexican on their soil during the revolution warranted
the crudest retaliation. At Matamoros they had been the fiercest of
the volunteers, and now--stationed for a while at the town--they found
a still better opportunity.[31.7] Other volunteers aided them. To say
nothing of robberies and minor outrages perpetrated "in the broad
light of day," it was thought, noted a regular officer in his diary,
that not less than one hundred Mexicans were slain in cold blood, and
out of about 7000 still in town, 5000, more or less, fled. A citizen
cannot take his hat off, wrote a Mexican, without some American's
saying, "That is mine"; and if the owner denies it, he gets a bullet.
Strict regulations[31.8] were soon framed, however, and under Worth's
command the volunteer learned what they meant.[31.10]
[Footnote A: These men have to be called Texans because they hailed
from that state, but it should be remembered that nearly all of them
had come from other parts of the Union.]
To a large extent, if we leave the Texans out of the account, the
Mexicans themselves were responsible for the worst outrages of Monterey
and the vicinity. They sold liquor to the troops persistently, and
retaliated indiscriminately for the excesses that resulted. The
Americans then took vengeance, and in the end some ghastly deeds
on rather a large scale occurred. Singularly enough, too, the
punctiliousness of our officers contributed to the same end. They
would not convict a Mexican without legal proof of his guilt, and when
soldiers saw a man, who was almost certainly the murderer of their
comrade, let off because a drove of Mexicans testified to an alibi,
they were likely to steal out after him or make some one else pay
his forfeit.[31.9] Still, the many injunctions to be fair and kindly
toward the people were not without effect. One soldier used to sit
cross-legged in the square of Monterey, and play his rickety accordion
for the benefit of the populace.[31.10]
[AFFAIRS AT SALTILLO]
At Saltillo strict police regulations were made. As had now become the
general rule, to provide soldiers with intoxicating beverages, except
by special permission, was forbidden, and fifty lashes were made the
penalty for disobedience. The troops had to seek their quarters at
retreat, and the Mexicans go home when the ten o'clock bell rang. But
in spite of every precaution the "lawless volunteers," as Worth called
them, were guilty of many offences, and--with the perhaps excessive
emphasis of a high-minded regular officer--he wrote to his daughter,
"The innocent blood that has been basely, cowardly and barbarously
shed in cold blood, aside from other and deeper crimes, will appeal to
Heaven for, and, I trust, receive, just retribution."[31.12]
Here, as at Monterey, Worth made an admirable governor, sitting four
hours a day to hear complaints, and administering substantial justice
without reference to legal technicalities; and his successors were
much like him.[31.11] A sergeant was discharged for treating a Mexican
unjustly. An American "doctor" was expelled for disorderly conduct.
Soldiers were not allowed to endanger the people by riding fast in the
streets. Property stolen or destroyed was paid for by the army, and
this rule was made to work the other way also. The town prospered; and
although some of the soldiers would now and then help themselves to
fruit or snatch a piece of candy from a stand, and cases of outrage
on the one hand or assassination on the other occurred at intervals,
the people--notably hostile at first--became friendly, the windows
were always full of laughing girls, and the women in their rebosas,
red petticoats and blue cloth slippers went every evening to the
fountain in the plaza with their tall earthen jars, unmolested and
unafraid.[31.12]