CHAPTER II.

THE SERPENTINE GOD OF MEDICINE AT ROME.

As I have already intimated, the god of medicine—that is,

Æsculapius[9]—was not only on familiar terms, so to speak, with the

serpent, but at times given a serpentine form. Pausanias expressly

informs us that he often appeared in such singular shape.[10] The visitor

to imperial Rome about two thousand years ago saw this divinity in

reptilian guise an object of high regard and worship. It is worth while

to enter into a short study of the matter.

Now, at the outset, I may observe that it is a noteworthy fact that in

their regard for medical men the early Greeks and others contrasted

remarkably with the Romans. The Greeks would seem to have duly prized

the class. One has but to turn to Homer to find evidence of the fact. A

passage suggested by Machaon’s splendid exercise of his beneficent art,

spoken by Idomeneus when the “offspring of the healing god” was wounded

by a dart fired by “the spouse of Helen” (Paris), and “trembling Greece

for her physician fear’d,” runs:—

“A wise physician skill’d our wounds to heal,

Is more than armies to the public weal.”[11]

Cowper translates this interesting couplet more literally than Pope:—

“One so skill’d in medicine and to free

The inherent barb is worth a multitude.”

This is a very noble tribute to the physician; in fact, I know of but few

as good, among them being the one in “Ecclesiasticus” which reads: “The

skill of the physician shall lift up his head and in the sight of great

men he shall be praised.”[12] The latter is Hebræo-Egyptian in origin,

and its date is about two hundred years before our era. The early Romans

did not look on doctors with any such favor.[13]

It is a well-known fact that the art of medicine was never very

enthusiastically or successfully cultivated by the Romans. It was not

until a comparatively late date that medical practitioners existed

among them at all. Pliny has left us some interesting notes on the

matter. After the statement that many nations have gotten along without

physicians, he says: “Such, for instance, was the Roman people for a

period of more than six hundred years; a people, too, which has never

shown itself slow to adopt all useful arts, and which even welcomed the

medical art with avidity until, after a fair experience of it, there was

found good reason to condemn it.”[14] He himself was not a great friend

of it.

Cato, who died in the year of the city of Rome 605, said,

authoritatively: “They (the Greeks) have conspired among themselves

to murder all barbarians with their medicine, a profession which they

exercise for lucre, in order that they may win our confidence and

despatch us all the more easily. I forbid you to have anything to do with

physicians.”[15] Notwithstanding this, the imperious old Roman had not

a personal dislike to taking medicine; “far from it, by Hercules,” says

Pliny, “for he subjoins an account of the medical prescriptions by the

aid of which he had ensured to himself and his wife a ripe old age.”[16]

It appears that the first physician who exercised his profession at Rome

was “Archagathus, the son of Lysanias, who came over from Peloponnessus

in the year of the city 335.” He was kindly welcomed, and, from his

special line of practice, was called “Vulnerarius;” but, from cruelty

displayed “in cutting and searing his patients, he brought the art and

physicians into disrepute.”[17] It is this experience to which Pliny

refers in the foregoing quotation.

There is reason to believe that the Romans never regarded medicine as

an art appreciatively. They have transmitted to posterity little that

is original and valuable. Besides what is found in Pliny’s work, the

production of Celsus[18] is about all that calls for special mention,

and it is possible that the latter, as well as the former, was only a

compiler. Pliny significantly says: “The art of medicine at the present

time even teaches us in numerous instances to have recourse to the

oracles for aid.”[19] He lived from 23 to 79 A.D.

The Roman people had no special god of medicine until the year 292

B.C. In the preceding year, the prevalence of a pestilence caused much

consternation. This led to a consultation of the Delphian Oracle, or,

according to Livy (see page 9), the Sibylline Books, as to what should be

done, and the command of “the Delphic Oracle, or of the Sibylline Books,”

to use the language of an authoritative work,[20] was given, to send an

embassy to procure the aid of the Grecian god of healing, Æsculapius.

The story of the bringing of Æsculapius to Rome, like that of the

bringing of Cybele from Pessinus in Galatia, is an interesting one, and

must be known if one would fully appreciate the fact of the god being

given the serpentine form, the serpent being generally regarded as only

an attribute of him at his chief seat, the great Epidaurian Asclepion, or

Temple of Health. It is graphically told by Ovid.

Ovid begins his poem[21] with an invocation to the “melodious maids of

Pindus;” and, addressing them, continues:—

“Say, whence the isle which Tiber flows around,

Its altars with a heavenly stranger grac’d,

And in our shrines the God of Physic plac’d?”

We are then told that—

“A wasting plague infected Latium’s skies.

...

In vain were human remedies apply’d.

Weary’d with death, they seek celestial aid,

And visit Phœbus in his Delphic shade.”

The reply of the Oracle is this:—

“Relief must be implor’d and succour won

Not from Apollo, but Apollo’s son.

My son to Latium borne shall bring redress;

Go with good omens, and expect success.”

The Senate appointed an embassy to carry out the order:—

“Who sail to Epidaurus’ neighbouring land.”

To it the god (Æsculapius) is represented as saying:—

“I come and leave my shrine.

This serpent view, that with ambitious play

My staff encircles, mark him every way;

His form, though larger, nobler, I’ll assume,

And, changed as gods should be, bring aid to Rome.”

In due time “the salutary serpent,[22] the god, reached the Island of the

Tiber and assumed again his form divine”:—

“And now no more the drooping city mourns;

Joy is again restor’d and health returns.”

There is little or no reason to doubt that there was really a formal

bringing of Æsculapius to Rome, a cosmopolitan city which, indeed, as

Gibbon states without much exaggeration, bestowed its freedom “on all

the gods of mankind.”[23] Livy, the historian, speaks of the matter as

follows:—

“The many prosperous events of the year (459) were scarcely sufficient to

afford consolation for one calamity, a pestilence, which afflicted both

the city and country and caused a prodigious mortality. To discover what

end or what remedy was appointed by the gods for that calamity, the Books

were consulted, and there it was found that Æsculapius must be brought

to Rome from Epidaurus. However, as the Consuls had full employment

in the wars, no farther steps were taken in that business during this

year, except the performing of a supplication to Æsculapius of one day’s

continence.”[24] Elsewhere[25] he says that the god was brought the

following year,—that is, A.U.C. 460, or 292 B.C.

The Island of the Tiber (_Insula Tiberina_, now _Isola Tiberina_), the

“_inter duos pontes_” of the early centuries of our era, where Æsculapius

was worshipped, and which was sometimes called by his name (_Insula

Æsculapii_), is within the limits of the city of Rome. According to

tradition, it originated from alluvial accumulations within the period

of Roman history.[26] It is rather remarkable that, excepting the one at

the mouth (_Insula Sacra_, now _Isola Sacra_), there is no other along

the whole course of the famous river. It is ship-shaped, and quite small

in size, being only about a quarter of a mile in length,[27] and has been

called “San Bartolomeo,” from the church which has long occupied the site

of the ancient Temple of Health.[28] Mr. Davies speaks of it at length in

his interesting book. After an account of the origin of the worship of

Æsculapius on it, he says:—

“It was in commemoration of this event that the island was fashioned in

the form of a ship. Huge blocks of travertine and peperino still remain

about the prow (pointing down the stream), imitating on a grand scale

the forms of the planks, upon which are chiseled the figure of a serpent

twined around a rod, and, farther down, the head of an ox. A temple was

raised to Æsculapius, in which his statue was placed, which probably

stood in the fore part of the simulated vessel, hospitals for the sick

occupying the sides, a tall column or obelisk rising in the midst to

represent a mast. Temples were also dedicated to Jupiter and Faunus.[29]

To these were added a prison in the days of Tiberius.”[30]

Whether the establishment of the worship of the healing divinity on the

island at Rome was brought about by chance, or deliberately, is not

very clear. Pliny would seem to think that it was elsewhere at first

when he says, “The Temple of Æsculapius, even after he was received as

a divinity, was built without the city and afterward on an island.”[31]

The abhorrence of the people for physicians is given as the reason for

isolating the institution. The noble Romans had no love for a class that

made a trade of curing the sick, enriching themselves off the misfortunes

of their fellow-men; they were shocked, says Pliny, “more particularly

that man should pay so dear for the enjoyment of life.”[32] There may

have been other and better reasons. The Greeks themselves placed their

asclepia in rural and often insular places. Thus, the great Epidaurian

Asclepion was in a secluded vale, and two very celebrated ones, those of

Cos and Rhodes, were, as the names indicate, on islands. It is needless

to say that there are excellent sanitary reasons for placing sanatory

institutions in the country, and especially on insular sites. It will be

a long step in the right direction when we somewhat unwise moderns cease

to have our medical institutions within the built-up parts of our cities

and towns, and treat the sick, especially those affected with contagious

diseases, at a distance from the well.

Devotion to the serpentine healer appears to have lingered long in

sunny Italy.[33] A bronze serpent in the basilica of St. Ambrose was

worshipped as late as the year 1001, but the precise import of it is not

known. Referring to it, De Gubernatis says: “Some say that it was the

serpent of Æsculapius, others that of Moses, others that it was an image

of Christ. For us it is enough to remark here that it was a mythical

serpent before which Milanese mothers brought their children when they

suffered from worms in order to relieve them, as we learn from the

depositions of the visit of San Carlo Borromeo to this basilica.”[34] San

Carlo suppressed the superstitious practice.[35]

Medical symbolism in connection with historical studies in the arts of healing and hygiene · 第 2 / 20 章