Footnotes

[1] The Second Sunday in Advent.

[2] 1 Cor. vii. 10.

[3] 1 Cor. vii. 12.

[4] 1 Cor. vii. 40.

[5] 1 Cor. vii. 25.

[6] Hebrews i. 1.

[7] 2 Peter i. 21.

[8] 1 Peter i. 10, 11.

[9] 2 Timothy iii. 16.

[10] Sacred Books of the East, vol. i. p. xiii.

[11] 2 Maccabees, ii. 13.

[12] "The Jews and the priests have found it good that Simon shall be their

leader and high priest forever until there shall arise a trustworthy

prophet."--1 Macc. xiv. 41.

[13] Introduction to the New Testament. Samuel Davidson, I.:279.

[14] Introduction to the New Testament. Samuel Davidson, I.:384.

[15] The contrast between the fifteenth and sixteenth century Confessions

of Faith reveals this process, and explains the prevalent Protestant

theory.

[16] About 600 A.D.

[17] 2 Maccabees ii. 13.

[18] The Dial: October, 1840.

[19] Ewald: History of Israel, i. 4.

[20] Esther is the most notable apparent exception, but this it only

apparent.

[21] In speaking of the book of Esther, Dean Stanley observes that "it

never names the name of God from first to last," and remarks "It is

necessary for us that in the rest of the sacred volume the name of God

should constantly be brought before us, to show that He is all in all to

our moral perfection. But it is expedient for us no less that there should

be one book which omits it altogether, to prevent us from attaching to the

mere name a reverence which belongs only to the reality.... The name of

God is _not_ there, but the work of God _is_.... When Esther nerved

herself to enter, at the risk of her life, the presence of Ahasuerus--'I

will go in unto the king, and if I perish I perish'--when her patriotic

feeling vented itself in that noble cry, 'How can I endure to see the evil

that shall come unto my people? or can I endure to see the destruction of

my kindred?'--she expressed, although she never named the name of God, a

religious devotion as acceptable to Him as that of Moses and David, who,

no less sincerely, had the sacred name always on their lips."--_History of

the Jewish Church_, iii. 301.

[22] Ewald: History of Israel, i. 4.

[23] The Old Testament is a record of the growth of human intelligence in

relation to the Deity--of the revelation made by Spirit to spirit. When

therefore God is described as _speaking_ to man, he does so in the only

way in which He who is a Spirit can speak to one encompassed with flesh

and blood; not to the outward organs of sensation, but to that

intelligence which is kindred to Himself the great Fountain of

knowledge.--Davidson: _Introduction to the Old Testament_, i. 233.

[24] Emerson: Miscellanies, p. 200.

[25] "To hear people speak," said Goethe, "one would almost believe that

they were of opinion that God had withdrawn into silence since those old

times, and that man was now placed quite upon his own feet, and had to see

how he could get on without God and his daily invisible

breath."--Conversations, _March 11, 1832_.

[26] Our advancing knowledge of the early portions of the Bible is

clearing its offensive portions of the grossness which characterized them

as literal histories, by resolving them into nature-myths, or into social

traditions, symbolical stories of casuistry, "token-tales," whose original

meaning had been lost by the time they were committed to writing.

Every school-boy knows how the worst stories of the Greek gods and

goddesses lose their immorality as seen to be parables of nature's

processes, myths, whose poetry had exhaled in the course of time.

Goldziher's "Mythology Among the Hebrews," shows the mythic character of

many of these revolting Jewish stories, though his theory carries him off

his feet. Fenton's "Early Hebrew Life," brings out the social and

casuistical origin of many of these traditions as decisions, "Judgments,"

of the village elders and priests upon cases of conduct, thrown into the

form of imaginary stories to make them realistic and ensure their

preservation. "In this way, various dubious points of primitive morality

and politics were governed; and the stories which enshrine them stand to

primitive life in much the same relation as do collections of precedents

to modern lawyers, and dictionaries of cases of conscience to father

confessors." (p. 81)

But, as these aspects of such traditions as Lot and his daughters, Judah

and Tamar, &c., cannot be divined without interpretation, they should be

omitted from our children's Bibles.

My suggestion of an expurgated Bible, on which so many hard criticisms

have been passed, seemed to me innocent enough, since most sensible people

have been in the habit of expurgating the Bible for themselves in home

readings and in the readings in the churches. This is what Plato thought

of such stories in the sacred book of the Grecians:

"Whatever beautiful fable they may invent, we should select, and what is

not so, we should reject: and we are to prevail on nurses and mothers to

repeat to the children such fables as are selected, and fashion their

minds by fables * * * For though these things were true, yet I think they

should not be so readily told to the unwise and the young, but rather

concealed from them. As little ought we to describe in fables, the battles

of the giants and other many and various feuds, both of gods and heroes,

with their own kindred and relatives; but if we would persuade them that

never at all should one citizen hate another, and that it is not holy,

such things as these are rather to be told them in early childhood; and

the poets should be obliged to compose consistently with these views * * *

Young persons are not able to judge what is allegory and what is not, but

whatever opinions they receive at such an age are wont to be obliterated

with difficulty, and immovable. Hence one would think, we should of all

things endeavor, that what they should first hear be composed in the best

manner for exciting them to virtue."

"Republic," Book II.

[27] How then are we to know what words and deeds express the mind of God,

are words of the Lord, examples He presents for our imitation? By the mind

of God manifest in 'the express image of His person?' All morality and

religion is to be tried by 'the mind which was in Christ,' 'the spirit of

Christ which dwelleth in us.'

[28] In what is said above there la no positive denial intended of the Old

Testament miracles. We are in no position to deny them. The point is

simply that they are not bounden on us in any reasonable and reverent

recognition of a real historical revelation in the Old Testament, and need

trouble no one who cannot receive them. The miracles of Christ, when

reduced to the wonders reported by the conjoint testimony of the

synoptics,--_i.e._, to the common tradition of the early church, stand apart

from all other Scripture miracles; having a reasonable and natural

character as the powers of such a personality, and coming within the ken

of our visions of possibility. They are imaged In the well attested powers

of rare men. They appear as in no wise violations of law, but as the

manifestations of nature's laws and forces worked by the normal man,

having 'dominion' over the earth. "The wise soul expels disease."

[29] So judicious a commentator as Dean Alford, in his introduction to the

Second Epistle to the Thessalonians, discussing the vexed question of the

Daniel-like section in the third chapter, so wholly unlike Paul observes:

"If we have" (in any sense, God speaking in the Bible) "then, of all

passages, it is in these, which treat so confidently of futurity, that we

must recognize His voice; if we have it not in these passages, _then,

where are we to listen for it at all_?"--Greek Testament III:64.

[30] "History of American Socialisms,"--Noyes.--p. 608.

[31] "To understand that the language of the Bible is fluid, passing and

literary, not rigid, fixed and scientific, is the first step towards a

right understanding of the Bible."--_Literature and Dogma_.--p. xii.

[32] The revised version calls the attention of English readers to this

latter influence, in the marginal rendering of "_Tartarus_" for "Hell" in 2

Peter, 11: 4.

[33] Luther's strong sense detected his unevangelicalness.

[34] Ewald says the tenth century, and Kuenen the eighth century.

[35] Ask at Abel and at Dan whether the genuine old statutes of Israel

have lost their force?--2 Samuel, xx. 18. Restored by Ewald from the LXX.

[36] Such a late codification is no more inconceivable than Justinian's

codification of Roman law.

[37] Brook Foss Westcott. Smith's Bible Dictionary: article on Daniel.

[38] "The Bible of To-day," Chadwick, p. 50.

[39] Of this process we see hints in the various references to the

consecration of great trees and stones to Jehovah.

[40] The indications of this nature-worship lie scattered on the surface

of the Old Testament so plainly that no one can fail to notice them.

[41] "Among the Edomites, Ishmaelites, Ammonites and Moabites--the tribes

with which Israel felt itself most nearly related--the service of the

rigorous and destroying god was most prominent The very names for God

which are most common among them--Baal, El, Molech, Milcom, Chemosh--are

enough to show this. These names denote the mighty, violent, death-dealing

God." "The Religion of Israel," Knappert, p. 29. These names constantly

recur in the early history of Israel. Jephthah's vow is a familiar

instance of this abhorrent rite. Circumcision is supposed to mark a

merciful compromise with this blood-gift; in addition to its sanitary

character.

[42] We know from general history how among other people the homage paid

to the productive powers of nature led to systematized prostitution, in

the name of the personification of this force of nature. Tradition records

how early in this period the Midianites seduced Israel temporarily from

Jehovah, by the licentious pleasures of their worship of Baal-Peor. Later

on in history we find that it is these impure rites that especially

provoke the anger of the prophets.

[43] The sun symbols may not have been permanent features of the

Temple-worship at this period, though, from the probable identification of

the early Jehovah with the sun, it seems likely that their presence there

was no casual fact.

[44] 2 Kings, xxiii. 6, 7.

[45] Isaiah, i. 11-17.

[46] Micah, vi. 6-8.

[47] Isaiah, xi. 2-5.

[48] Isaiah, v. 8; iii. 14, 15.

[49] Cf. Exodus, xxiii, 10, 11 (the earliest code) with Deuteronomy, xv.

1-18.

[50] The latter seems the probable influence of Persia. At all events,

from this time Hebrew literature shows the gradual development of an

angelic hierarchy.

[51] The comparison of the earlier prophetic writings with the exilic

prophecies, and with the later writings, such as Jonah, Ecclesiastes, &c.,

will illustrate this change.

[52] Ezekiel's vision of the valley of dry bones is the earliest

appearance of this thought in any writing of whose date we are certain.

[53] And thou shalt-number seven sabbaths of years unto thee, seven times

seven years; and the space of the seven sabbaths of years shall be unto

thee forty and nine years. Then shalt thou cause the trumpet of the

jubilee to sound on the tenth _day_ of the seventh month, in the day of

atonement shall ye make the trumpet sound throughout all your land. And ye

shall hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim liberty throughout _all_ the

land unto all the inhabitants thereof: it shall be a jubilee unto you; and

ye shall return every man unto his possession, and ye shall return every

man unto his family. A jubilee shall that fiftieth year be unto you: ye

shall not sow, neither reap that which groweth of itself in it, nor gather

_the grapes_ in it of the vine undressed. For it _is_ the jubilee; it

shall be holy unto you: ye shall eat the increase thereof out of the

field. In the year of this jubilee ye shall return every man unto his

possession. And if thou sell ought unto thy neighbor, or buyest _ought_ of

thy neighbor's hand, ye shall not oppress one another: According to the

number of years after the jubilee thou shalt buy of thy neighbor, _and_

according unto the number of years of the fruits he shall sell unto thee:

According to the multitude of years thou shalt increase the price thereof,

and according to the fewness of years thou shalt diminish the price of it:

for _according_ to the number _of the years_ of the fruits doth he sell

unto thee. Ye shall not therefore oppress one another; but thou shalt fear

thy God: for I _am_ the Lord your God.

* * * * *

The land shall not be sold for ever: for the land _is_ mine; for ye _are_

strangers and sojourners with me. And in all the land of your possession

ye shall grant a redemption for the land.

* * * * *

And if thy brother be waxen poor, and fallen in decay with thee; then thou

shalt relieve him: _yea, though he be_ a stranger, or a sojourner; that he

may live with thee. Take thou no usury of him, or increase: but fear thy

God; that thy brother may live with thee. Thou shalt not give him thy

money upon usury, nor lend him thy victuals for increase. I _am_ the Lord

your God, which brought you forth out of the land of Egypt, to give you

the land of Canaan, _and_ to be your God. And if thy brother _that

dwelleth_ by thee be waxen poor, and be sold unto thee; thou shalt not

compel him to serve as a bondservant: _But_ as an hired servant, _and_ as

a sojourner, he shall be with thee, _and_ shall serve thee unto the year

of jubilee: And _then_ shall he depart from thee, _both_ he and his

children with him, and shall return unto his own family, and unto the

possession of his fathers shall he return. For they _are_ my servants,

which I brought forth out of the land of Egypt: they shall not be sold as

bondmen. Thou shalt not rule over him with rigor; but shalt fear thy

God.--Leviticus xxv. 8 _et seq._

Fenton, "Early Hebrew Life," has, I think, given the clue through the

difficulties of the jubilee-year legislation. He traces the early communal

character of Hebrew society, its gradual break-up under the encroachments

of manorial lords, and the natural efforts of the people to regain their

communal rights. "But how remedy the evil? How restore to the communities

their old rights and privileges, without unduly trenching upon rights and

possessions that had since been acquired? The year of Jubilee is the

Hebrew solution of the problem," (p 71). It was a compromise; the old

seventh year communal right adjourned to seven times seven years, and

enlarged. Fenton quotes a curious survival, in the borough of

Newtown-upon-Ayr, of this very compromise between the old and the new

social systems--a Scottish Jubilee.

It is a queer sign of the disproportionate development of individual

religion in our current Christianity, that this social and economic

legislation should have been so spiritualized away as to leave no

consciousness of its original character in the minds of those who sing in

our prayer-meetings that "The year of Jubilee is come."

[54] The Dialogues of Plato: Jowett's edition, II. 106.

[55] Matthew Arnold in _Contemporary Review_, xxiv. 800; xxv. 508.

[56] The Friend: Essay x.

[57] Sacred Books of the East: I. ix. _et seq._

[58] Confessions of Augustine: Book X. § vi.

[59] Exodus, xx. 31.

[60] Richard Hooker: Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, Book I., ch. xvi. § 8.

[61] Le Page Renouf: Hibbert Lectures, 1879, p. 250.

[62] Hibbert Lectures, 1879, p. 279.

[63] God in Christ, p. 93.

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