Chapter VII

THE SPACIOUSNESS OF OLD RHETORIC

Few species of composition seem so antiquated, so little available for

any practical purpose today, as the oratory in which the generation

of our grandparents delighted. The type of discourse which they would

ride miles in wagons to hear, or would regard as the special treat of

some festive occasion, fills most people today with an acute sense of

discomfort. Somehow, it makes them embarrassed. They become conscious

of themselves, conscious of pretensions in it, and they think it well

consigned to the museum. But its very ability to inspire antipathy, as

distinguished from indifference, suggests the presence of something

interesting.

The student of rhetoric should accordingly sense here the chance for a

discovery, and as he begins to listen for its revealing quality, the

first thing he becomes aware of is a “spaciousness.” This is, of course,

a broad impression, which requires its own analysis. As we listen more

carefully, then, it seems that between the speech itself and the things

it is meant to signify, something stands—perhaps it is only an empty

space—but something is there to prevent immediate realizations and

references. For an experience of the sensation, let us for a moment go

back to 1850 and attune our ears to an address by Representative Andrew

Ewing, on the subject of the sale of the public lands.

We have afforded a refuge to the down-trodden nations of the

Old World, and organized system of internal improvement and

public education, which have no parallel in the history of

mankind. Why should we not continue and enlarge the system

which has so much contributed to these results? If our Pacific

Coast should be lined with its hundred cities, extending from

the northern boundary of Oregon down to San Diego; if the vast

interior hills and valleys could be filled with lowing herds

and fruitful fields of a thriving and industrious people; and

if the busy hum of ten thousand workshops could be daily heard

over the placid waters of the Pacific, would our government be

poorer or our country less able to meet her obligations than at

present?[146]

Despite the allusions to geographical localities, does not the

speaker seem to be speaking _in vacuo_? His words do not impinge

upon a circumambient reality; his concepts seem not to have definite

correspondences, but to be general, and as it were, mobile.

“Spread-eagle” and “high-flown” are two modifiers with which people have

sought to catch the quality of such speech.

In this work we are interested both in causes and the moral quality

of causes, and when an orator appears to speak of subjects without an

immediate apperception of them, we become curious about the kind of world

he is living in. Was this type of orator sick, as some have inferred?

Was he suffering from some kind of auto-intoxication which produces

insulation from reality? Charles Egbert Craddock in her novel _Where

the Battle Was Fought_ has left a satirical picture of the type. Its

personification is General Vayne, who holds everything up to a “moral

magnifying glass.” “Through this unique lens life loomed up as a rather

large affair. In the rickety courthouse in the village of Chattalla,

five miles out there to the south, General Vayne beheld a temple of

justice. He translated an office-holder as the sworn servant of the

people. The State was this great commonwealth, and its seal a proud

escutcheon. A fall in cotton struck him as a blow to the commerce of

the world. From an adverse political fortune he augured the swift ruin

of the country.”[147] There is the possibility that this type was sick

with a kind of vanity and egocentricity, and that has frequently been

offered as a diagnosis. But on the other hand, there is the possibility

that such men were larger than we, with our petty and contentious style,

and because larger more exposed in those limitations which they had. The

heroes in tragedies also talk bigger than life. Perhaps the source of our

discomfort is that this kind of speech comes to us as an admonition that

there were giants in the earth before us, mighty men, men of renown. But

before we are ready for any conclusion, we must isolate the cause of our

intimation.

As we scan the old oratory for the chief offender against modern

sensibility, we are certain to rank in high position, if not first,

_the uncontested term_. By this we mean the term which seems to invite

a contest, but which apparently is not so regarded in its own context.

Most of these are terms which scandalize the modern reader with their

generality, so that he wonders how the speaker ever took the risk of

using them. No experienced speaker interlards his discourse with terms

which are themselves controversial. He may build his case on one or two

such terms, after giving them _ad hoc_ definitions, but to multiply them

is to create a force of resistance which almost no speech can overcome.

Yet in this period we have speeches which seem made up almost from

beginning to end of phrases loose in scope and but weakly defensible.

Yet the old orator who employed these terms of sweeping generality knew

something of his audience’s state of mind and was confident of his

effect. And the public generally responded by putting him in the genus

“great man.” This brings us to the rhetorical situation, which must be

described in some detail.

We have said that this orator of the old-fashioned mold, who is using

the uncontested term, passes on his collection of generalities in full

expectation that they will be received as legal tender. He is taking a

very advanced position, which could be undermined easily, were the will

to do so present. But the will was not present, and this is the most

significant fact in our explanation. The orator had, in any typical

audience, not only a previously indoctrinated group, but a group of quite

similar indoctrination. Of course, we are using such phrases for purposes

of comparison with today. It is now a truism that the homogeneity of

belief which obtained three generations ago has largely disappeared. Such

belief was, in a manner of conceiving it, the old orator’s capital. And

it was, if we may trust the figure further, an initial asset which made

further operations possible.

If we knew how this capital is accumulated, we would possess one of

the secrets of civilization. All we know is that whatever spells the

essential unity of a people in belief and attachment contains the

answer. The best we can do at this stage is look into the mechanism of

relationship between this level of generality and the effectiveness of a

speech.

We must keep in mind that “general” is itself a relative modifier, and

that the degree of generality with which one may express one’s thoughts

is very wide. One may refer, for example, to a certain event as a

_murder_, a _crime_, an _act_, or an _occurrence_. We assume that none

of these terms is inherently falsifying, because none of them is in any

prior sense required. Levels of generality do not contradict one another;

they supplement one another by bringing out different foci of interest.

Every level of generality has its uses: the Bible can tell the story of

creation in a few hundred words, and it is doubtless well that it should

be told there in that way. Let us therefore take a guarded position here

and claim only that one’s level of generality tells something of one’s

approach to a subject. We shall find certain refinements of application

possible as we go on.

With this as a starting point, we should be prepared for a more intensive

look at the diction of the old school. For purposes of this analysis

I shall choose something that is historically obscure. Great occasions

sometimes deflect our judgment by their special circumstances. The

passage below is from a speech made by the Honorable Charles J. Faulkner

at an agricultural fair in Virginia in 1858. Both speaker and event have

passed into relative oblivion, and we can therefore view this as a fairly

stock specimen of the oratory in vogue a hundred years ago to grace local

celebrations. Let us attend to it carefully for its references.

If we look to the past or to the present we shall find that the

permanent power of any nation has always been in proportion to

its cultivation of the soil—those republics which during the

earlier and middle ages, were indebted for their growth mainly

to commerce, did for a moment, indeed, cast a dazzling splendor

across the pathway of time; but they soon passed from among

the powers of the earth, leaving behind them not a memorial of

their proud and ephemeral destiny whilst other nations, which

looked to the products of the soil for the elements of their

strength, found in each successive year the unfailing sources

of national aggrandizement and power. Of all the nations

of antiquity, the Romans were most persistently devoted to

agriculture, and many of the maxims taught by their experience,

and transmitted to us by their distinguished writers, are not

unworthy, even at this time, of the notice of the intelligent

farmers of this valley. It was in their schools of country

life—a _vita rustica_—as their own great orator informs us,

that they imbibed those noble sentiments which rendered the

Roman name more illustrious than all their famous victories,

and there, that they acquired those habits of labor, frugality,

justice and that high standard of moral virtue which made them

the easy masters of their race.[148]

A modern mind trained in the habit of analysis will be horrified by the

number of large and unexamined phrases passing by in even this brief

excerpt. “Permanent power of any nation”; “earlier and middle ages”;

“cast a dazzling splendor across the pathway of time”; “proud and

ephemeral destiny”; “noble sentiments which rendered the Roman name more

illustrious”; and “high standards of moral virtue” are but a selection.

Comparatively speaking, the tone of this oration is fairly subdued, but

it is in the grand style, and these phrases are the medium. With this

passage before us for reference, I wish to discuss one matter of effect,

and one of cause or enabling condition.

It will be quickly perceived that the phrases in question have

resonances, both historical and literary, and that this resonance is what

we have been calling spaciousness. Instead of the single note (prized for

purposes of analysis) they are widths of sound and meaning; they tend

to echo over broad areas and to call up generalized associations. This

resonance is the interstice between what is said and the thing signified.

In this way then the generality of the phrase may be definitely linked

with an effect.

But the second question is our principal interest: how was the orator

able to use them with full public consent when he cannot do so today?

I am going to suggest that the orator then enjoyed a privilege which

can be compared to the lawyer’s “right of assumption.” This is the

right to assume that precedents are valid, that forms will persist, and

that in general one may build today on what was created yesterday. What

mankind has sanctified with usage has a presumption in its favor. Such

presumption, it was felt, instead of being an obstacle to progress,

furnishes the ground for progress. More simply, yesterday’s achievements

are also contributions to progress. It is he who insists upon beginning

every day _de novo_ who denies the reality of progress. Accordingly,

consider the American orator in the intellectual climate of this time. He

was comfortably circumstanced with reference to things he could “know”

and presume everyone else to know in the same way. Freedom and morality

were constants; the Constitution was the codification of all that was

politically feasible; Christianity of all that was morally authorized.

Rome stood as an exemplum of what may happen to nations; the American

and French Revolutions had taught rulers their necessary limitations.

Civilization has thought over its thousands of years of history and has

made some generalizations which are the premises of other arguments but

which are not issues themselves. When one asserts that the Romans had

a “high standard of moral virtue which made them the easy masters of

their race,” one is affirming a doctrine of causality in a sweeping way.

If one had to stop and “prove” that moral virtue makes one master, one

obviously would have to start farther down the ladder of assumption.

But these things were not in the area of argument because progress was

positive and that meant that some things have to be assimilated as

truths. Men were not condemned to repeat history, because they remembered

its lessons. To the extent that the mind had made its summations, it was

free to go forward, and forward meant in the direction of more inclusive

conceptions. The orator who pauses along the way to argue a point which

no one challenges only demeans the occasion. Therefore the orator of the

period we have defined did not feel that he had to argue the significance

of everything to which he attached significance. Some things were fixed

by universal enlightened consensus; and they could be used as steps for

getting at matters which were less settled and hence were proper subjects

for deliberation. Deliberation is good only because it decreases the

number of things it is necessary to deliberate about.

Consequently when we wonder how he could use such expressions without

trace of compunction, we forget that the expressions did not need

apology. The speaker of the present who used like terms would, on the

contrary, meet a contest at every step of the way. His audience would not

swallow such clusters of related meanings. But at that time a number of

unities, including the unity of past and present, the unity of moral sets

and of causal sets, furnished the ground for discourse in “uncontested

terms.” Only such substratum of agreement makes possible the panoramic

treatment.

We can infer important conclusions about a civilization when we know that

its debates and controversies occur at outpost positions rather than

within the citadel itself. If these occur at a very elementary level, we

suspect that the culture has not defined itself, or that it is decayed

and threatened with dissolution. Where the chief subject of debate

is the relative validity of Homoiousianism and Homoousianism, or the

conventions of courtly love, we feel confident that a great deal has been

cached away in the form of settled conclusions, and that such shaking

as proceeds from controversies of this kind, although they may agitate

the superstructure, will hardly be felt as far down as the foundations.

I would say the same is suggested by the great American debate over

whether the Constitution was a “constitution” or a “compact,” despite its

unfortunate sequel.

At this stage of cultural development the commonplaces of opinion and

conduct form a sort of _textus receptus_, and the emendations are

confined to minor matters. Conversely, when the disagreement is over

extremely elementary matters, survival itself may be at stake. It seems

to me that modern debates over the validity of the law of contradiction

may be a disagreement of this kind. The soundness of a culture may

well be measured by this ability to recognize what is extraneous. One

knows what to do with the extraneous, even if one decides upon a policy

of temporary accommodation. It is when the line dividing us from the

extraneous begins to fade that we are assailed with destructive doubts.

Disagreements over the most fundamental subjects leave us puzzled as to

“where we are” if not as to “what we are.” The speaker whom we have been

characterizing felt sure of the demarcation. That gave him his freedom,

and was the source of his simplicity.

When we reflect further that the old oratory had a certain judicial

flavor about it, we are prompted to ask whether thinking as then

conceived did not have a different status from today’s thinking. One is

led to make this query by the suggestion that when the most fundamental

propositions of a culture are under attack, then it becomes a duty to

“think for one’s self.” Not that it is a bad thing to think; yet when the

whole emphasis is upon “thinking for one’s self,” it is hard to avoid a

feeling that certain postulates have broken down, and the most courage

we can muster is to ask people, not to “think in a certain direction,”

but to “think for themselves.” Where the primary directive of thinking is

known, the object of thinking will not be mere cerebral motion (as some

exponents of the policy of thinking for one’s self leave us to infer),

but rather the object of such thinking, or knowledge. This is a very

rudimentary proposition, but it deserves attention because the modern

tendency has reversed a previous order. From the position that only

propositions are interesting because they alone make judgments, we are

passing to a position in which only evidence is interesting because it

alone is uncontaminated by propositions. In brief, interest has shifted

from inference to reportage, and this has had a demonstrable effect

upon the tone of oratory. The large resonant phrase is itself a kind of

condensed proposition; as propositions begin to sink with the general

sagging of the substructure, the phrases must do the same. Obviously we

are pointing here to a profound cultural change, and the same shifts can

be seen in literature; the poet or novelist may feel that the content

of his consciousness is more valid (and this will be true even of those

who have not formulated the belief) than the formal arrangement which

would be produced by selection, abstraction, and arrangement. Or viewed

in another respect, experiential order has taken precedence over logical

order.

The object of an oration made on the conditions obtained a hundred years

ago was not so much to “make people think” as to remind them of what they

already thought (and again we are speaking comparatively). The oratorical

rostrum, like the church, was less of a place for fresh instruction

than for steady inculcation. And the orator, like the minister, was

one who spoke from an eminent degree of conviction. Paradoxically, the

speaker of this vanished period had more freedom to maneuver than has his

emancipated successor. Man is free in proportion as his surroundings have

a determinate nature, and he can plan his course with perfect reliance

upon that determinateness. It is an admitted axiom that we have rules in

one place so that we can have liberty in another; we put certain things

in charge of habit so as to be free in areas where we prize freedom.

Manifestly one is not “free” when one has to battle for one’s position at

every moment of time. This interrelationship of freedom and organization

is one of the permanent conditions of existence, so that it has been said

even that perfect freedom is perfect compliance (“one commands nature by

obeying her”).

In the province we are considering, man is free to the extent that he

knows that nature is, what God expects, what he himself is capable of.

Freedom moves on a set of presuppositions just as a machine moves on a

set of ball bearings which themselves preserve definite locus. It is

when these presuppositions are tampered with that men begin to grow

concerned about their freedom. One can well imagine that the tremendous

self-consciousness about freedom today, which we note in almost every

utterance of public men, is evidence that this crucial general belief

is threatened. It is no mere paradox to say that when they cry liberty,

they mean belief—the belief that sets one free from prior concerns. A

corroborating evidence is that fact that nearly all large pleas for

liberty heard today conclude with more or less direct appeals for unity.

We may now return to our more direct concern with rhetoric. Since

according to this demonstration oratory speaks from an eminence and

has a freedom of purview, its syllogism is the “rhetorical syllogism”

mentioned by Demetrius—the enthymeme.[149] It may not hurt to state that

this is the syllogism with one of the three propositions missing. Such a

syllogism can be used only when the audience is willing to supply the

missing proposition. The missing proposition will be “in their hearts,”

as it were; it will be their agreement upon some fundamental aspect of

the issue being discussed. If it is there, the orator does not have to

supply it; if it is not there, he may not be able to get it in any way—at

least not as orator. Therefore the use of the rhetorical syllogism is

good concrete evidence that the old orator relied upon the existence of

uncontested terms or fixations of belief in the minds of his hearers.

The orator was logical, but he could dispense with being a pure logician

because that third proposition had been established for him.

These two related considerations, the accepted term and the conception

of oratory as a body of judicious conclusions upon common evidence, go

far toward explaining the quality of spaciousness. Indeed, to say that

oratory has “spaciousness” is to risk redundancy once the nature of

oratory is understood. Oratory is “spacious” in the same way that liberal

education is liberal; and a correlation can be shown between the decline

of liberal education (the education of a freeman) and the decline of

oratory. It was one of Cicero’s observations that the orator performs at

“the focal point at which all human activity is ultimately reviewed”; and

Cicero is, for connected reasons, a chief source of our theory of liberal

education.[150]

Thus far we have rested our explanation on the utility of the generalized

style, but this is probably much too narrow an account. There is also an

aesthetic of the generalization, which we must now proceed to explore.

Let us pause here momentarily to re-define our impression upon hearing

the old orator. The feature which we have been describing as spaciousness

may be translated, with perhaps a slight shift of viewpoint, as opacity.

The passages we have inspected, to recur to our examples, are opaque

in that we cannot see through them with any sharpness. And it was no

doubt the intention of the orator that we should not see through them

in this way. The “moral magnifying glass” of Craddock’s General Vayne

made objects larger, but it did not make them clearer. It rather had the

effect of blurring lines and obscuring details.

We are now in position to suggest that another factor in the choice of

the generalized phrase was aesthetic distance. There is an aesthetic, as

well as a moral, limit to how close one may approach an object; and the

forensic artists of the epoch we describe seem to have been guided by

this principle of artistic decorum. Aesthetic distance is, of course, an

essential of aesthetic treatment. If one sees an object from too close,

one sees only its irregularities and protuberances. To see an object

rightly or to see it as a whole, one has to have a proportioned distance

from it. Then the parts fall into a meaningful pattern, the dominant

effect emerges, and one sees it “as it really is.” A prurient interest in

closeness and a great remoteness will both spoil the view. To recall a

famous example in literature, neither Lilliputian nor Brobdingnagian is

man as we think we know him.

Thus it can be a sign not only of philosophical ignorance but also

of artistic bad taste to treat an object familiarly or from a near

proximity. At the risk of appearing fanciful we shall say that objects

have not only their natures but their rights, which the orator is bound

to respect, since he is in large measure the ethical teacher of society.

By maintaining this distance with regard to objects, art manages to

“idealize” them in a very special sense. One does not mean by this that

it necessarily elevates them or transfigures them, but it certainly does

keep out a kind of officious detail which would only lower the general

effect. What the artistic procedure tends to do, then, is to give us

a “generic” picture, and much the same can be said about oratory. The

true orator has little concern with singularity—or, to recall again a

famous instance, with the wart on Cromwell’s face—because the singular

is the impertinent. Only the generic belongs, and by obvious connection

the language of the generic is a general language. In the old style,

presentation kept distances which had, as one of their purposes, the

obscuring of details. It would then have appeared the extreme of bad

taste to particularize in the manner which has since, especially in

certain areas of journalism, become a literary vogue. It would have been

beyond the pale to refer, in anything intended for the public view, to

a certain cabinet minister’s false teeth or a certain congressman’s

shiny dome. Aesthetically, this was not the angle of vision from which

one takes in the man, and there is even the question of epistemological

truthfulness. Portrait painters know that still, and journalists knew it

a hundred years ago.

It will be best to illustrate the effect of aesthetic distance. I have

chosen a passage from the address delivered by John C. Breckinridge,

Vice-President of the United States, on the occasion of the removal of

the Senate from the Old to the New Chamber, January 4, 1859. The moment

was regarded as solemn, and the speaker expressed himself as follows:

And now the strifes and uncertainties of the past are finished.

We see around us on every side the proofs of stability and

improvement. This Capitol is worthy of the Republic. Noble

public buildings meet the view on every hand. Treasures of

science and the arts begin to accumulate. As this flourishing

city enlarges, it testifies to the wisdom and forecast that

dictated the plan of it. Future generations will not be

disturbed with questions concerning the center of population

or of territory, since the steamboat, the railroad and the

telegraph have made communication almost instantaneous. The

spot is sacred by a thousand memories, which are so many

pledges that the city of Washington, founded by him and

bearing his revered name, with its beautiful site, bounded

by picturesque eminences, and the broad Potomac, and lying

within view of his home and his tomb, shall remain forever the

political capital of the United States.

At the close of the address, he said:

And now, Senators, we leave this memorable chamber, bearing

with us, unimpaired, the Constitution received from our

forefathers. Let us cherish it with grateful acknowledgments

of the Divine Power who controls the destinies of empires

and whose goodness we adore. The structures reared by man

yield to the corroding tooth of time. These marble walls

must molder into ruin; but the principles of constitutional

liberty, guarded by wisdom and virtue, unlike material

elements, do not decay. Let us devoutly trust that another

Senate in another age shall bear to a new and larger Chamber,

the Constitution vigorous and inviolate, and that the last

generations of posterity shall witness the deliberations of the

Representatives of American States still united, prosperous,

and free.[151]

We shall hardly help noting the prominence of “opaque” phrases. “Proofs

of stability and improvement”; “noble public buildings”; “treasures of

science and the arts”; “this flourishing city”; “a thousand memories”;

“this beautiful site”; and “structures reared by man” seem outstanding

examples. These all express objects which can be seen only at a distance

of time or space. In three instances, it is true, the speaker mentions

things of which his hearers might have been immediately and physically

conscious, but they receive an appropriately generalized reference. The

passage admits not a single intrusive detail, nor is anything there

supposed to have a superior validity or probativeness because it is

present visibly or tangibly. The speech is addressed to the mind, and

correspondingly to the memory.[152] The fact that the inclusiveness

was temporal as well as spatial has perhaps special significance for

us. This “continuity of the past with the present” gave a dimension

which our world seems largely to have lost; and this dimension made

possible a different pattern of selection. It is not experiential data

which creates a sense of the oneness of experience. It is rather an

act of mind; and the practice of periodically bringing the past into a

meditative relationship with the present betokens an attitude toward

history. In the chapter on Lincoln we have shown that an even greater

degree of remoteness is discernible in the First and Second Inaugural

Addresses, delivered at a time when war was an ugly present reality. And

furthermore, at Gettysburg, Lincoln spoke in terms so “generic” that it

is almost impossible to show that the speech is not a eulogy of the men

in gray as well as the men in blue, inasmuch as both made up “those who

struggled here.” Lincoln’s faculty of transcending an occasion is in fact

only this ability to view it from the right distance, or to be wisely

generic about it.

We are talking here about things capable of extremes, and there is a

degree of abstraction which results in imperception; but barring those

cases which everyone recognizes as beyond bounds, we should reconsider

the idea that such generalization is a sign of impotence. The distinction

does not lie between those who are near life and those who are remote

from it, but between pertinence and impertinence. The intrusive detail so

prized by modern realists does not belong in a picture which is a picture

of something. One of the senses of “seeing” is metaphorical, and if one

gets too close to the object, one can no longer in this sense “see.” It

is the _theoria_ of the mind as well as the work of the senses which

creates the final picture.

One can show this through an instructive contrast with modern journalism,

particularly that of the _Time_ magazine variety. A considerable part of

its material, and nearly all of its captions, are made up of what we have

defined as “impertinences.” What our forensic artist of a century ago

would have regarded as lacking significance is in these media presented

as the pertinent because it is very near the physical manifestation of

the event. And the reversal has been complete, because what for this

artist would have been pertinent is there treated as impertinent since

it involves matter which the average man does not care to reflect upon,

especially under the conditions of newspaper reading. Thus even the

epistemology which made the old oratory possible is being relegated.

We must take notice in this connection that the lavish use of detail is

sometimes defended on the ground that it is illustration. The argument

runs that illustration is a visual aid to education, and therefore

an increased use of illustration contributes to that informing of

the public which journals acknowledge as their duty. But a little

reflection about the nature of illustration will show where this idea is

treacherous. Illustration, as already indicated, implies that something

is being illustrated, so that in the true illustration we will have a

conjunction of mind and pictorial manifestation. But now, with brilliant

technological means, the tendency is for manifestation to outrun the

idea, so that the illustrations are vivid rather than meaningful or

communicative. Thus, whereas today the illustration is looking for an

idea to express, formerly the idea was the original; and it was looking,

often rather fastidiously, for some palpable means of representation.

The idea condescended, one might say, from an empyrean, to suffer

illustrative embodiment.

To make this difference more real, let us study an example of the older

method of illustration. The passage below examined is from an address

by Rufus Choate on “The Position and Function of the American Bar as an

Element of Conservatism in the State,” delivered before the Law School

in Cambridge, July 3, 1845.

But with us the age of this mode and degree of reform is over;

its work is done. The passage of the sea; the occupation and

culture of a new world, the conquest of independence—these were

our eras, these our agency of reform. In our jurisprudence of

liberty, which guards our person from violence and our goods

from plunder, and which forbids the whole power of the state

itself to take the ewe lamb, or to trample on a blade of grass

of the humblest citizen without adequate remuneration: which

makes every dwelling large enough to shelter a human life

its owner’s castle which winds and rain may enter, but which

the government cannot,—in our written constitution, whereby

the people, exercising an act of sublime self-restraint,

have intended to put it out of their power forever to be

passionate, tumultuous, unwise, unjust, whereby they have

intended, by means of a system of representation, by means of

the distribution of government into departments independent,

coordinate for checks and balances; by a double chamber

of legislation, by the establishment of a fundamental and

permanent organic law; by the organization of a judiciary whose

function, whose loftiest function it is to test the legislation

of the day by the standard of all time,—constitutions, whereby

all these means they have intended to secure a government of

laws, not of men, of reason, not of will; of justice, not of

fraud,—in that grand dogma of equality,—equality of right, of

burthens, of duty, of privileges, and of chances, which is the

very mystery of our social being—to the Jews a stumbling block;

to the Greeks foolishness,—our strength, our glory,—in that

liberty which we value not solely because it is a natural right

of man; not solely because it is a principle of individual

energy and a guaranty of national renown; not at all because it

attracts a procession and lights a bonfire, but because, when

blended with order, attended by law, tempered by virtue, graced

by culture, it is a great practical good; because in her right

hand are riches and honor and peace, because she has come down

from her golden and purple cloud to walk in brightness by the

weary ploughman’s side, and whisper in his ear as he casts his

seed with tears, that the harvest which frost and mildew and

cankerworm shall spare, the government shall spare also; in

our distribution into separate and kindred states, not wholly

independent, not quite identical, in “the wide arch of ranged

empire” above—these are they in which the fruits of our age and

our agency of reform are embodied; and these are they by which,

if we are wise,—if we understand the things that belong to our

peace—they may be perpetuated.[153]

We note in passing the now familiar panorama. One must view matters

from a height to speak without pause of such things as “occupation and

culture of a new world,” “conquest of independence,” and “fundamental and

permanent organic law.” Then we note that when the orator feels that he

must illustrate, the illustration is not through the impertinent concrete

case, but through the poeticized figment. At the close of the passage,

where the personification of liberty is encountered, we see in clearest

form the conventionalized image which is the traditional illustration.

Liberty, sitting up in her golden and purple cloud, descends “to walk in

brightness by the weary ploughman’s side.” In this flatulent utterance

there is something so typical of method (as well as indicative of the

philosophy of the method) that one can scarcely avoid recalling that

this is how the gods of classical mythology came down to hold discourse

with mortals; it is how the god of the Christian religion came into

the world for the redemption of mankind; it is how the _logos_ is made

incarnate. In other words, this kind of manifestation from above is, in

our Western tradition, an archetypal process, which the orators of that

tradition are likely to follow implicitly. The idea is supernal; it may

be brought down for representation; but casual, fortuitous, individual

representations are an affront to it. Consequently the representations

are conventionalized images, and work with general efficacy.

This thought carries us back to our original point, which is that

standards of pertinence and impertinence have very deep foundations,

and that one may reveal one’s whole system of philosophy by the stand

one takes on what is pertinent. We have observed that a powerful trend

today is toward the unique detail and the illustration of photographic

realism, and this tendency claims to be more knowledgeable about reality.

In the older tradition which we set out to examine, the abstracted truth

and the illustration which is essentially a construct held a like favor.

It was not said, because there was no contrary style to make the saying

necessary, but it was certainly felt that these came as near the truth

as one gets, if one admits the existence of non-factual kinds of truth.

The two sides do not speak to one another very well across the gulf, but

it is certainly possible to find, and it would seem to be incumbent upon

scholars to find, a conception broad enough to define the difference.

One further clue we have as to how the orator thought and how he

saw himself. There will be observed in most speeches of this era a

stylization of utterance. It is this stylization which largely produces

their declamatory quality. At the same time, as we begin to infer causes,

we discover the source of its propriety; the orator felt that he was

speaking for corporate humanity. He had a sense of stewardship which

would today appear one of the presumptions earlier referred to. The

individual orator was not, except perhaps in certain postures, offering

an individual testimonial. He was the mouthpiece for a collective brand

of wisdom which was not to be delivered in individual accents. We may

suppose that the people did not resent the stylizations of the orator any

more than now they resent the stylizations of the Bible. “That is the

way God talks.” The deity should be above mere novelties of expression,

transparent devices of rhetoric, or importunate appeals for attention. It

is enough for him to be earnest and truthful; we will rise to whatever

patterns of expression it has pleased him to use. Stylization indicates

an attitude which will not concede too much, or certainly will not

concede weakly or complacently. As in point of historical sequence

the language of political discourse succeeded that of the sermon, some

of the latter’s dignity and self-confidence persisted in the way of

formalization. Thus when the orator made gestures toward the occasion,

they were likely to be ceremonious rather than personal or spontaneous,

the oration itself being an occasion of “style.” The modern listener is

very quick to detect a pattern of locution, but he is prone to ascribe it

to situations of weakness rather than of strength.

Of course oratory of the broadly ruminative kind is acceptable only when

we accredit someone with the ability to review our conduct, our destiny,

and the causes of things in general. If we reach a condition in which no

man is believed to have this power, we will accordingly be impatient with

that kind of discourse. It should not be overlooked that although the

masses in any society are comparatively ill-trained and ignorant, they

are very quick to sense attitudes, through their native capacity as human

beings. When attitudes change at the top of society, they are able to

see that change long before they are able to describe it in any language

of their own, and in fact they can see it without ever doing that. The

masses thus follow intellectual styles, and more quickly than is often

supposed, so that, in this particular case, when a general skepticism of

predication sets in among the leaders of thought, the lower ranks are

soon infected with the same thing (though one must make allowance here

for certain barriers to cultural transmission constituted by geography

and language). This principle will explain why there is no more appetite

for the broadly reflective discourse among the general public of today

than among the _élite_. The stewardship of man has been hurt rather than

helped by the attacks upon natural right, and at present nobody knows

who the custodians (in the old sense of “watchers”) are. Consequently

it is not easy for a man to assume the ground requisite for such a

discourse. Speeches today either are made for entertainment, or they

are political speeches for political ends. And the chief characteristic

of the speech for political ends is that it is made for immediate

effect, with the smallest regard for what is politically true. Whereas

formerly its burden was what the people believed or had experienced, the

burden now tends to be what they wish to hear. The increased reliance

upon slogans and catchwords, and the increased use of the argument from

contraries (_e.g._, “the thing my opponent is doing will be welcomed by

the Russians”) are prominent evidences of the trend.[154]

Lastly, the old style may be called, in comparison with what has

succeeded, a polite style. Its very diffuseness conceals a respect for

the powers and limitations of the audience. Bishop Whatley has observed

that highly concentrated expression may be ill suited to persuasion

because the majority of the people are not capable of assimilating

concentrated thought. The principle can be shown through an analogy

with nutrition. It is known that diet must contain a certain amount

of roughage. This roughage is not food in the sense of nutriment; its

function is to dilute or distend the real food in such a way that it

can be most readily assimilated. A concentrate of food is, therefore,

not enough, for there has to be a certain amount of inert matter to

furnish bulk. Something of a very similar nature operates in discourse.

When a piece of oratory intended for a public occasion impresses us as

distended, which is to say, filled up with repetition, periphrasis,

long grammatical forms, and other impediments to directness, we should

recall that the diffuseness all this produces may have a purpose. The

orator may have made a close calculation of the receptive powers of his

audience and have ordered his style to meet that, while continuing to

“sound good” at every point. This represents a form of consideration for

the audience. There exists quite commonly today, at the opposite pole,

a syncopated style. This style, with its suppression of beats and its

consequent effect of hurrying over things, does not show that type of

consideration. It does not give the listener the roughage of verbiage

to chew on while meditating the progress of the thought. Here again

“spaciousness” has a quite rational function in enforcing a measure, so

that the mind and the sentiments too can keep up with the orator in his

course.

Perhaps this is as far as we can go in explaining the one age to another.

We are now in position to realize that the archaic formalism of the old

orator was a structure imparted to his speech by a logic, an aesthetic,

and an epistemology. As a logician he believed in the deduced term, or

the term whose empirical support is not at the moment visible. As an

aesthetician he believed in distance, and that not merely to soften

outline but also to evoke the true picture, which could be obscured by

an injudicious and prying nearness. As an epistemologist he believed, in

addition to the foregoing, that true knowledge somehow had its source

in the mind of minds, for which we are on occasion permitted to speak a

part. All this gave him a peculiar sense of stature. He always talked

like a big man. Our resentment comes from a feeling that with all his

air of confidence he could not have known half as much as we know. But

everything depends on what we mean by knowing; and the age or the man who

has the true conception of that will have, as the terms of the case make

apparent, the key to every other question.

The ethics of rhetoric · 第 6 / 8 章