GRANT'S OCCUPATION OF MISSISSIPPI.
The Slavery Question.--A Generous Offer.--A Journalist's
Modesty.--Hopes of the Mississippians at the Beginning of the
War.--Visiting an Editress.--Literature under Difficulties.--Jacob
Thompson and his Correspondence.--Plans for the Capture of
Vicksburg.--Movements of General Sherman.--The Raid upon Holly
Springs.--Forewarned, but not Forearmed.--A Gallant Fight.
The people of Holly Springs were much excited over the slavery
question. It was then early in December. The President's proclamation
was to have its effect on all States, or portions of States, not
represented in Congress on the first of January following. The
slaveholders desired to have the northern district of Mississippi
represented in Congress before the first of January.
Three or four days after my arrival at Holly Springs I was with a
small party of citizens to whom I had received introduction. The
great question was being discussed. All were agreed that Northern
Mississippi should be represented in Congress at whatever cost.
"Grant has now been in Mississippi nearly two weeks," said the
principal speaker; "we are clearly entitled to representation."
"Certainly we are," responded another; "but who will represent us?"
"Hold an election to-morrow, and choose our man."
"Who will we send? None of us would be received. There isn't a man in
the district who could swear he has taken no part in the Rebellion."
"I have it," said the individual who first proposed an election.
Turning to me, he made a somewhat novel proposition:
"You can represent us in Congress. We've all been so d----d disloyal
that we can't go; but that is no reason why we should not send a loyal
men. Say yes, and we'll meet to-morrow, a dozen of us, and elect you."
Here was an opportunity for glory. Only four days in a State from
which I could go to Congress! I was offered all necessary credentials
to insure my reception. My loyalty could be clearly and easily
proved. My only duties would be to assist in fastening slavery upon
my congressional district. Much as I felt honored at the offer of
distinction, I was obliged to decline it. A similar proposition was
made to another journalist. He, like myself, was governed by modesty,
and begged to be excused from serving.
The desire of this people to be represented in Congress, was a partial
proof that they expected the national authority restored throughout
the country. They professed to believe that our occupation would be
temporary, but their actions did not agree with their words.
They were greatly mortified at the inability of their army to oppose
our advance, and frequently abused the Rebel Government without stint.
They had anticipated an easy victory from the outset, and were greatly
disappointed at the result, up to that time.
"Just see how it is," said a Mississippian one day; "we expected to
whip you without the slightest trouble. We threw the war into the
Border States to keep it off our soil. Mississippi was very earnest
for the Rebellion when Kentucky was the battle-ground. We no more
expected you would come here, than that we should get to the moon.
It is the fortune of war that you have driven us back, but it is very
severe upon the cotton States."
I ventured to ask about the possibilities of repudiation of the Rebel
debt, in case the Confederacy was fairly established.
"Of course we shall repudiate," was the response. "It would be far
better for the Confederacy to do so than to attempt to pay the debt,
or even its interest. Suppose we have a debt of a thousand millions,
at eight per cent. This debt is due to our own people, and they have
to pay the interest upon it. In twelve years and a half they would
have paid another thousand millions, and still be as deeply in debt as
ever. Now, if they repudiate the whole, the country will be a thousand
millions richer at the end of twelve years and a half, than it
otherwise would."
In Mississippi, as well as in other Southern States, I frequently
heard this argument. It is not surprising that the confidence of the
people in their currency was shaken at a very early period.
In its days of prosperity, Holly Springs boasted of two rival papers,
each of them published weekly. One of these died just as the war broke
out. The proprietor of the other, who was at the same time its editor,
went, with his two sons, into the Rebel army, leaving the paper in
charge of his wife. The lady wielded the pen for nearly a year, but
the scarcity of printing-paper compelled her to close her office, a
few months before our arrival.
One afternoon, I accompanied Mr. Colburn, of _The World_, on a visit
to the ex-editress. The lady received our cards and greeted us very
cordially. She spoke, with evident pride, of her struggles to sustain
her paper in war-time and under war prices, and hoped she could soon
resume its publication. She referred to the absence of her husband
and sons in the Rebel service, and was gratified that they had always
borne a good record. She believed in the South and in the justness of
its cause, but was prompt to declare that all the wrong was not on one
side. She neither gave the South extravagant praise, nor visited the
North with denunciation.
She regretted the existence of the war, and charged its beginning upon
the extremists of both sides. Slavery was clearly its cause, and
she should look for its complete destruction in the event of the
restoration of national authority. Through justice to itself, the
North could demand nothing less, and the South must be willing to
abide by the fortune of war.
This woman respected and admired the North, because it was a region
where labor was not degrading.
She had always opposed the Southern sentiment concerning labor, and
educated her children after her own belief. While other boys were
idling in the streets, she had taught her sons all the mysteries of
the printing-office, and made them able to care for themselves. She
was confident they would vindicate the correctness of her theory, by
winning good positions in life. She believed slavery had assisted the
development of the South, but was equally positive that its effect
upon the white race was ruinous in the extreme.
She had no word of abuse for the Union, but spoke of it in terms of
praise. At the same time she expressed an earnest hope for the
success of the Rebellion. She saw the evil of slavery, but wished the
Confederacy established. How she could reconcile all her views I was
unable to ascertain. I do not believe she will take seriously to heart
the defeat of the scheme to found a slaveholders' government. In the
suppression of the Rebellion she will doubtless discover a brilliant
future for "the land of the cypress and myrtle," and bless the day
that witnessed the destruction of slavery.
At Oxford, our forces found the residence of the ex-Hon. Jacob
Thompson, who has since figured prominently as the Rebel agent in
Canada. In his office a letter-book and much correspondence were
secured--the letters showing that the design of a rebellion dated
much further back than the first election of Mr. Lincoln. Some of this
correspondence was given to the public at the time, and proved quite
interesting. The balance was sent to the War Department, where it was
expected to be of service. The books in Mr. Thompson's library found
their way to various parts of the Union, and became scattered where it
will be difficult for their owner to gather them, should he desire to
restore his collection. If "misery loves company," it was doubtless
gratifying to Mr. Thompson to know of the capture of the library and
correspondence of Jefferson Davis, several months later.
Our advance into Mississippi was being successfully pushed, early in
December, 1862. There was a prospect that it would not accomplish
the desired object, the capture of Vicksburg, without some
counter-movement. A force was sent from Helena, Arkansas, to cut the
railway in rear of the Rebel army. Though accomplishing its immediate
object, it did not make a material change in the military situation.
The Rebels continued to hold Grenada, which they had strongly
fortified. They could only be forced from this position by a movement
that should render Grenada of no practical value.
General Grant detached the right wing of his army, with orders to make
a rapid march to Memphis, and thence to descend the Mississippi by
steamboats to Vicksburg. This expedition was commanded by General
Sherman. While the movement was in progress, General Grant was to
push forward, on the line he had been following, and attempt to join
General Sherman at the nearest practicable point on the Yazoo River
above Vicksburg. The fall of Vicksburg was thus thought to be assured,
especially as General Sherman's attack was to be made upon the
defenses in its rear.
General Sherman moved, to Memphis with due celerity. The garrison of
that city was reduced as much as possible to re-enforce his column.
The Army of Arkansas, then at Helena, was temporarily added to his
command. This gave a force exceeding twenty-eight thousand strong
to move upon Vicksburg. It was considered sufficiently large to
accomplish the desired object--the garrison of Vicksburg having been
weakened to strengthen the army in General Grant's front.
I was in Holly Springs when General Sherman began to move toward
Memphis. Thinking there would be active work at Vicksburg, I prepared
to go to Columbus by rail, and take a steamboat thence to Memphis. By
this route it was nearly four hundred miles; but it was safer and
more expeditious to travel in that way than to attempt the "overland"
journey of fifty miles in a direct line.
There were rumors that the Rebels contemplated a raid upon Holly
Springs, for the purpose of cutting General Grant's communications and
destroying the supplies known to be accumulated there. From the most
vague and obscurely-worded hints, given by a Secessionist, I inferred
that such a movement was expected. The Rebels were arranging a cavalry
force to strike a blow somewhere upon our line of railway, and
there was no point more attractive than Holly Springs. I attached no
importance to the story, as I had invariably known the friends of the
Rebels to predict wonderful movements that never occurred.
Meeting the post-commandant shortly afterward, I told him what I had
heard. He assured me there was nothing to fear, and that every thing
was arranged to insure a successful defense. On this point I did not
agree with him. I knew very well that the garrison was not properly
distributed to oppose a dash of the enemy. There were but few men
on picket, and no precautions had been taken against surprise. Our
accumulation of stores was sufficiently large to be worth a strong
effort to destroy them. As I was about ready to leave, I concluded to
take the first train to Columbus.
Less than forty-eight hours after my departure, General Van Dorn, at
the head of five thousand men, entered Holly Springs with very slight
opposition. He found every thing nearly as he could have arranged it
had he planned the defense himself. The commandant, Colonel Murphy,
was afterward dismissed the service for his negligence in preparing to
defend the place after being notified by General Grant that the enemy
was moving to attack him.
The accumulation of supplies at the railway depot, and all the railway
buildings, with their surroundings, were burned. Two trains of cars
were standing ready to move, and these shared a similar fate. In the
center of the town, a building we were using as a magazine was blown
up. The most of the business portion of Holly Springs was destroyed by
fire, communicated from this magazine.
During the first year of the war, Holly Springs was selected as the
site of a "Confederate States Arsenal," and a series of extensive
buildings erected at great expense.
We had converted these buildings into hospitals, and were fitting
them up with suitable accommodations for a large number of sick and
wounded.
After ordering our surgeons to remove their patients, the Rebels set
fire to the hospitals while the yellow flag was floating over them.
General Grant subsequently denounced this act as contrary to the
usages of war.
The Rebels remained in Holly Springs until five o'clock in the
afternoon of the day of their arrival. At their departure they moved
in a northerly direction, evidently designing to visit Grand Junction.
At Davis's Mill, about half-way between Holly Springs and Grand
Junction, they found a small stockade, garrisoned by two companies
of infantry, protecting the railway bridge. They sent forward a
flag-of-truce, and demanded the instant surrender of the stockade.
Their demand was not complied with. That garrison, of less than two
hundred men, fought Van Dorn's entire command four hours, repulsed
three successive charges, and finally compelled the Rebels to retreat.
Van Dorn's northward movement was checked, and our stores at Grand
Junction and Lagrange were saved, by the gallantry of this little
force. General Grant subsequently gave special compliment to the
bravery of these soldiers and their officers, in an order which was
read to every regiment in the Army of the Tennessee.
Our plans were completely deranged by this movement of the enemy. The
supplies and ammunition we had relied upon were destroyed, and
our communications severed. It was impossible to push further into
Mississippi, and preparations were made for immediate retreat.
The railway was repaired and the heavy baggage sent to the rear as
speedily as possible. When this was accomplished the army began to
fall back. Oxford, Abbeville, and Holly Springs were abandoned, and
returned to the protection of the Rebel flag. Northern Mississippi
again became the field for guerrilla warfare, and a source of supply
to the Rebels in the field. The campaign for the capture of Vicksburg
took a new shape from the day our lines were severed.
A few days before the surrender of Vicksburg, General Grant,
in conversation with some friends, referred to his position in
Mississippi, six months before. Had he pressed forward beyond Grenada,
he would have been caught in midwinter in a sea of mud, where the
safety of his army might have been endangered. Van Dorn's raid
compelled him to retreat, saved him from a possible heavier reverse,
and prepared the way for the campaign in which Vicksburg finally
capitulated. A present disaster, it proved the beginning of ultimate
success.