CHAPTER XXII.

THE CAMPAIGN FROM CORINTH.

Changes of Commanders.--Preparations for the Aggressive.--Marching

from Corinth.--Talking with the People.--"You-uns and

We-uns."--Conservatism of a "Regular."--Loyalty and

Disloyalty.--Condition of the Rebel Army.--Foraging.--German Theology

for American Soldiers.--A Modest Landlord.--A Boy without a Name.--The

Freedmen's Bureau.--Employing Negroes.--Holly Springs and its

People.--An Argument for Secession.

Two weeks after the battle of Corinth, General Rosecrans was summoned

to the Army of the Cumberland, to assume command in place of General

Buell. General Grant was placed at the head of the Thirteenth Army

Corps, including all the forces in West Tennessee. Preparations for an

aggressive movement into the enemy's country had been in progress for

some time. Corinth, Bolivar, and Jackson were strongly fortified,

so that a small force could defend them. The base of supply was at

Columbus, Kentucky, eighty-five miles due north of Jackson, thus

giving us a long line of railway to protect.

On the first of November the movement began, by the advance of a

column from Corinth and another from Bolivar. These columns met at

Grand Junction, twenty-five miles north of Holly Springs, and, after

lying there for two weeks, advanced to the occupation of the latter

point. The Rebels evacuated the place on our approach, and after a day

or two at Holly Springs we went forward toward the south. Abbeville

and Oxford were taken, and the Rebels established themselves at

Grenada, a hundred miles south of Memphis.

From Corinth I accompanied the division commanded by General Stanley.

I had known this officer in Missouri, in the first year of the war,

when he claimed to be very "conservative" in his views. During the

campaign with General Lyon he expressed himself opposed to a warfare

that should produce a change in the social status at the South. When I

met him at Corinth he was very "radical" in sentiment, and in favor of

a thorough destruction of the "peculiar institution." He declared that

he had liberated his own slaves, and was determined to set free all

the slaves of any other person that might come in his way. He rejoiced

that the war had not ended during the six months following the fall

of Fort Sumter, as we should then have allowed slavery to exist,

which would have rendered us liable to another rebellion whenever

the Southern leaders chose to make it. We could only be taught by

the logic of events, and it would take two or three years of war to

educate the country to a proper understanding of our position.

It required a war of greater magnitude than was generally expected at

the outset. In 1861 there were few people who would have consented to

interfere with "slavery in the States." The number of these persons

was greater in 1862, but it was not until 1864 that the anti-slavery

sentiment took firm hold of the public mind. In 1861 the voice of

Missouri would have favored the retention of the old system. In 1864

that State became almost as radical as Massachusetts. The change in

public sentiment elsewhere was nearly as great.

During the march from Corinth to Grand Junction, I had frequent

opportunity for conversing with the people along the route. There were

few able-bodied men at home. It was the invariable answer, when we

asked the whereabouts of any citizen, "He's away." Inquiry would

bring a reluctant confession that he had gone to the Rebel army.

Occasionally a woman would boast that she had sent her husband to

fight for his rights and the rights of his State. The violation of

State rights and the infringement upon personal prerogative were

charged upon the National Government as the causes of the war. Some

of the women displayed considerable skill in arguing the question of

secession, but their arguments were generally mingled with invective.

The majority were unable to make any discussion whatever.

"What's you-uns come down here to fight we-uns for?" said one of the

women whose husband was in the Rebel army. "We-uns never did you-uns

no hurt." (This addition of a syllable to the personal pronouns of the

second and third persons is common in some parts of the South, while

in others it will not be heard.)

"Well," said General Stanley, "we came down here because we were

obliged to come. Your people commenced a war, and we are trying to

help you end it."

"We-uns didn't want to fight, no-how. You-uns went and made the war so

as to steal our niggers."

The woman acknowledged that neither her husband nor herself ever

owned negroes, or ever expected to do so. She knew nothing about Fort

Sumter, and only knew that the North elected one President and

the South another, on the same occasion. The South only wanted its

president to rule its own region, but the North wanted to extend its

control over the whole country, so as to steal the negroes. Hence

arose the war.

Some of the poorer whites manifested a loyal feeling, which sprang

from a belief that the establishment of the Confederacy would

not better their condition. This number was not large, but it has

doubtless increased with the termination of the war. The wealthier

portion of the people were invariably in sympathy with the Rebel

cause.

After we reached Grand Junction, and made our camp a short distance

south of that point, we were joined by the column from Bolivar. In the

two columns General Grant had more than forty thousand men, exclusive

of a force under General Sherman, about to move from Memphis. The

Rebel army was at Holly Springs and Abbeville, and was estimated at

fifty thousand strong. Every day found a few deserters coming in

from the Rebels, but their number was not large. The few that came

represented their army to be well supplied with shoes, clothing, and

ammunition, and also well fed. They were nearly recovered from the

effects of their repulse at Corinth, a month before.

Our soldiers foraged at will on the plantations near our camp. The

quantities of supplies that were brought in did not argue that the

country had been previously visited by an army. Mules, horses, cattle,

hogs, sheep, chickens, and other things used by an army, were found in

abundance.

The soldiers did not always confine their foraging to articles of

necessity. A clergyman's library was invaded and plundered. I saw one

soldier bending under the (avoirdupois) weight of three heavy volumes

on theology, printed in the German language. Another soldier, a mere

boy, was carrying away in triumph a copy of Scott's Greek Lexicon. In

every instance when it came to their knowledge, the officers compelled

the soldiers to return the books they had stolen. German theology and

Greek Lexicons were not thought advantageous to an army in the field.

One wing of our army was encamped at Lagrange, Tennessee, and honored

with the presence of General Grant. Lagrange presented a fair example

of the effects of secession upon the interior villages of the South.

Before the war it was the center of a flourishing business. Its

private residences were constructed with considerable magnificence,

and evinced the wealth of their owners. There was a male and a

female college; there was a bank, and there were several stores and

commission houses.

When the war broke out, the young men at the male college enlisted in

the Rebel army. The young women in the female college went to their

homes. The bank was closed for want of funds, the hotels had no

guests, the stores had few customers, and these had no money, the

commission houses could find no cotton to sell and no goods to buy.

Every thing was completely stagnated. All the men who could carry

muskets went to the field. When we occupied the town, there were not

three men remaining who were of the arms-bearing age.

I found in Lagrange a man who _could_ keep a hotel. He was ignorant,

lazy, and his establishment only resembled the Fifth Avenue or the

Continental in the prices charged to the guests. I staid several days

with this Boniface, and enjoyed the usual fare of the interior South.

Calling for my bill at my departure, I found the charges were only

three dollars and fifty cents per day.

My horse had been kept in a vacant and dilapidated stable belonging to

the hotel, but the landlord refused to take any responsibility for

the animal. He had no corn or hay, and his hostler had "gone to the

Yankees!" During my stay I employed a man to purchase corn and give

the desired attention to the horse. The landlord made a charge of one

dollar per day for "hoss-keeping," and was indignant when I entered a

protest. Outside of Newport and Saratoga, I think there are very few

hotel-keepers in the North who would make out and present a bill on so

small a basis as this.

This taverner's wife and daughter professed an utter contempt for all

white persons who degraded themselves to any kind of toil. Of

course, their hostility to the North was very great. Beyond a slight

supervision, they left every thing to the care of the negroes. A

gentleman who was with me sought to make himself acquainted with the

family, and succeeded admirably until, on one evening, he constructed

a small toy to amuse the children. This was too much. He was skillful

with his hands, and must therefore be a "mudsill." His acquaintance

with the ladies of that household came to an end. His manual dexterity

was his ruin.

There was another hotel in Lagrange, a rival establishment, that bore

the reputation of being much the worse in point of comfort. It was

owned by a widow, and this widow had a son--a lank, overgrown youth of

eighteen. His poverty, on one point, was the greatest I ever knew.

He could have been appropriately selected as the hero of a certain

popular novel by Wilkie Collins. No name had ever been given him by

his parents. In his infancy they spoke of him as "the boy." When he

grew large enough to appear on the street with other boys, some one

gave him the _sobriquet_ of "Rough and Ready." From that time forward,

his only praenomen was "Rough." I made several inquiries among his

neighbors, but could not ascertain that he bore any other Christian

appellative.

The first comprehensive order providing for the care of the negroes

in the Southwest, was issued by General Grant while his army lay at

Lagrange and Grand Junction. Previous to that time, the negroes had

been disposed of as each division and post commander thought best,

under his general instructions not to treat them unkindly. Four months

earlier, our authorities at Memphis had enrolled several hundred

able-bodied negroes into an organization for service in the

Quartermaster's Department, in accordance with the provisions of

an order from District Head-Quarters. They threw up fortifications,

loaded and unloaded steamboats, and performed such other labor as was

required. In General Grant's army there was a pioneer corps of three

hundred negroes, under the immediate charge of an overseer, controlled

by an officer of engineers. No steps were then taken to use them as

soldiers.

The number of negroes at our posts and in our camps was rapidly

increasing. Under the previous orders, they were registered and

employed only on Government work. None but the able-bodied males were

thus available. The new arrangements contemplated the employment of

all who were capable of performing any kind of field labor. It was

expected to bring some revenue to the Government, that would partially

cover the expense of providing for the negroes.

The following is the order which General Grant issued:--

HEAD-QUARTERS THIRTEENTH ARMY CORPS,

DEPARTMENT OF THE TENNESSEE,

LAGRANGE, TENNESSEE, _November_ 14, 1862.

SPECIAL FIELD ORDER, NO. 4.

I. Chaplain J. Eaton, Jr., of the Twenty-seventh Ohio Volunteers, is

hereby appointed to take charge of all fugitive slaves that are

now, or may from time to time come, within the military lines of

the advancing army in this vicinity, not employed and registered in

accordance with General Orders, No. 72, from head-quarters District of

West Tennessee, and will open a camp for them at Grand Junction, where

they will be suitably cared for, and organized into companies, and set

to work, picking, ginning, and baling all cotton now outstanding in

fields.

II. Commanding officers of all troops will send all fugitives that

come within the lines, together with such teams, cooking utensils, and

other baggage as they may bring with them, to Chaplain J. Eaton, Jr.,

at Grand Junction.

III. One regiment of infantry from Brigadier-General McArthur's

Division will be temporarily detailed as guard in charge of such

contrabands, and the surgeon of said regiment will be charged with the

care of the sick.

IV. Commissaries of subsistence will issue, on the requisitions of

Chaplain Eaton, omitting the coffee ration, and substituting rye. By

order of Major-General U.S. Grant. JNO. A. RAWLINS, A.A.G.

Chaplain Eaton entered immediately upon the discharge of his duties.

Many division and brigade commanders threw obstacles in his way,

and were very slow to comply with General Grant's order. Some of the

officers of the Commissary Department made every possible delay in

filling Chaplain Eaton's requisitions. The people of the vicinity

laughed at the experiment, and prophesied speedy and complete failure.

They endeavored to insure a failure by stealing the horses and mules,

and disabling the machinery which Chaplain Eaton was using. Failing in

this, they organized guerrilla parties, and attempted to frighten

the negroes from working in the field. They only desisted from this

enterprise when some of their number were killed.

All the negroes that came into the army lines were gathered at Grand

Junction and organized, in compliance with the order. There were many

fields of cotton fully ripened, that required immediate attention.

Cotton-picking commenced, and was extensively prosecuted.

The experiment proved a success. The cotton, in the immediate vicinity

of Grand Junction and Lagrange was gathered, baled, and made ready

for market. For once, the labors of the negro in the Southwest were

bringing an actual return to the Government.

The following year saw the system enlarged, as our armies took

possession of new districts. In 1863, large quantities of cotton were

gathered from fields in the vicinity of Lake Providence and Milliken's

Bend, and the cultivation of plantations was commenced. In 1864, this

last enterprise was still further prosecuted. Chaplain Eaton became

Colonel Eaton, and the humble beginning at Grand Junction grew into a

great scheme for demonstrating the practicability of free labor, and

benefiting the negroes who-had been left without support by reason of

the flight of their owners.

As the army lay in camp near Lagrange for nearly four weeks, and

the enemy was twenty-five miles distant, there was very little war

correspondence to be written. There was an occasional skirmish near

the front, but no important movement whatever. The monotony of

this kind of life, and the tables of the Lagrange hotels, were not

calculated to awaken much enthusiasm. Learning from a staff officer

the probable date when the army would advance, I essayed a visit to

St. Louis, and returned in season to take part in the movement into

Mississippi.

At the time General Grant advanced from Lagrange, he ordered General

Sherman to move from Memphis, so that the two columns would unite in

the vicinity of Oxford, Mississippi. General Sherman pushed his column

as rapidly as possible, and, by the combined movement, the Rebels were

forced out of their defenses beyond Oxford, and compelled to select a

new line in the direction of Grenada. Our flag was steadily advancing

toward the Gulf.

Satisfied there would be no battle until our army had passed Oxford,

I tarried several days at Holly Springs, waiting for the railway to

be opened. I found the town a very pleasant one, finely situated, and

bearing evidence of the wealth and taste of its inhabitants. When

the war broke out, there were only two places in the State that could

boast a larger population than Holly Springs.

At the time of my arrival, the hotels of Holly Springs were not open,

and I was obliged to take a room at a private house with one of the

inhabitants. My host was an earnest advocate of the Rebel cause, and

had the fullest confidence in the ultimate independence of the South.

"We intend," said he, "to establish a strong Government, in which

there will be no danger of interference by any abolitionists. If you

had allowed us to have our own way, there would never have been any

trouble. We didn't want you to have slavery in the North, but we

wanted to go into the Territories, where we had a perfect right, and

do as we pleased about taking our slaves there. The control of the

Government belongs to us. The most of the Presidents have been

from the South, as they ought to be. It was only when you elected

a sectional President, who was sworn to break up slavery, that we

objected. You began the war when you refused us the privilege of

having a national President."

This gentleman argued, further, that the half of all public property

belonged to the South, and it was only just that the State authorities

should take possession of forts and arsenals, as they did at the

inception of the war. It was the especial right of the South to

control the nation. Slavery was instituted from Heaven, for the

especial good of both white and black. Whoever displayed any sympathy

for the negro, and wished to make him free, was doing a great

injustice to the slave and his master, particularly to the latter.

Once he said the destruction of slavery would be unworthy a people who

possessed any gallantry. "You will," he declared, "do a cruel wrong

to many fine ladies. They know nothing about working with their hands,

and consider such knowledge disgraceful. If their slaves are taken

from them, these ladies will be helpless."

This gentleman was the possessor of several negroes, though he lived

in a house that he did not own. Of course, it was a great injustice to

deprive him of his only property, especially as the laws of his State

sanctioned such ownership. He declared he would not submit to any

theft of that character. I do not think I ever saw a person manifest

more passion than was exhibited by this individual on hearings one

afternoon, that one of his slaves had taken refuge in our camp, with

the avowed intention of going North.

"I don't care for the loss," said he, "but what I do care for is, to

be robbed by a nigger. I can endure an injury from a white man; to

have a nigger defy me is too much."

Unfortunate and unhappy man! I presume he is not entirely satisfied

with the present status of the "Peculiar Institution."

The cotton speculators at Holly Springs were guilty of some sharp

transactions. One day a gentleman residing in the vicinity came to

town in order to effect a sale of fifty bales. The cotton was in a

warehouse a half-dozen miles away.

Remaining over night in Holly Springs, and walking to the railway

station in the morning, he found his cotton piled by the track and

ready for shipment. Two men were engaged effacing the marks upon

the bales. By some means they had obtained a sufficient number of

Government wagons to remove the entire lot during the night. It was a

case of downright theft. The offenders were banished beyond the lines

of the army.

In a public office at Holly Springs our soldiers found a great number

of bills on the Northern Bank of Mississippi. They were in sheets,

just as they had come from the press. None of them bore dates or

signatures.

The soldiers supplied all needed chirography, and the bills obtained

a wide circulation. Chickens, pigs, and other small articles were

purchased of the whites and negroes, and paid for with the most

astonishing liberality.

Counterfeits of the Rebel currency were freely distributed, and could

only be distinguished from the genuine by their superior execution.

Among the women in Holly Springs and its vicinity snuff was in great

demand. The article is used by them in much the same way that men chew

tobacco. The practice is known as "dipping," and is disgusting in the

extreme. A stick the size of a common pencil is chewed or beaten at

one end until the fibers are separated. In this condition it forms a

brush.

This brush is moistened with saliva, and plunged into the snuff. The

fine powder which adheres is then rubbed on the gums and among the

teeth. A species of partial intoxication is the result.

The effect of continued "dipping" becomes apparent. The gums are

inflamed, the teeth are discolored, the lips are shriveled, and the

complexion is sallow. The throat is dry and irritated, and there is a

constant desire to expectorate.

I trust the habit will never become a Northern one.

Camp-Fire and Cotton-Field: Southern Adventure in Time of War. Life with the Union Armies, and Residence on a Louisiana Plantation · 第 22 / 48 章