Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 129-31,
and refs. Anselm writes: Fides enim nostra contra impios ratione
defenda est. Epist. ii, 41.
[1379] Ueberweg, i, 381.
[1380] See it in Ueberweg, i, 384-85; cp. Ch. de Rémusat, Saint
Anselme, 1853, pp. 61-62; Dean Church, Saint Anselm, ed. 1888,
pp. 86-87. As to previous instances of Anselm's argument cp. Poole,
Illustrations, p. 338 sq.
[1381] Cp. Ueberweg, i, 379-80.
[1382] Cited by Hampden, Bampton Lect. p. 443.
[1383] Metalogicus, vii, 2; Poole, p. 223.
[1384] Gemma Ecclesiastica, Distinctio i, c. 51; Works, ed. Brewer,
Rolls Series, ii, 148-49; pref. p. xxxv.
[1385] Cp. Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, Ptie. II (1880),
i, 61. Hauréau points out that Simon's writings are strictly orthodox,
whatever his utterances may have been.
[1386] Distinctio, ii, c. 24; pp. liv, 285.
[1387] Cp. Pearson, Hist. of England during the Early and Middle Ages,
ii, 504.
[1388] The Saynt Graal, ed. Furnivall, 1861, pp. 7, 84; History of
the Holy Grail, ed. Furnivall, 1874, pp. 5-7; Pearson, as cited,
i, 606-607.
[1389] Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i, 1870, p. 502.
[1390] Poole, pp. 141-42.
[1391] "Humanas ac philosophicas rationes requirebant; et plus quæ
intelligi quam quæ dici possent efflagitabant" (Historia calamitatum
mearum, ed. Gréard, p. 36).
[1392] Id. ib.
[1393] Ueberweg, i, 387.
[1394] Ueberweg, i, 391. Cp. Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 111.
[1395] Ueberweg, i, 394-95.
[1396] Hampden, Bampton Lect. pp. 420-21.
[1397] Poole, p. 175. It is not impossible that, as Sismondi suggests
(Histoire des Français, ed. 1823, v, 294-96), Abailard was persecuted
mainly because of the dangerous anti-papal movement maintained in Italy
for fifteen years (1139-1155) by his doctrinally orthodox pupil, Arnold
of Brescia. But Hampden (p. 40), agreeing with Guizot (Hist. de Civ. en
Europe; Hist. mod. Leçon 6), pronounces that "there was no sympathy
between the efforts of the Italian Republics to obtain social liberty,
and those within the Church to recover personal freedom of thought."
[1398] Poole, pp. 117-23, 169.
[1399] Ueberweg, i, 398.
[1400] Poole, p. 173.
[1401] Cp. Poole, p. 153. It is difficult to doubt that the series
of patristic deliverances against reason in the first section of Sic
et Non was compiled by Abailard in a spirit of dissent.
[1402] Cp. Hardwick, p. 279; and see p. 275, note, for Bernard's
dislike of his demand for clearness: "Nihil videt per speculum et in
aenigmate, sed facie ad faciem omnia intuetur."
[1403] Poole, p. 161. Cp. Dr. Hastings Rashdall on the "pious
scurrility" of Bernard. The Universities of Europe in the Middle
Ages, 1895, i, 57, note. Contrast the singularly laudatory account
of St. Bernard given by two contemporary Positivists, Mr. Cotter
Morison in his Life and Times of St. Bernard, and Mr. F. Harrison
in his essay on that work in his Choice of Books. The subject is
discussed in the present writer's paper on "The Ethics of Propaganda"
in Essays in Ethics.
[1404] Erdmann, History of Philosophy, Eng. tr. 3rd ed. i, 325.
[1405] Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i (1872), 534-46.
[1406] Id. citing the Polycraticus, l. vii, c. 2.
[1407] Polycraticus, l. vii, c. 7.
[1408] Cp. Poole, pp. 220-22; the extracts of Hampden, pp. 438-43;
and the summing-up of Hauréau. Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i
(1870), 357.
[1409] Historia calamitatum, as cited. Cp. p. 10 for Abailard's own
opinion of Anselm of Laon, whom he compares to a leafy but fruitless
tree.
[1410] Matthew Paris, sub. ann. 1201. There is a somewhat
circumstantial air about this story, Simon's reply being made to begin
humorously with a Jesule. Jesule! Matthew, however, tells on this
item the story of Simon's miraculous punishment which Giraldus tells
on a quite different text. Matthew is indignant with the scholastic
arrogance which has led many to "suppress" the miracle.
[1411] Ueberweg, i, 419, 430; Hampden, p. 443 sq. Cp. Renan, Averroès,
p. 173 sq.
[1412] Ueberweg, i, 418. The Karaïtes may be described as Jewish
Protestants or Puritans. Cp. Schechter, Studies in Judaism, 1896,
pp. 252-54.
[1413] Schechter (as cited, pp. 197, 417) gives two sets of dates,
the second being 1135-1204.
[1414] For a good survey of the medieval Hebrew thought in general
see Joel, Beiträge zur Gesch. der Philos. 1876; and as to Maimonides
see A. Franck's Études Orientales, 1861; Hauréau, Hist. de la
philos. scolastique, Ptie II, i, 41-46; and Renan, Averroès,
pp. 177-82.
[1415] Schechter, Studies in Judaism, pp. 422-23.
[1416] Id. p. 208.
[1417] Ueberweg, i, 428; Schechter, p. 424.
[1418] Renan, Averroès, p. 183.
[1419] Schechter, pp. 83-85.
[1420] Hauréau pronounces (II, i, 29-34) that Avicebron should be
ranked among the most sincere and resolute of pantheists. His chief
work was the Fons vitæ.
[1421] Renan, Averroès, pp. 100, 175.
[1422] Spinoza, Tractatus Theologico-Politicus, c. 8, ad init.
[1423] Mémoires de Joinville, ed. 1871, ii, 16.
[1424] Renan, Averroès, pp. 222-24.
[1425] Huber, Johannes Scotus Erigena, p. 435; Christlieb, Leben und
Lehre des Johannes Scotus Erigena, 1860, p. 438. Copies of John's
writings were found in the hands of the sectaries of Amalrich and
David; and in 1226 the writings in question were condemned and burnt
accordingly. Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i, 175.
[1426] Ueberweg, i, 388, 431; Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 112-14;
Renan, p. 223; Hahn, Geschichte der Ketzer im Mittelalter, 1845-50,
iii, 176-92.
[1427] Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 12.
[1428] Poole, p. 225; Ueberweg, i, 431.
[1429] Lecky's description (Rationalism in Europe, ed. 1887, i, 48)
of Averroïsm as a "stern and uncompromising infidelity" is hopelessly
astray.
[1430] Summa Theologica, Prima Secundae, Quæst. LXXXV, Art. 6. Compare
Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i, 189, for a trace of
the idea of natura naturans in John Scotus and Heiric, in the ninth
century.
[1431] Renan, p. 236 sq.
[1432] Cp. Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter,
ii, 130.
[1433] Milman, Latin Christianity, 4th ed. ix, 133.
[1434] Robins. A Defence of the Faith, 1862, pt. i, pp. 38-39. Compare
Rashdall, Universities in the Middle Ages, i, 264; and Maurice,
Medieval Philosophy, 2nd ed. pp. 188-90. It is noteworthy that the
Summa of Thomas was a favourite study of Descartes, who read hardly
any other theologian.
[1435] Cp. Milman, ix, 143.
[1436] See the comments of Giraldus Cambrensis in the proem to
his Speculum Ecclesiæ Brewer's ed. in Rolls Series, i. 9; and
pref. pp. xii-xiii.
[1437] Cp. Renan. Averroès, p. 267, as to the polemic of William
of Auvergne.
[1438] Renan, pp. 567-68.
[1439] Id. pp. 269-71, and refs.
[1440] Renan, pp. 273-75, and refs.; Ueberweg, i, 460, and refs.;
Maywald, Die Lehre von der zweifachen Wahrheit, 1871, p. 11; Lange,
i, 182 (tr. i, 218).
[1441] Of John XXI, who had in 1276 condemned the doctrine of a
twofold truth.
[1442] Cp. Gebhart, Origines de la Renaissance, pp. 29-44. And see
above, p. 308.
[1443] Berington, Lit. Hist. of the Middle Ages, p. 245. See above,
p. 310.
[1444] See the Summa of the Inquisitor Bartholomæus Fumus, Venet. 1554,
s.v. Infidelitas, fol. 261, § 5; and the Summa of Thomas, Secunda
Secundæ, Quæst. X, Art. 2.
[1445] It is sometimes described as a formidable product of doubt;
and again by M. de Rémusat as "consecrated to controversy rather than
to skepticism." Cp. Pearson, Hist. of England in the Early and Middle
Ages, 1867, i. 609. The view in the text seems the just mean. Cp. Lea,
Hist. of the Inquisition, i. 57. In itself the book is for a modern
reader a mere collection of the edifying contradictions of theologians;
but such a collection must in any age have been a perplexity to faith;
and it is not surprising that it remained unpublished until edited
by Cousin (see the Ouvrages inédits, intr. pp. clxxxv-ix). That
writer justly sums up that such antinomies "condamnent l'esprit à un
doute salutaire." The Rev. A. S. Farrar pronounces that "the critical
independence of Nominalism, in a mind like that of Abailard, represents
the destructive action of freethought, partly as early Protestantism,
partly as skepticism" (Crit. Hist. of Freethought, p. 12).
[1446] Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, i, 421-22, 556-58, 575; U. Burke,
Hist. of Spain, Hume's ed. 1900, ii, 351-52. For a detailed description
of the methods of ecclesiastical torture, Burke refers to the treatise,
De Catholicis Institutionibus, by Simancas, Bishop of Beja, Rome,
1575, tit. lxv, De Tormentis, p. 491 sq.
[1447] Torture was inflicted on witnesses in England in 1311, by
special inquisitors, under the mandate of Clement V, in defiance of
English law; and under Edward II it was used in England as elsewhere
against the Templars.
[1448] Istorie fiorentine, iv, 29.
[1449] See below, p. 325.
[1450] Villari, Two First Centuries of Florentine History,
Eng. tr. 1901, pp. 110-12.
[1451] Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 167.
[1452] Id. i, 164-66.
[1453] The Moslems were inclined to regard him as of their creed
"because educated in Sicily." Cantù, Gli Eretici d'Italia, 1865, i, 66.
[1454] See Gieseler, as cited below; and Reid's Mosheim, p. 437, note.
[1455] Milman, Latin Christianity, vi, 150; Lea, Hist. of the
Inquisition, i, 221.
[1456] Milman, vi, 150, 158.
[1457] Renan, Averroès, p. 289.
[1458] Renan, Averroès, pp. 205-10. Michael Scotus may have been, like
John Scotus, an Irishman, but his refusal to accept the archbishopric
of Cashel, on the ground that he did not know the native language,
makes this doubtful. The identification of him with a Scottish knight,
Sir Michael Scott, still persisted in by some scholars on the strength
of Sir Walter Scott's hasty note to The Lay of the Last Minstrel,
is destitute of probability. See the Rev. J. Wood Brown's Inquiry
into the Life and Legend of Michael Scot, 1897, pp. 160-61, 175-76.
[1459] Inferno, xx, 515-17.
[1460] Cantù, Gli Eretici d'Italia, i, 65-66; the Pope's letter,
as cited; Renan, Averroès, pp. 287-91, 296.
[1461] See the verdict of Gieseler, Eng. tr. iii (1853), p. 103, note.
[1462] Milman, vi, 158-59.
[1463] Id. p. 154. Cp. the author's Evolution of States, 1912, p. 382.
[1464] G. Villani, Istorie fiorentine, vi, 46.
[1465] Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. i, ch. ii, § 2, citing in particular
Moneta's Summa contra Catharos et Valdenses, lib. V, cc. 4, 11, 15;
Tempier (bishop of Paris), Indiculum Errorum (1272) in the Bibliotheca
Patrum Maxima, t. xxv; Bulæus, Hist. Acad. Paris, iii, 433--as to the
Averroïsts at Paris, described above, p. 319. Cp. Renan, Averroès,
pp. 230-31, citing William of Auvergne, and pp. 283, 285; Ozanam,
Dante, 6e édit. pp. 86, 101, 111-12; Gebhart, Origines de la Renais,
pp. 79-81; Lange, i, 182 (tr. i, 218); Sharon Turner, Hist. of England
during the Middle Ages, 2nd ed. v, 136-38.
[1466] Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, iii, 560-61.
[1467] Perrens, La civilisation florentine du 13e au 16e siècle,
1892, p. 101. Above, p. 322.
[1468] Inferno, Canto x, 14-15, 118.
[1469] Ottavio Ubaldini, d. 1273, of whom the commentators tell that
he said that if there were such a thing as a soul he had lost his
for the cause of the Ghibellines.
[1470] As to whom see Renan, Averroès, p. 285, note; Gebhart,
Renaissance, p. 81. His son Guido, "the first friend and the companion
of all the youth of Dante," was reputed an atheist (Decameron, vi,
9). Cp. Cesare Balbo, Vita di Dante, ed. 1853, pp. 48-49. But see Owen,
Skeptics of the Ital. Renais., p. 138, note.
[1471] In the Convito, ii, 9, he writes that, "among all the
bestialities, that is the most foolish, the most vile, the most
damnable, which believes no other life to be after this life." Another
passage (iv, 5) heaps curses on the "most foolish and vile beasts
... who presume to speak against our Faith."
[1472] Cp. Ozanam, Dante, 6e édit. pp. 111-12, as to anti-Christian
movements.
[1473] Lecky, Rationalism in Europe, i, 83, note; Renan, Averroès,
pp. 326-27; Cantù, Gli Eretici d'Italia, i, 177. and note 13 on p. 196.
[1474] Cp. Labitte, La Divine Comédie avant Dante, as cited, p. 139.
[1475] Michelet argues that Italy was "anti-Dantesque" in the
Renaissance (Hist. de France, vii, Intr. § 9 and App.), but he
exaggerates the common disregard of the Commedia.
[1476] As to an element of doubt, even in Dante, concerning Divine
government, see Burckhardt, p. 497. But the attempt made by some
critics to show that the "sins" to which Dante confessed had been
intellectual--i.e., heresies--falls to the ground. See Döllinger,
Studies in European History, Eng. tr. 1890, pp. 87-90; and cp. Cantù,
Gli Eretici d'Italia, i, 144 sq. on the whole question.
[1477] Cesare Balbo, Vita di Dante, ed. 1853, pp. 416-17, 433.
[1478] Cantù. Eretici d' Italia, i, 153. Cantù gives an account of
the trial process.
[1479] G. Villani, x, 39. It is to be noted that the horoscope of Jesus
was cast by several professed believers, as Albertus Magnus and Pierre
d'Ailli, Cardinal and Bishop of Cambrai, as well as by Cardan. See
Bayle, art. Cardan, note Q; and cp. Renan, Averroès, p. 326.
[1480] Cp. Owen, pp. 128, 135-42; Hallam, Lit. Hist., i, 141-42;
Milman, bk. xiv, ch. v, end.
[1481] Decam., Gior. i, nov. 2.
[1482] Gior. i, nov. 3.
[1483] Dr. Marcus Landau, Die Quellen des Dekameron, 2te Aufl. 1884,
p. 182.
[1484] The story is recorded to have been current among the
Motecallemîn--a party kindred to the Motazilites--in Bagdad. Renan,
Averroès, p. 293, citing Dozy. Renan thinks it may have been of Jewish
origin. Id. p. 294, note.
[1485] Schechter, Studies in Judaism, 1896, pp. 207-208.
[1486] It is found some time before Boccaccio in the Cento Novelle
antiche (No. 72 or 73) in a simpler form; but Landau (p. 183) thinks
Boccaccio's immediate source was the version of Busone da Gubbio
(b. 1280), who had improved on the version in the Cento Novelle,
while Boccaccio in turn improved on him by treating the Jew more
tolerantly. Bartoli (I Precursori del Boccaccio, 1876, pp. 26-28)
disputes any immediate debt to Busone; as does Owen, Skeptics of the
Ital. Renais., p. 29, note.
[1487] Burckhardt (Renaissance in Italy, p. 493, note) points out that
Boccaccio is the first to name the Christian religion, his Italian
predecessors avoiding the idea; and that in one eastern version the
story is used polemically against the Christians.
[1488] Owen, p. 142, and refs.
[1489] Id. pp. 143-45. He was even so far terrorized by the menaces
of a monk (who appeared to him to have occult knowledge of some of
his secrets) as to propose to give up his classical studies; and
would have done so but for Petrarch's dissuasion. Petrarch's letter
(Epist. Senil., i, 5) is translated (Lett. xii) by M. Develay,
Lettres de Péttrarque à Boccace.
[1490] Gasquet, The Great Pestilence, 1893, pp. 28, 32, 37, and refs.
[1491] Id. pp. 11, 41.
[1492] Probably 25,000 in England alone, including monks. Id. p. 204.
[1493] Id. pp. 205-208, 213, 216.
[1494] Below, § 11.
[1495] As to his anti-clericalism, cp. Gebhart, Orig. de la Renais.,
p. 71, and ref.; Owen, p. 113.
[1496] Cp. Rashdall, Universities in the Middle Ages, i, 264.
[1497] See the exposition of Owen, pp. 109-28. and refs. on p. 113.
[1498] Renan, Averroès, p. 328.
[1499] Méziéres, Pétrarque, 1868, p. 362.
[1500] It is to be noted that in his opposition to the scholastics
he had predecessors. Cp. Gebhart, Orig. de la Renais., p. 65.
[1501] Owen, p. 113. It is to be remembered that Dante also (Convito,
ii, 8, 9; iii, 14; iv, 7) exalts Reason; but he uses the word in the
old sense of mere mentality--the thinking as distinguished from the
sensuous element in man; and he was fierce against all resort to reason
as against faith. Petrarch was of course more of a rationalist. As to
his philosophic skepticism, see Owen, p. 120. He drew the line only
at doubting those things "in which doubt is sacrilege." Nevertheless
he grounded his belief in immortality not on the Christian creed,
but on the arguments of the pagans (Burckhardt, p. 546).
[1502] Epist. sine titulo, cited by Renan, Averroès, p. 299. For the
phrases put in Averroës' mouth by Christians, see pp. 294-98.
[1503] Inferno, iv, 144.
[1504] Renan, Averroès, pp. 301-15.
[1505] Id. pp. 333-37; Cantù, Gli Eretici d'ltalia, i, 176 and refs.
[1506] Renan, pp. 326-27.
[1507] Id. pp. 318-20.
[1508] Justinger, cited in The Pope and the Council, Eng. tr. p. 298.
[1509] Hardwick, p. 357, note.
[1510] Cp. Bonnechose, Reformers before the the Reformation,
Eng. tr. 1844, i, 40-43.
[1511] "Janus" (i.e. Döllinger), The Pope and the Council, Eng. tr. 2nd
ed. 1869, pp. 292-95. This weighty work, sometimes mistakenly ascribed
to Huber, who collaborated in it, was recast by commission and
posthumously published as Das Papstthum, by J. Friedrich, München,
1892.
[1512] Hallam, Middle Ages, 11th ed. ii, 218; Lea, Hist. of the
Inquis., i, 5-34; Gieseler, § 90 (ii, 572); Freytag, Bilder aus der
deutschen Vergangenheit, 4te aufl. ii, 318-19.
[1513] The Pope and the Council, p. 220. For proofs see same work,
pp. 220-34.
[1514] "La satire est la plus complète manifestation de la pensée
libre au moyen âge. Dans ce monde ou le dogmatisme impitoyable au
sein de l'Église et de l'école frappe comme hérétique tout dissident,
l'esprit critique n'a pas trouvé de voie plus sûre, plus rapide et plus
populaire, que la parodie" (Lenient, La Satire en France au moyen âge,
1859, p. 14).
[1515] Cp. Lenient, as cited, p. 21.
[1516] See in Symonds's Renaissance in Italy, vol. i (Age of the
Despots), ed. 1897, pp. 361-69, and Appendix IV, on "Religious
Revivals in Medieval Italy." Those revivals occurred from time to
time after Savonarola.
[1517] Cp. Villari, Machiavelli, i, 138.
[1518] Gieseler, Per. III. Div. iii, § 90; Lea, Hist. of Inquis.,
ii, 319-20.
[1519] Kurtz, i, 435-36.
[1520] Lea, i, 320-21. Cp. Ullmann, Reformers before the Reformation,
Eng. tr. ii, 15-22; and Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 11, and
notes. The doctrine of the treatise De Novem Rupibus is that of an
educated thinker, and is in parts strongly antinomian, but always on
pantheistic grounds.
[1521] Lea, i, 323-24.
[1522] Cp. Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung, ii, 240-49.
[1523] Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 40-43, and notes; ch. v,
§ 9. The names Beguin and Beghard seem to have been derived from the
old German verb beggan, to beg. In the Netherlands, Beguine was a
name for women; and Beghard for men.
[1524] See the record in Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, bk. iii,
chs. i-iii.
[1525] Praised in the Roman de la Rose, Eng. vers. in Skeat's Chaucer,
i, 244; Bell's ed. iv, 228. William was answered by the Dominican
Thomas Aquinas.
[1526] See Biog. Introd. to ed. of the Philobiblon by E. C. Thomas,
1888, pp. xliii-xlvii.
[1527] C. 4, Querimonia librorum contra clericos jam promotos; C. 5,
... contra religiosos possessionatos; C. 6, ... contra religiosos
mendicantes.
[1528] Ed. Thomas, as cited, pp. xlvi-vii.
[1529] Cp. Mosheim, 13 C. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 18-40; Hallam, Middle
Ages, ch. vii, pt. 2; Gebhart, Origines de la Renais., p. 42;
Berington, Lit. Hist. of the Middle Ages, p. 244; Lea, Hist. of
Inq., bk. iii, ch. i. The special work of the Dominicans was the
establishment everywhere of the Inquisition. Mosheim, as last cited,
ch. v, §§ 3-6, and notes; Lea, ii, 200-201; Milman, Latin Christianity,
ix, 155-56; Llorente, Hist. Crit. de l'Inquis. en Espagne, as cited,
i, 49-55, 68, etc.
[1530] As to the development of the Beguines from an original basis of
charitable co-operation see Ullmann, Reformers before the Reformation,
ii, 13; Lea, ii, 351.
[1531] Lea, iii, 10.
[1532] See the thirteenth-century memoirs of Fra Salimbene, Eng. tr. in
T. K. L. Oliphant's The Duke and the Scholar, 1875, pp. 98, 103-104,
108-10, 116, 130.
[1533] The Introduction to the book, probably written by the Franciscan
Gerhard, made St. Francis the angel of Rev. xiv, 6; and the ministers
of the new order were to be his friars. Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii,
ch. ii, §§ 33-36, and notes. Cp. Lea, as cited; and Hahn, Gesch. der
Ketzer im Mittelalter, 1845-50, iii, 72-175--a very full account of
Joachim's teaching.
[1534] Lea, iii, 20-25.
[1535] Le Clerc, Hist. Litt. de la France, xx, 230; Milman, Latin
Christianity, ix, 155.
[1536] Averroès, pp. 259-60.
[1537] Cp. Mosheim, 14 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 5; and Burnet's
Letters, ed. Rotterdam, 1686, p. 31.
[1538] Cp. Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 75-76.
[1539] Lea, iii, 104.
[1540] Hardwick, p. 316; Lea, iii, 109; Mosheim, 12 Cent. pt. ii,
ch. v, §§ 14-16. A sect of Apostolici had existed in Asia Minor in
the fourth century. Kurtz, i, 242. Cp. Lea, i, 109, note. Those of
the twelfth century were vehemently opposed by St. Bernard.
[1541] Lea, iii, 109-19.
[1542] Lea, p. 121; Kurtz, i, 437; Hardwick, p. 315, note; Mosheim,
13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 14, and note. See Dante, Inferno, xxviii,
55-60, as to Dolcino.
[1543] Lea, p. 125.
[1544] As to the external movements connected with Joachim's Gospel
see Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, §§ 13-15. They were put down by
sheer bloodshed. Cp. Ueberweg, i, 431; Lea, pp. 25-26, 86.
[1545] Hist. de France, vol. x; La Réforme, ed. 1884, p. 333.
[1546] See the author's notes to his ed. of Buckle (Routledge), 1904,
pp. 539, 547.
[1547] U. R. Burke, History of Spain, Hume's ed. i, 109-10.
[1548] McCrie, Reformation in Spain, ed. 1856, p. 41; Burke, as cited,
ii, 55-56.
[1549] Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, i, 81.
[1550] Burke, i, 218.
[1551] Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, ii, 54-55.
[1552] Id. ii, 58.
[1553] Lea, iii, 560.
[1554] Personally he discouraged heresy-hunting. Burke, ii, 66.
[1555] Burke, i, 268-73; Dunham, Hist. of Spain and Portugal, 1832,
iv, 260.
[1556] Lea, iii, 24.
[1557] Burke, ii, 65.
[1558] Lea, ii, 183.
[1559] Id. i, 221.
[1560] Burke, ii, 66-67.
[1561] Lea, iii, 85-86.
[1562] Id. pp. 52-53; McCrie, Reformation in Spain, p. 20.
[1563] Bonet-Maury, Les Précurseurs de la Réforme, 1904, pp. 114-19.
[1564] Lea, iii, 86.
[1565] Burke, ii, 57.
[1566] Id. ii, 62-63.
[1567] Lea, iii, 564.
[1568] Id. ii, 187-88.
[1569] Lea, ii, 287; Burke, ii, 67-69.
[1570] Burke, ii, 77, citing Lafuente, ix, 233.
[1571] Id. citing Bergenroth, Calendar, etc. i, 37.
[1572] Even as late as 1591, in Aragon, when in a riot against the
Inquisition the Inquisitors barely escaped with their lives. Burke,
ii, 80, note.
[1573] Id. pp. 81-82.
[1574] There had previously been sharp social persecution by the
Cortès, in 1480, on "anti-Semitic" grounds, the Jews being then
debarred from all the professions, and even from commerce. They were
thus driven to usury by Christians, who latterly denounce the race for
usuriousness. Cp. Michelet, Hist. de France, x, ed. 1884, p. 15, note.
[1575] The number has been put as high as 800,000. Cp. F. D. Mocatta,
The Jews and the Inquisition, 1877, p. 54; E. La Rigaudière,
Hist. des Perséc. Relig. en Espagne, 1860, pp. 112-14; Prescott,
Hist. of Ferdinand and Isabella, Kirk's ed. 1889, p. 323; and refs. in
ed. of Buckle cited, p. 541.
[1576] Llorente, Hist. Crit. de l'Inquis. en Espagne, ed. 1818, i,
280. As to Llorente's other estimates, which are of doubtful value,
cp. Prescott's note, ed. cited, p. 746. But as to Llorente's general
credit, see the vindication of U. R. Burke, ii, 85-87.
[1577] Llorente, i, 281.
[1578] McCrie, Reformation in Spain, ch. viii.
[1579] Cp. La Rigaudière, pp. 309-14; Buckle, as cited, pp. 514, 570;
U. R. Burke, i, 59, 85.
[1580] Cp. Émile Charles, Roger Bacon, Paris, 1861, p. 23.
[1581] Cp. Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, Ptie. ii, 1880,
vol. ii, p. 79.
[1582] This sum of libri has been taken by English writers to stand
for English "pounds." It may however have represented Parisian livres.
[1583] Prof. Brewer, Introd. to Opera Inedita of Roger Bacon, 1859,
pp. xiv-xxiii.
[1584] Id. p. xlvi.
[1585] Id. p. xxx, sq.
[1586] Id. pp. liv-lv.
[1587] Compendium Philosophiæ, cap. i, in Op. Ined., pp. 398-401.
[1588] Id. p. 401. Cp. p. 412 as to the multitude of theologians at
Paris banished for sodomy.
[1589] Id. p. 422.
[1590] Id. cc. ii-v, pp. 404-32.
[1591] Brewer, p. xciii, note, cites this in an extract from
the Chronicle of Antoninus, Archbishop of Florence, a late
writer of the fifteenth century, who "gives no authority for his
statement." Dr. Bridges, however, was enabled by M. Sabatier to
trace the passage back to the MS. Chronica xxiv Generalium Ordinis
Minorum, which belongs to the first half of the fourteenth century;
and the passage, as M. Sabatier remarks, has all the appearance of
being an extract from the official journal of this Order. (Bridges,
The "Opus Majus" of Roger Bacon, Suppl. vol. 1900, p. 158.)
[1592] "Il etait né rebelle." "Le mépris systématique de l'autorité,
voilà vraiment ce qu'il professe." (Hauréau, Ptie. II, ii, 76, 85.)
[1593] See the sympathetic accounts of Baden Powell, Hist. of
Nat. Philos. 1834, pp. 100-12; White, Warfare of Science with Theology,
i, 379-91.
[1594] Erdmann, History of Philosophy, Eng. tr. 3rd ed. i, 476.
[1595] Humboldt, Examen Crit. de l'hist. de la Géographie, 1836-39,
i, 64-70, gives the passages in the Opus Majus and the Imago Mundi,
and paraphrase of the latter in Columbus's letter to Ferdinand
and Isabella from Jamaica (given also in P. L. Ford's Writings of
Christopher Columbus, 1892, p. 199 sq.). Cp. Ellis's note to Francis
Bacon's Temporis Partus Masculus, in Ellis and Spedding's ed. of
Bacon's Works, iii, 534. It should be remembered in this connection
that Columbus found believers, in the early stage of his undertaking,
only in two friars, one a Franciscan and one a Dominican. See Ford's
ed. of the Writings, p. 107.
[1596] Cp. Hauréau, Ptie. II, ii, 95.
[1597] Opus Majus, Pars ii, cap. 5.
[1598] Renan, Averroès, p. 263. Bacon mentions Averroës in the Opus
Majus, P. i, cc. 6, 15; P. ii, c. 13; ed. Bridges, iii (1900), 14, 33,
67. In the passage last cited he calls him "homo solidae sapientiae,
corrigens multa priorum et addens multa, quamvis corrigendus sit in
aliquibus, et in multis complendus."
[1599] See the careful notice by Prof. Adamson in Dict. of
Nat. Biog. Cp. Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 152-60; Lewes, Hist. of
Philos. ii, 77-87.
[1600] Two Englishmen, the Carmelite John of Baconthorpe (d. 1346)
and Walter Burleigh, were among the orthodox Averroïsts; the latter
figuring as a Realist against William of Occam.
[1601] Legend of Good Women, ll. 1039-43; Parliament of Fowls,
ll. 199-200.
[1602] Prologue to the Canterbury Tales, 438 (440).
[1603] Id. 653-61 (655-63). Cp. Tale of the Wife of Bath; 1-25.
[1604] Legend of Good Women, prol. ll. 1-9; Knight's Tale, ll. 1951-56
(2809-14 of MS. group A).
[1605] The notion connects with the spurious Ploughman's Tale and
Pilgrim's Tale, as to which see Lounsbury, as cited, i, 460-73;
ii, 460-69.
[1606] Vision of Piers Ploughman, ll. 5809 sq. Wright's ed. i, 179-80.
[1607] Chaucer's Boece, B. I. Prose iv. ll. 223-26, in Skeat's
Student's Chaucer.
[1608] Mosheim, 14 Cent. Pt. ii, ch. ii, § 36, and note. Cp. Green,
Short History of the English People, ch. v, § 3, ed. 1881, p. 235.
[1609] Cp. Green, Short Hist. ch. v, § 5; Massingberd, The English
Reformation, p. 171.
[1610] Cited by Lechler, Wycliffe and his English Precursors,
Eng. tr. 1-vol. ed. p. 440.
[1611] Cp. Prof. Montagu Burrows, Wiclif's Place in History, 1884,
p. 49. Maitland (Eight Essays, 1852) suggested derivation from the
movement of Abbot Joachim and others of that period.
[1612] Wilkins' Concilia, ii, 124.
[1613] Cp. Vaughan, as cited by Hardwick, Church History: Middle Age,
p. 402.
[1614] Hardwick, pp. 417, 418. The doctrine of purgatory was, however,
soon renounced by the Lollards (id. p. 420).
[1615] See the passages cited in Lewis's Life of Wiclif, ed. 1820,
pp. 224-25. Cp. Burrows, as cited, p. 19; Le Bas, Life of Wiclif,
1832, pp. 357-59.
[1616] Lechler, Wycliffe and his Eng. Precursors, pp. 371-76; Hardwick,
p. 412.
[1617] Cp. Green, Short History, ch. v, § 4.
[1618] Lechler, p. 236. It forms bk. vi of Wiclif's theological Summa.
[1619] Baxter, in his address "To the doubting and unbelieving
readers" prefixed to his Reasons of the Christian Religion, 1667,
names Savonarola, Campanella, Ficinus, Vives, Mornay, Grotius,
Cameron, and Micraelius as defenders of the faith, but no writer of
the fourteenth century.
[1620] Cp. Le Bas, pp. 342-43; and Hardwick, Church Hist.: Middle Age,
p. 415.
[1621] Lechler, p. 236.
[1622] Blunt, Reformation of the Church of England, 1892, i, 284,
and refs.
[1623] It is noteworthy that French culture affected the very
vocabulary of Dante, as it did that of his teacher, Brunetto
Latini. Cp. Littré, Etudes sur les barbares et le moyen âge, 3e
édit. pp. 399-400. The influence of French literature is further seen
in Boccaccio, and in Italian literature in general from the thirteenth
to the fifteenth century. Gebhart, pp. 209-21.
[1624] Saintsbury, Short Hist. of French Lit. 1882, p. 57.
[1625] Passage not translated in the old Eng. version.
[1626] Cp. Lenient, pp. 159-60.
[1627] Lenient, p. 169.
[1628] This declaration, as it happens, is put in the mouth of
"False-Seeming," but apparently with no ironical intention.
[1629] Lanson, Hist. de la litt. française, p. 132.
[1630] Id. p. 135.
[1631] Duruy, Hist. de France, ed. 1880, i, 440-41; Gebhart, Orig. de
la Renais. pp. 2, 19, 24-29, 32-35, 41-50; Le Clerc and Renan,
Hist. Litt. de la France au XIVe Siècle, i, 4; ii, 123; Littré,
Études, as cited, pp. 424-29.
[1632] Duruy, i, 409 sq., 449; Gebhart, pp. 35-41; Morin, Origines
de la Démocratie: La France au moyen âge, 3e édit. 1865, p. 304 sq.
[1633] Cp. Michelet, Hist. de France, vii, Renaissance, Introd. §
ii. Between the thirteenth and the fifteenth centuries, he insists,
"le jour baisse horriblement."
[1634] Ozanam, Dante, 6e édit. pp. 47, 78, 108-10.
[1635] Littré, Études, as cited, pp. 411-13.
[1636] Le Clerc, as cited, p. 259; Gebhart, pp. 48-49.
[1637] Sir James F. Stephen, Horæ Sabbaticæ, 1892, i, 42.
[1638] The Italians said of the French Pope Clement VI (1342-52)
that he had small religion. M. Villani, Cronica, iii, 43 (ed. 1554).
[1639] Cp. Dr. T. Arnold, Lect. on Mod. Hist. 4th ed. pp. 111-18;
Buckle, 3 vol. ed. i, 326-27 (1-vol. ed. p. 185); Stephen, as cited,
i, 121. "It is hardly too much to say that Comines's whole mind was
haunted at all times and at every point by a belief in an invisible
and immensely powerful and artful man whom he called God" (last cited).
[1640] Buckle, i, 329 (1-vol. ed. p. 186).
[1641] Buckle, ii, 133 (1-vol. ed. p. 361); Hallam, Middle Ages, iii,
395-96. Religious ceremonies were attached to the initiation of knights
in the 13th century. Seignobos, Hist. de la Civilisation, ii, 15.
[1642] Duruy, i, 368, 373-74. Cp. J. Jolly, Philippe le Bel, 1869,
l. iii, ch. iv, p. 249. It is to be remembered that Philippe had
for years been sorely pressed for money to retrieve his military
disasters. See H. Hervieu, Recherches sur les premiers états généraux,
1879, pp. 89 sq., 99 sq. He used his ill-gotten gains to restore the
currency, which he had debased. Id. pp. 101-102.
[1643] Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, Ptie II, vol. ii,
359-60.
[1644] Poole, Illustrations, p. 265. Cp. Villari, Life and Times
of Machiavelli, ii, 64-67; Tullo Massarani, Studii di politica e di
storia, 2a ed. 1899, pp. 112-13; Neander, Ch. Hist. Eng. tr. 1855,
ix, 33.
[1645] Poole, pp. 266-76. Cp. Hardwick, Church History, Middle Age,
1853, pp. 346-47.
[1646] Ueberweg, i, 461-62.
[1647] "His (Occam's) philosophy is that of centuries later." (Milman,
Latin Christianity, ix, 148. Cp. pp. 150-51.)
[1648] Cp. Hardwick, p. 377, and Rettberg, as there cited.
[1649] Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 75-76; Mosheim, 14 C. pt. ii,
ch. iii, § 5. As to his religious bigotry, see Milman, p. 142, notes.
[1650] Ueberweg, i, 460-64; cp. Poole, Illustrations, pp. 275-81.
[1651] James Mill, Analysis of the Phenomena of the Human Mind,
ed. 1869, i, 250-51.
[1652] Cp. Ueberweg, p. 464. Mr. Poole's judgment (p. 280) that
Occam "starts from the point of view of a theologian" hardly does
justice to his attitude towards theology. Occam had indeed to profess
acceptance of theology; but he could not well have made less account
of its claims.
[1653] Ueberweg, pp. 465-66.
[1654] Id. p. 466.
[1655] Id. ib.
[1656] Poole, p. 281.
[1657] Ullmann, Reformers before the Reformation, i, 37, citing John
of Goch, De libertate Christiana, lib. i, cc. 17, 18. Compare the
Averroïst propositions of 1269-1277, given above, pp. 319-20.
[1658] Lange, Gesch. des Materialismus, i, 187-88 (Eng. tr. i, 225-26).
[1659] Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 164.
[1660] Gervinus, Gesch. der deutschen Dichtung, 5te Ausg. i,
489-99. Even in the period before the Minnesingers the clerical
poetry had its anti-clerical side. Id. p. 194. Towards the end of the
12th century Nigellus Wireker satirized the monks in his Brunellus,
seu speculum stultorum. Menzel, Gesch. der Deutschen, Cap. 252. See
Menzel's note, before cited, for a remarkable outbreak of anti-clerical
if not anti-Christian satire, in the form of sculpture in an ancient
carving in the Strasburg Cathedral.
[1661] Reuter, Gesch. der relig. Aufklärung, ii, 62-63; Gervinus, i,
523; ii, 69; Kurtz, Gesch. der deutschen Litteratur, 1853, i, 428,
col. 2.
[1662] Milman, Latin Chr., ix, 125. Albert was an Aristotelian--a
circumstance which makes sad havoc of Menzel's proposition (Geschichte,
Cap. 251) that the "German spirit" did not take naturally to
Aristotle. Menzel puts the fact and the theory on opposite pages.
[1663] Milman, Latin Christianity, ix, 258. Cp. p. 261.
[1664] For a full account of Eckhart's teaching see Dr. A. Lasson's
monograph (§ 106) in Ueberweg's Hist. of Philos., i, 467-84; also
Ullmann, Reformers before the Ref., ii, 23-31. Cp. Lea, Hist. of
Inquis., ii, 354-59, 362-69, as to the sects. As to Tauler, see
Milman, ix, 255-56. He opposed the more advanced pantheism of the
Beghards. Id. p. 262.
[1665] In the 400 years following its publication there were published
over 6,000 separate editions.
[1666] Bk. i, ch. ii, 1, 2.
[1667] Bk. i, ch. iii. 1, 2.
[1668] Id. § 5.
[1669] J. A. Symonds writes that in the age of Dante, Petrarch,
and Boccaccio "what we call the Renaissance had not yet arrived"
(Renaissance in Italy: Age of the Despots, ed. 1897, p. 9).
[1670] Cp. Renan, Averroès, 3e édit. pp. 280-82, 295; Lewes, Hist. of
Philos., 4th ed. ii, 67; Reuter, Gesch. der relig. Aufklärung im
Mittelalter, i, 139-41. It is noteworthy that the troubadour, Austore
d'Orlac, in cursing the crusades and the clergy who promoted them,
suggests that the Christians should turn Moslems, seeing that God is
on the side of the unbelievers (Gieseler, Per. III. Div. III, § 58,
note 1).
[1671] Cp. Burckhardt, Civ. of the Renais. in Italy, Eng. tr. ed. 1892,
pp. 490, 492.
[1672] Id. p. 333.
[1673] Hardwick, p. 354, note.
[1674] Cp. Hardwick, p. 361; "Janus," The Pope and the Council, p. 308.
[1675] Burckhardt, p. 497, note.
[1676] Villari, Life and Times of Machiavelli, Eng. tr. 3rd ed. vol. i,
introd. p. 115. Cp. Burckhardt, pp. 35, 226.
[1677] As to its history see "Janus," The Pope and the Council,
p. 131 sq.
[1678] Villari, as last cited, pp. 98, 108.
[1679] It is noteworthy, however, that he did not detect, or at least
did not declare, the spuriousness of the text of the three witnesses
(Hallam, Lit. of Europe, iii, 58, note). Here the piety of Alfonso,
who knew his Bible by heart, may have restrained him.
[1680] See the passages transcribed by Hallam, Lit. of Europe, i, 148.
[1681] Villari, as last cited, pp. 98-101.
[1682] Cp. Gebhart, Renaissance en Italie, pp. 72-73; Burckhardt,
pp. 458-65; Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, i, 5-4. "The authors of
the most scandalous satires were themselves mostly monks or benficed
priests." (Burckhardt, p. 465.)
[1683] Burckhardt, pp. 451-61; J. A. Symonds, Renaissance in Italy:
The Age of the Despots, ed. 1897, p. 359; Villari, Life of Machiavelli,
i, 153.
[1684] See it well analysed by Owen, pp. 147-60. Cp. Hallam,
Lit. of Europe, i, 199. M. Perrens describes Pulci as "emancipated
from all belief"; but holds that he "bantered the faith without the
least design of attacking religion" (La Civilisation florentine,
p. 151). But cp. Villari, Life of Machiavelli, i, 159-60.
[1685] Owen, p. 160. So also Hunt, and the editor of the Parnaso
Italiano, there cited.
[1686] Below, § 4.
[1687] Above, p. 361.
[1688] Lea, ii, 271-72. Cp. pp. 282-84.
[1689] Burckhardt, p. 502.
[1690] Id. p. 500.
[1691] Id. p. 502.
[1692] Id. p. 503, note.
[1693] Cp. R. C. Christie's essay, "Pomponatius--a Skeptic," in
his Selected Essays and Papers, 1902, pp. 131-32; Renan, Averroès,
pp. 345-352.
[1694] Comm. in Aristot. de Gen. et Corr., lib. i, fol. 29 G. cited
by Ellis in note on Bacon, who quotes a version of the phrase in the
De Augmentis, B. v, end. As to Nifo see Nourrisson, Machiavel, 1875,
ch. xii.
[1695] As to ribald blasphemies by the Roman clergy see Erasmus,
Epist. xxvi, 34 (ed. le Clerc), cited by Hardwick, Church History:
Middle Age, p. 378, note.
[1696] Lit. Hist. of Europe, i, 142. Following Eichhorn, Hallam notes
vindications by Marsilio Ficino, Alfonso de Spina (a converted Jew),
Æneas Sylvius, and Pico di Mirandola; observing that the work of the
first-named "differs little from modern apologies of the same class."
[1697] Cp. Ranke, History of the Popes, Bohn tr. ed. 1908, i, 58.
[1698] Epist. above cited; Burigni, Vie d'Erasme, 1757, i, 148-49.
[1699] Paul Canensius, cited by Ranke.
[1700] This view seems to solve the mystery as to Perugino's
creed. Vasari (ed. Milanesi, iii, 589) calls him "persona di assai poca
religione." Mezzanotte (Della vita di P. Vanucci, etc. 1836, p. 172
sq.) indignantly rejects the statement, but notes that in Ciatti's
MS. annals of Perugia, ad ann. 1524, the mind of the painter is said to
have been come una tavola rasa in religious matters. Mezzanotte holds
that Pietro has been there confounded with a later Perugian painter.
[1701] Leonardo da Vinci, Frammenti letterari e filosofici, trascelti
par Dr. Edmondo Solmi. Firenze, 1900. Pensieri sulla scienza, 19, 20.
[1702] Ib. 14, 22, 23, 24, 92.
[1703] Ib. 36-38, 41.
[1704] Some of the humanists called him unlettered (omo senza lettere),
and he calls them gente stolta, a foolish tribe.
[1705] Ib. 44, 46, 47, 48, 58, 60, 63, etc.
[1706] Ib. 45.
[1707] Ib. 30.
[1708] Ib. 57.
[1709] Ib. 66. Cp. 67-69.
[1710] Id. Pensieri sulla natura. 80-86.
[1711] Shortly after Leonardo we find Girolamo Fracastorio (1483-1553)
developing the criticism further, and in particular disposing of the
futile formula, resorted to by the scientific apriorists of the time,
that the "plastic force of nature" created fossils like other things.
[1712] Id. Pensieri sulla morale, passim.
[1713] Ib. 7.
[1714] Ib. 44, 45.
[1715] Ib. 46, 47.
[1716] Cp. Burckhardt, pp. 524, 541, notes; Villari, Life of
Machiavelli, i, 124. "It was easy to see by his words that he hoped
for the restoration of the pagan religion" (Id. Life of Savonarola,
Eng. tr. p. 51).
[1717] Only a few fragments of it survive. Villari, Life of Savonarola,
p. 51.
[1718] Carriere, Philos. Weltanschauung der Reformationszeit, 1847,
p. 13.
[1719] Cp. Villari, Life of Machiavelli, i, 128-34.
[1720] Cp. Perrens, Hist. de Florence (1434-1531), i, 258.
[1721] Id. p. 257. Cp. Villari, Machiavelli, i, 132; Savonarola, p. 60.
[1722] "Of the majority of the twenty-two languages he was supposed to
have studied, he knew little more than the alphabet and the elements
of grammar" (Villari, Machiavelli, i, 135). As to Pico's character,
which was not saintly, see Perrens, Histoire, as cited, i, 561-62.
[1723] Cp. Greswell, Memoirs of Politianus, Picus, etc. 2nd ed. 1805,
235; McCrie, The Reformation in Italy, ed. 1856, p. 33, note.
[1724] Greswell, pp. 330-31.
[1725] Cp. K. M. Sauer, Gesch. der italien. Litteratur, 1883, p. 109;
Villari, Machiavelli, i, 138.
[1726] Villari, Machiavelli, i, 133.
[1727] Greswell, pp. 331-32.
[1728] Discorsi sopra Tito Livio, i, 12.
[1729] Istorie fiorentine, liv. i; Discorsi, i, 12.
[1730] Discorsi, ii, 2.
[1731] For another point of view see Owen, as cited, p. 167.
[1732] In the Italian translation of Bacon's essays, made for Bacon
in 1618 by an English hand, Machiavelli is branded in one passage as
an impio, and in another his name is dropped. See Routledge ed. of
Bacon's Works, pp. 749, 751. The admiring Paolo Giovio called him
irrisor et atheos; and Cardinal Pole said the Prince was so full of
every kind of irreligion that it might have been written by the hand
of Satan (Nourrisson, Machiavel, 1875, p. 4).
[1733] Burckhardt, pp. 499-500. Cp. Owen, pp. 165-68. It is thus
impossible to be sure of the truth of the statement of Gregorovius
(Lucrezia Borgia, Eng. tr. 1904, p. 25) that "There were no women
skeptics or freethinkers; they would have been impossible in the
society of that day." Where dissimulation of unbelief was necessarily
habitual, there may have been some women unbelievers as well as
many men.
[1734] Owen's characterization of Machiavelli's Asino d'oro as a
"satire on the freethought of his age" (p. 177) will not stand
investigation. See his own note, p. 178.
[1735] Discorsi, i, 56.
[1736] As we saw, Polybius in his day took a similar view, coming
as he did from Greece, where military failure had followed on a
certain growth of unbelief. Machiavelli was much influenced by
Polybius. Villari, ii, 9.
[1737] Cp. Tullo Massarani, Studii di letteratura e d'arte, 1809,
p. 96.
[1738] Discorsi, i, 15.
[1739] Id. i, 11, end.
[1740] Villari, ii, 93-94.
[1741] Burckhardt, p. 464; Owen, p. 180, and refs.
[1742] Owen, p. 181. See the whole account of Guicciardini's rather
confused opinions.
[1743] Though Italy had most of what scientific knowledge
existed. Burckhardt, p. 292.
[1744] "A man might at the same time be condemned as a heretic in Spain
for affirming, and in Italy for denying, the reality of the witches'
nightly rides" (The Pope and the Council, p. 258).
[1745] The Pope and the Council, pp. 249-61. It was another Spina
who wrote on the other side.
[1746] F. Fiorentino, Pietro Pomponazzi, 1868, p. 30.
[1747] Owen, pp. 197-98; Renan, Averroès, pp. 353-62; Christie,
as cited, p. 133.
[1748] Cp. Owen, pp. 201, 218; Lange, i, 183-87 (tr. i, 220-25). He,
however, granted that the mass of mankind, "brutish and materialized,"
needed the belief in heaven and hell to moralize them (Christie,
pp. 140-41).
[1749] This principle, though deriving from Averroïsm, and condemned,
as we have seen, by Pope John XXI, had been affirmed by so high
an orthodox authority as Albertus Magnus. Cp. Owen, pp. 211-12,
note. While thus officially recognized, it was of course denounced
by the devout when they saw how it availed to save heretics from
harm. Mr. Owen has well pointed out (p. 238) the inconsistency of
the believers who maintain that faith is independent of reason, and
yet denounce as blasphemous the profession to believe by faith what
is not intelligible by philosophy.
[1750] Owen, pp. 209, note. "Son école est une école de laïques. de
médecins, d'esprits forts, de libres penseurs" (Bouillier, Hist. de
la philos. cartèsienne, 1854, i, 3).
[1751] Owen. p. 210; Christie, p. 151.
[1752] Christie, pp. 141-47.
[1753] Id. p. 149.
[1754] Burckhardt, p. 291.
[1755] Gebhart, pp. 59-63; Burckhardt, p. 211.
[1756] Cp. Burckhardt, p. 291.
[1757] Burckhardt, pp. 279-80; Villari, Life of Machiavelli,
pp. 106-107.
[1758] Burckhardt, pt. iii, ch. xi.
[1759] Dr. Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages,
1895, i, 265. Cp. Renan, Averroès, Avert.
[1760] Schechter, Studies in Judaism, pp. 213, 420-21.
[1761] Notice of Bonaventure Desperiers, by Bibliophile Jacob
[i.e. Lacroix], in 1841 ed. of Cymbalum Mundi, etc.
[1762] For a solution of the enigma of the title see the Clef of Eloi
Johanneau in ed. cited, p. 83. Cymbalum mundi was a nickname given
in antiquity to (among others) an Alexandrian grammarian called
Didymus--the name of doubting Thomas in the gospel. The book is
dedicated by Thomas Du Clevier à son ami Pierre Tyrocan, which is
found to be, with one letter altered (perhaps by a printer's error),
an anagram for Thomas Incrédule à son ami Pierre Croyant, "Unbelieving
Thomas to his friend Believing Peter." Clef cited, pp. 80-85.
[1763] Origen, Against Celsus, vi, 78.
[1764] The readiness of piety in all ages to invent frightful deaths
for unbelievers must be remembered in connection with this and other
records. Cp. Notice cited, p. xx, and note. The authority for this is
Henri Estienne, Apologie pour Hérodote, liv. i, chs. 18, end, and 26.
[1765] So Charles Nodier, cited in the Notice by Bibliophile Jacob,
pp. xxiii-xxiv. The English translator of 1723 professed to see no
unbelief in the book.
[1766] Perrens, Les Libertins en France au XVIIe siècle, 1896, p. 41.
[1767] Notice historique in Bibliophile Jacob's ed. of Rabelais,
1841; Stapfer, Rabelais, pp. 6, 10; W. F. Smith, biog. not. to his
trans. of Rabelais, 1893, i, p. xxii.
[1768] Rathery, notice biog. to ed. of Burgaud des Marets, i,
12. Jacob's account of his relations with his friends Budé and Amy
at this stage is erroneous. See Rathery, p. 14.
[1769] Le Double, Rabelais anatomiste et physiologiste, 1889, pp. 12,
425; and pref. by Professor Duval, p. xiii; Stapfer, p. 42; A. Tilley,
François Rabelais, 1907, pp. 74-76.
[1770] In the same year he was induced to publish what turned out to
be two spurious documents purporting to be ancient Roman remains. See
Heulhard, Rabelais légiste, and Jacob, Notice, p. xviii.
[1771] Rathery, p. 23.
[1772] Jacob, p. xix.
[1773] As to this see Tilley, p. 53.
[1774] See it at the end of the ed. of Bibliophile Jacob.
[1775] Cp. Stapfer, pp. 24-25; Rathery, p. 26.
[1776] Rathery, p. 30.
[1777] Cp. Jacob, Notice, p. xxxviii; Smith, ii, 524.
[1778] Rathery, p. 71; Stapfer, pp. 42-43.
[1779] Stapfer, p. 53.
[1780] Jacob, p. xxxix.
[1781] Rathery, pp. 44-49. The notion of Lacroix, that Rabelais
visited England, has no evidence to support it. Cp. Rathery, p. 49,
and Smith, p. xxiii.
[1782] Cp. Jacob, p. lx. Ramus himself, for his attacks on the
authority of Aristotle, was called an atheist. Cp. Waddington, Ramus,
sa vie, etc., 1855, p. 126.
[1783] See the list in the avertissement of M. Burgaud des Marets
to éd. Firmin Didot. Cp. Stapfer, pp. 63, 64. For example, the
"theologian" who makes the ludicrous speech in Liv. i, ch. xix, becomes
(chs. 18 and 20) a "sophist"; and the sorbonistes, sorbonicoles,
and sorbonagres of chs. 20 and 21 become mere maistres, magistres,
and sophistes likewise.
[1784] It is doubtful whether Rabelais wrote the whole of the notice
prefixed to the next edition, in which this attack was made; but it
seems clear that he "had a hand in it" (Tilley, François Rabelais,
p. 87).
[1785] R. Christie, Étienne Dolet, pp. 369-72. Christie, in his
vacillating way, severely blames Dolet, and then admits that the
book may have been printed while Dolet was in prison, and that in
any case there was no malice in the matter. This point, and the
persistent Catholic calumnies against Dolet, are examined by the
author in art. "The Truth about Étienne Dolet," in National Reformer,
June 2 and 9, 1889.
[1786] Epistre, pref. to Liv. iv. Ed. Jacob, p. 318.
[1787] Cp. W. F. Smith's trans. of Rabelais, 1893, ii, p. x. In this
book, however, other hands have certainly been at work. Rabelais left
it unfinished.
[1788] Jacob, Notice, p. lxiii; Stapfer, p. 76.
[1789] So Rathery, p. 60; and Stapfer, p. 78. Jacob, p. lxii, says
he resigned only one. Rathery makes the point clear by giving a copy
of the act of resignation as to Meudon.
[1790] A Discourse ... against Nicholas Machiavel, Eng. tr. (1577),
ed. 1608, Epist. ded. p. 2.
[1791] Liv. iv, ch. xliii.
[1792] Liv. iii, ch. xxiii.
[1793] Liv. iv, ch. xlv-xlviii.
[1794] Liv. iv, ch. xlix sq.
[1795] Liv. iv, ch. xxxii.
[1796] Prof. Stapfer, Rabelais, sa personne, son génie, son oeuvre,
1889, pp. 365-68. Cp. the Notice of Bibliophile Jacob, ed. 1841 of
Rabelais, pp. lvii-lviii; and Perrens, Les Libertins, p. 39. In his
youth he affirmed the doctrine. Stapfer, p. 23.
[1797] Cp. René Millet, Rabelais, 1892, pp. 172-80.
[1798] Liv. iii, ch. xxxvi.
[1799] The description of him by one French biographer, M. Boulmier
(Estienne Dolet, 1857), as "le Christ de la pensée libre" is a
gross extravagance. Dolet was substantially orthodox, and even
anti-Protestant, though he denounced the cruel usage of Protestants.
[1800] Wallace (Antitrinitarian Biography, 1850, ii. 2) asserts
that Dolet "not only became a convert to the opinions of Servetus,
but a zealous propagator of them." For this there is not a shadow
of evidence.
[1801] Cp. Voltaire, Lettres sur Rabelais, etc. i.
[1802] Cp. author's art. above cited; R. C. Christie, Étienne Dolet,
2nd ed. 1890, p. 100; Octave Galtier, Étienne Dolet (N.D.), pp. 66,
94, etc.
[1803] Christie, as cited, pp. 50-58, 105-106; Galtier, p. 26 sq.
[1804] It is to this that Rabelais alludes (ii, 5) when he tells
how at Toulouse they "stuck not to burn their regents alive like
red herrings."
[1805] Christie, p. 80.
[1806] Liv. iii, ch. xxix.
[1807] Christie, p. 86.
[1808] One of his enemies wrote of him that prison was his
country--patria Doleti.
[1809] Procès d'Estienne Dolet, Paris, 1836, p. 11; Galtier, pp. 65-70;
Christie, pp. 389-90.
[1810] Procès, p. viii.; Galtier, p. 78.
[1811] Galtier, p. 101 sq.; Christie, p. 461.
[1812] A modern French judge, the President Baudrier, was found to
affirm that the laws, though "unduly severe," were "neither unduly
nor unfairly pressed" against Dolet! Christie, p. 471.
[1813] Concerning whom see Christie, as cited, pp. 29 01.
[1814] Tilley, as last cited, p. 69.
[1815] Christie, p. 317.
[1816] Christie, as cited, pp. 465-67; Lutteroth, La Reformation en
France pendant sa première période, 1850, pp. 39-40; Prof. H. M. Baird,
Rise of the Huguenots, 1880, i, 240 sq.
[1817] Perrens, Les Libertins, p. 43; Patin, Lettres,
ed. Reveillé-Parise, 1846, i, 210.
[1818] Wriothesley's Chronicle (Camden Society, 1875), pp. 107-108.
[1819] Nodier, quoted by Bibliophile Jacob in ed. of Cymbalum Mundi,
as cited, p. xviii.
[1820] Cp. Brantome, Des dames illustres, OEuvres, ed. 1838, ii, 186.
[1821] Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Marguerite de Navarre (the First),
notes F and G.
[1822] Bayle, note N. Cp. Nodier, as cited, p. xix, as to the
collaboration of Desperiers and others.
[1823] Bayle, art. Ronsard, note D.
[1824] Garasse, La Doctrine Curieuse des Beaux Esprits de ce Temps,
1623, pp. 126-27. Ronsard replied to the charge in his poem, Des
misères du temps.
[1825] Bayle, art. Ronsard, note O. Cp. Perrens, Les Libertins, p. 43.
[1826] MS. 1588. First printed in 1841 by Guhrauer, again in 1857 by
L. Noack.
[1827] As before noted, he was one of the first to use the
word. Cp. Lechler, Geschichte des englischen Deismus, pp. 31, 455,
notes.
[1828] Bayle, art. Bodin, note O. Cp. Renan, Averroès, 3e édit. p. 424;
and the Lettres de Gui Patin, iii, 679 (letter of 27 juillet, 1668),
cited by Perrens, Les Libertins, p. 43. Leibnitz, in an early
letter to Jac. Thomasius, speaks of the MS. of the Colloquium,
then in circulation, as proving its writer to be "the professed
enemy of the Christian religion," adding: "Vanini's dialogues are a
trifle in comparison." (Philosophische Schriften, ed. Gerhardt, i,
26; Martineau, Study of Spinoza, p. 77.) Carriere, however, notes
(Weltanschauung, p. 317) that in later years Leibnitz learned to
prize Bodin's treatise highly.
[1829] Cp. Lecky, Rationalism in Europe, i, 66, 87-91. In the
République too he has a chapter on astrology, to which he leans
somewhat.
[1830] République, Liv. iv, ch. ii.
[1831] Id. Liv. iv, ch. vii. "Bodin in this sophistry was undoubtedly
insincere" (Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 159).
[1832] Cp. Perrens, Les Libertins. p. 43.
[1833] Cp. Villemain, Vie de L'Hopital, in Études de l'hist. moderne,
1846. pp. 363-68, 428.
[1834] Buckle (3-vol. ed. ii, 10; 1-vol. ed. p. 291) errs in
representing L'Hopital as the only statesman of the time who dreamt of
toleration. It is to be noted, on the other hand, that the Huguenots
themselves protested against any toleration of atheists or Anabaptists;
and even the reputed freethinker Gabriel Naudé, writing his Science
des Princes, ou Considérations politiques sur les Coups d'état, in
1639, defended the massacre on political grounds (Owen, Skeptics of
the French Renaissance, p. 470, note). Bodin implicitly execrated
it. Cp. Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 162.
[1835] Villemain, p. 429.
[1836] Garasse, Doctrine Curieuse, pp. 125~26; Mémoires de Garasse,
ed. Ch. Nisard, 1860, pp. 77-78; Perrens, p. 43.
[1837] Bibliophile Jacob, Introd. to Beroalde de Verville.
[1838] Estienne's full title is: L'Introduction au traité de la
conformité des merveilles, anciennes avec les modernes: ou, Traité
préparatif à l'Apologie pour Hérodote.
[1839] Apologie pour Hérodote, ed. 1607, pp. 97, 249 (liv. i, chs. xiv,
xviii.) Cymbalum Mundi, ed. Bibliophile Jacob, pp. xx, 13.
[1840] The index was specially framed to call attention to these
items. The entry, "Fables des dieux des payens cousines germaines
des legendes des saints," is typical.
[1841] Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Castalion; Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii,
81; Lecky, Rationalism in Europe, ii, 46-49. Hallam finds Castalio's
letter to the Duke of Wirtemberg "cautious"; but Lecky quotes some
strong expressions from what he describes as the preface of Martin
Bellius (Castalio's pseudonym) to Cluten's De Haereticis persequendis,
ed. 1610. Castalio died in 1563. As to his translations from the Bible,
see Bayle's note.
[1842] Hallam, ii, 83; McCrie, Reformation in Italy, ed. 1856, p. 231.
[1843] Even Stähelin (Johannes Calvin, ii, 303) condemns Calvin's
action and tone towards Castalio, though he makes the significant
remark that the latter "treated the Bible pretty much as any other
book."
[1844] Hatch, Hibbert Lectures, p. 169.
[1845] Burckhardt, p. 195.
[1846] Prof. Fortunat Strowski, Histoire du sentiment religieux en
France au 17e siècle, Ptie i, De Montaigne à Pascal, 1907, pp. 19-23.
[1847] "Du Vair ne songe pas au Médiateur; s'il y a dans son traité
des allusions à Notre Seigneur, le nom de Jésus-Christ ne s'y trouve,
je crois bien, pas une fois. Il songe encore moins aux pieux adjuvants
qui excitent l'imagination; pas un mot de l'invocation des saints,
pas un mot des sacrements" (Strowski, as cited, p. 78).
[1848] Cp. Prof. Thorold Rogers, Economic Interpretation of History,
p. 83.
[1849] In 1387 the Lollards were denounced under that name by the
Bishop of Worcester as "eternally damned sons of Antichrist."
[1850] See the Repressor, Babington's ed. in the Rolls Series, 1860,
Part ii.
[1851] Hook, Lives of the Archbishops (Life of Bourchier), 1867,
v, 294-306.
[1852] He repels, e.g., Wiclif's argument that a priest's misconduct
sufficed to destroy his right to his endowments. Repressor, Babington's
ed. as cited, ii, 413.
[1853] Hook, as cited, v, 309.
[1854] Gardiner, Student's History, p. 330. Cp. Green, ch. vi, § i,
2, pp. 267, 275; Stubbs Const. Hist., iii, 631-33.
[1855] Cp. Pauli, Pictures of Old England, Eng. tr. Routledge's
rep. pp. 332-36.
[1856] Pauli, p. 332.
[1857] See Arber's reprint.
[1858] Cp. Souchay, Gesch. der deutschen Monarchie, 1861-62, iii,
230-31.
[1859] On this cp. Souchay, pp. 234-39.
[1860] See a good synopsis in Pünjer's History of the Christian
Philosophy of Religion, Eng. tr. pp. 68-89; and another in Moritz
Carriere's Die philosophische Weltanschauung der Reformationszeit,
1847, pp. 16-25, which, however, is open to Pünjer's criticism that
it is coloured by modern Hegelianism.
[1861] Dr. Paul Frédéricq, Geschiedenis der Inquisitie in de
Nederlanden, 1025-1520, Gent, 1892-1897, ii, 4-9.
[1862] Michelet, Hist. de France, vii--éd. 1857, pp. 125, 172.
[1863] This name has many forms; and it is contended that Sabieude is
the correct one. See Owen, Evenings with the Skeptics, 1881, ii, 423.
[1864] Cp. Hallam, Introd. to Lit. of Europe, ed. 1872, i, 142-44,
and the analysis in Prof. Dowden's Montaigne, 1905, p. 127 sq.
[1865] Van Hoogstraten, in Frédéricq, as cited below.
[1866] Dr. Frazer's assumption (Golden Bough, 3rd ed. pt. i, i, 224)
that magic assumes an invariable order of nature, is unsubstantiated
even by his vast anthropological erudition. Magic varies arbitrarily,
and the idea of a fixed "order" does not belong to the magician's
plane of thought.
[1867] Maury, La Magie et l'Astrologie, 4e éd. pp. 214-16.
[1868] "Judicial astrology ... which supplanted and degraded the art
of medicine" (Prof. Clifford Allbutt, Harveian Oration on Science and
Medieval Thought, 1901, App. p. 113). There is a startling survival
of it in the physiology of Harvey. Id. p. 45.
[1869] Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim.
[1870] Above, p. 385.
[1871] Who, however, was no rationalist, but an orientalizing
mystic. Cp. Carriere, Die philos. Weltanschauung der Reformationszeit,
1846, pp. 36-38.
[1872] Cp. Ranke, Hist. of the Ref. in Germany, bk. ii, ch. i
(Eng. tr. Routledge's 1-vol. ed. 1905, p. 129). The point is fairly put
by Audin in the introduction to his Histoire de Luther. Compare Green:
"The awakening of a rational Christianity, whether in England or in
the Teutonic world at large, begins with the Florentine studies of Sir
John Colet" (Short Hist. ch. vi, § iv). Colet, however, was strictly
orthodox. Ulrich von Hutten spent five of the formative years of his
life in Italy.
[1873] Hamilton, Discussions on Philosophy and Literature, 1852,
p. 205.
[1874] As to the general resentment of the money drain cp. Strauss,
Gespräche von Ulrich von Hutten, 1860, Vorrede, p. xiv, and the
dialogues, pp. 159. 363. Cp. Ranke, bk. ii, ch. i (Eng. tr. as cited,
pp. 123-26).
[1875] See Ullmann, Reformers before the Reformation, passim. Even
the Peasants' Rising was adumbrated in the movement of Hans Böheim
of Nikleshausen (fl. 1476), whose doctrine was both democratic
and anti-clerical. (Work cited, ii, 380-81; cp. Bezold, Gesch. der
deutschen Reform. 1890, ch. vii.)
[1876] See Guicciardini's analysis of the parties, cited by
E. Armstrong in the "Cambridge Modern History," vol. i, The
Renaissance, p. 170.
[1877] Burckhardt, Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy,
Eng. tr. pp. 476-77.
[1878] See the sympathetic analysis of the book by Villari, Life of
Savonarola, Eng. tr. pp. 582-94, where it is much overrated.
[1879] As to the education of the Florentine common people in the
fourteenth century cp. Burckhardt, pp. 203-204; Symonds, Age of the
Despots, p. 202.
[1880] Cp. Armstrong, as cited, pp. 150-51.
[1881] McCrie, Reformation in Italy, ed. 1856, pp. 28-30, 41.
[1882] Id. pp. 54, 68.
[1883] Id. p. 45, citing Reynald's Annales, ad. ann. 1530; Trechsel,
Lelio Sozzini und die Anti-trinitarier seiner Zeit, 1844, pp. 19-35.
[1884] McCrie reasons otherwise, from the fact that the sack of Rome
was by many Catholics regarded as a divine judgment on the papacy;
but he omits to mention the pestilence which followed and destroyed the
bulk of the conquering army (Menzel, Gesch. der Deutschen, Cap. 390).
[1885] McCrie, pp. 59-60.
[1886] Id. p. 66.
[1887] Id. pp. 112, 115.
[1888] Id. pp. 89, 98, 215. McCrie thinks it useful to suggest
(p. 95) that anti-trinitarianism seems to have begun at Siena, "whose
inhabitants were proverbial among their countrymen for levity and
inconstancy of mind"--citing Dante, Inferno, canto xxix, 121-23. Thus
does theology illumine sociology. In a note on the same page the
historian cites the testimony of Melanchthon (Epist. coll. 852, 941)
as to the commonness of "Platonic and skeptical theories" among his
Italian correspondents in general; and quotes further the words of
Calvin, who for once rises above invective to explain as to heresy
(Opera, viii, 510) that "In Italis, propter rarum acumen, magis
eminet." The historian omits, further, to trace German Unitarianism
to the levity of a particular community in Germany.
[1889] A. von Reumont, The Carafas of Maddaloni, Eng. tr. 1854,
pp. 33-37; McCrie, p. 122. It was not Protestantism that made the
revolt. The contemporary historian Porzios states that the Lutherans
were so few that they could easily be counted. Von Reumont, as cited,
p. 33. It was not heresy that moved the Neapolitans, but the knowledge
that perjurers could be found in Naples to swear to anything, and
that the machine would thus be made one of pecuniary extortion.
[1890] McCrie, Reformation in Italy, p. 131.
[1891] McCrie, pp. 143-44.
[1892] Id. pp. 158-61.
[1893] Id. pp. 161-63. This seems to have been one of the latest
instances of enslavement in Italy. As to the selling of many Capuan
women in Rome after the capture of Capua in 1501, see Burckhardt,
p. 279, note.
[1894] McCrie, pp. 140-43.
[1895] Domenico Orano, Liberi Pensatori bruciati in Roma dal XVI
al XVIII Secolo, Roma, 1904. Giordano Bruno is 77th in the list;
and there are only eight more. The 85th case was in 1642; and the
last--the burning of a dead body--in 1761.
[1896] Orano, p. 13.
[1897] Signor Orano gives the name as Buzio, citing the 1835 Italian
translation of McCrie, and pronouncing Cantù (ii, 338) wrong in making
it Mollio. But in the 1856 ed. of McCrie's work the name is given
(pp. 57-58, 168-69) as John Mollio. Cantù then appears to have been
right; but the date he gives, 1533, seems to be a blunder.
[1898] McCrie gives this name as Tisserano.
[1899] Orano, p. 6; McCrie, pp. 169-70.
[1900] McCrie, p. 212; Orano, p. 33.
[1901] Orano, pp. 15-16. McCrie, p. 165, says he was strangled;
but the official record is "fu mozza la testa."
[1902] Orano, p. 22. As to Carnesecchi's career see McCrie, pp. 173-79;
and Babington's ed. of Paleario, 1855, Introd. pp. lxv-lxvi.
[1903] McCrie, p. 164. See Trechsel, Lelio Sozzini, p. 35, as to
Baldo Lupetino.
[1904] As to whom see McCrie, pp. 81-84, 179-82, and the copious Life
and Times of Aonio Paleario, by M. Young. 2 vols. 1860.
[1905] Marini, Galileo e l'Inquisizione, Roma, 1850, p. 37, note.
[1906] Babington's ed. p. 46 sq.
[1907] It was afterwards unearthed, however; and Babington's ed. (1855)
is an almost facsimile reprint, with old French and English versions.
[1908] Cp. McCrie, pp. 114-17.
[1909] Cp. McCrie, Ref. in Italy, ch. v; Ref. in Spain, ch. viii;
Green, Short Hist. pp. 358, 362.
[1910] Huss, in his youth, at first turned from Wiclif's writings
with horror. Bonnechose, The Reformers before the Reformation,
Eng. tr. 1844, i, 72.
[1911] Cp. Krasinski, Histor. Sketch of the Reformation in Poland,
1838, i, 58.
[1912] Krasinski, Sketch of Relig. Hist. of Slav. Nations, ed. 1851,
pp. 26-27.
[1913] Neander, ix, 242 sq.; Hardwick, pp. 426-27. Militz effected
a remarkable reformation of life in Prague. Neander, p. 241.
[1914] See the very intelligent survey of the situation in Kautsky's
Communism in Central Europe in the Time of the Reformation,
Eng. tr. 1897, p. 35 sq.
[1915] Kautsky, p. 42.
[1916] K. Raumer, Contrib. to the Hist. of the German Universities,
New York, 1859, p. 19; Dr. Rashdall, Universities of Europe in the
Middle Ages, vol. ii, pt. i, 223-26; Bonnechose, i, 78; Mosheim,
15 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, § 6; Gieseler, Per. iii, Div. v, § 150;
Krasinski, as cited, pp. 31-33.
[1917] Krasinski, Sketch, p. 33; Kautsky, p. 43; Maclaine's note to
Mosheim, as last cited; Rashdall, pp. 225-26, 254. The exodus has
been much exaggerated. Only 602 were enrolled at Leipzig.
[1918] Many of these were of great beauty and value, and must have
been owned by rich men. Krasinski, Sketch, p. 34.
[1919] Hardwick. p. 433. Jerome caused the bull to be "fastened to
an immodest woman," and so paraded through the town before being
burnt. Gieseler, iv, 114, note 15.
[1920] Bonnechose, ii, 122; Gieseler, as cited.
[1921] See Mosheim's very interesting note; and Gieseler, iv, 104-105.
[1922] Krasinski, p. 51.
[1923] For an account of the devices of Catholic historians to explain
away the Council's treachery see Bonnechose, note E. to vol. i,
p. 270. The Council itself simply declared that faith was not to be
kept with a heretic. Id. p. 271; Gieseler, p. 121.
[1924] Bonnechose, ii, 118-20. Cp. Krasinski, p. 37.
[1925] Kautsky, pp. 48-49.
[1926] Id. p. 51.
[1927] Id. p. 52.
[1928] Krasinski, p. 65.
[1929] See their principles stated in Kautsky, p. 59.
[1930] Æneas Sylvius, who detested the Taborites, declared them to
have only one good quality, the love of letters. Letter to Carvajal,
cited by Krasinski, p. 93, note.
[1931] Kautsky, pp. 59-67.
[1932] Id. p. 76.
[1933] Kautsky, pp. 78-82. See further the account of Helchitsky's
book in Tolstoy's The Kingdom of God is Within You, ch. i.
[1934] Hist. of the Prot. Church in Hungary (anon.), Eng. tr. 1854,
p. 17.
[1935] Id. p. 19.
[1936] Id. pp. 23, 28.
[1937] Id. pp. 24, 32, citing the chronicler Thurnschwamm.
[1938] Id. pp. 29-31.
[1939] Hist. of the Prot. Church in Hungary, p. 34.
[1940] Id. p. 37.
[1941] Id. p. 58.
[1942] Id. pp. 69-70.
[1943] Id. pp. 45, 73.
[1944] Id. p. 45.
[1945] Called Blandvater in the History above cited, which is copied
in this error by Hardwick.
[1946] Schlegel's note to Mosheim, Reid's ed. p. 708.
[1947] Cp. Mosheim, last cit.
[1948] Hist. of the Prot. Church in Hungary, p. 86.
[1949] Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biog. ii, 257-60. Schlegel, as
cited. Biandrata later gave up his Unitarianism, turning either Jesuit
or Protestant. He was murdered by his nephew for his money. Wallace,
ii, 144.
[1950] History cited, p. 109. As to the persecutions see pp. 108-15.
[1951] Id. pp. 128-29, 132.
[1952] Id. p. 134.
[1953] Krasinski, Hist. of the Reformation in Poland, 1838, i, 29-30.
[1954] Id. pp. 30-34.
[1955] Hist. of the Reformation in Poland, p. 38.
[1956] Id. i. 40-42.
[1957] Id. p. 45.
[1958] Id. pp. 55-56.
[1959] Id. pp. 47-50.
[1960] Id. pp. 65-66.
[1961] Id. p. 67.
[1962] Hist. of the Reformation in Poland, i, 91-98.
[1963] Id. pp. 111-16.
[1964] Id. p. 134.
[1965] Id. pp. 139, 345, following Wengierski; Wallace,
Antitrin. Biog. ii, Art. 41.
[1966] Krasinski, pp. 143, 344, note.
[1967] Id. i, 163.
[1968] Id. p. 173, note.
[1969] Id. pp. 176-77.
[1970] I.e., Peter of Goniond, a small town in Podlachia.
[1971] Krasinski, i, 346-48; Mosheim. 16 Cent. sect. III, pt. ii,
ch. iv, § 7; and Schlegel's and Reid's notes.
[1972] Cp. Mosheim, chapter last cited, § 15 sq.
[1973] Krasinski, i, 357.
[1974] Wallace, Antitrin. Biog. ii, 181-82.
[1975] Krasinski, pp. 357-60.
[1976] Id. p. 363.
[1977] Krasinski, Ref. in Poland, ii, 93-94; Rel. Hist. of
Slav. Nations, p. 188.
[1978] Lutteroth, La Reformation en France pendant sa première période,
p. 2.
[1979] A. A. Tilley, in vol. ii of Camb. Mod. Hist. The Reformation,
ch. ix. p. 281.
[1980] Prof. H. M. Baird, Hist. of the Rise of the Huguenots, 1880,
i, 33.
[1981] Id. i, 35.
[1982] Tilley, as cited, p. 281.
[1983] Lutteroth, pp. 14-16.
[1984] Tilley, p. 282. The translation was notable as a revision of
the Vulgate version, which was printed side by side with it.
[1985] Lutteroth, pp. 3-4; Baird, i, 79.
[1986] Michelet, Hist. de France, tom. x, La Réforme, ch. viii.
[1987] Lutteroth, p. 9.
[1988] Michelet. éd. 1884, x, 308; Baird, i, 80, note.
[1989] See Baird, i, 91, note, as to the dates, which are usually
put a year too early.
[1990] Baird, i, 95-96, and note.
[1991] Id. p. 132.
[1992] Michelet, x, 314; Baird, i, 133-37.
[1993] Lutteroth, p. 15; Michelet. x, 337.
[1994] Other such outrages followed, and did much to intensify
persecution.
[1995] Erasmus had said that one pamphlet of Béda's contained "eighty
lies, three hundred calumnies, and forty-seven blasphemies" (Michelet,
x, 320).
[1996] Baird, i, 143-44; Michelet, x, 321-26.
[1997] Michelet, x, 338-39.
[1998] Baird, i, 149.
[1999] Cp. Tilley, p. 285.
[2000] Lutteroth, p. 17; Michelet, x, 340 (giving the text of a
contemporary record); Baird, i, 173-78--a very full account.
[2001] See Baird, i, 176, note, as to the authenticity of the
utterance, which was doubted by Voltaire.
[2002] Michelet, x, 342; Baird, i, 169.
[2003] Cit. by Baird, i, 24, note.
[2004] Baird, i, 221-22.
[2005] It is endorsed by Professor Clifford, Lectures and Essays,
2nd ed. p. 335.
[2006] Hist. de la Civ. en France, 13e édit. i, 18.
[2007] See the case well made out by Buckle,
ch. viii--1-vol. ed. pp. 311-13.
[2008] See above, p. 348.
[2009] Stubbs, Const. Hist., 3rd ed. ii, 469, 471, 510.
[2010] Cp. Froude, Hist. of England, ed. 1872, i, 173; Burnet,
Hist. of the Reformation, Nares' ed. i, 17-18. Henry, says Burnet,
"cherished Churchmen more than any king in England had ever
done." Compare further Shaftesbury, Miscellaneous Reflections, in
the Characteristics, Misc. iii, ch. i, ed. 1733, vol. iii, p. 151;
Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, as cited above, p. 316.
[2011] Rev. Dr. J. H. Blunt, The Reformation of the Church of England,
ed. 1892, i, 72-100. Wolsey was more patient with Protestant heresy
than Henry ever was, though on his death-bed he counselled the king
to put down the Lutherans.
[2012] Cp. Burnet, as cited, pref. p. xl, and p. 3; Heylyn, Hist. of
the Ref. pref.; Blunt, i, 293-94. In 1530 the king had actually
repudiated his debts, cancelling borrowings made under the Privy
Seal, and thus setting an example to the Catholic King Philip II in
a later generation.
[2013] Heylyn, as cited, and i, 123-27, ed. 1849; A. F. Leach, English
Schools at the Reformation, 1896, pp. 5-6; J. E. G. De Montmorency,
State Intervention in English Education, 1902, pp. 62-65.
[2014] The subject is treated at some length in The Dynamics of
Religion, by "M. W. Wiseman" (J. M. R.), 1897, pp. 3-46; and in The
Saxon and the Celt, pp. 92-97.
[2015] Bishop Stubbs, Const. Hist. of England, 3rd ed. iii,
638. Cp. Bishop Creighton, The Age of Elizabeth, p. 6; Hallam,
Lit. of Europe, i, 366.
[2016] Ranke, History of the Popes, Bohn tr. 1908, p. 60; Hardwick,
Church History: Reformation, ed. 1886, p. 250.
[2017] Much of this has never been published. Most of it is in a
MS. Codex of the City Library at Frankfurt. Extracts in Tentzel's
Supplementum Historiæ Gothanæ, 1701, in the Narratio de Eobano Hesso
of J. Camerarius, 1553, etc. See Strauss's Ulrich von Hutten, 2te
Aufl. 1871, p. 32, n. (ed. 1858, i, 44) et seq.
[2018] Eccles. Hist., bk. i, ch. iv.
[2019] Strauss, Ulrich von Hutten, as cited, pp. 33-35; Bezold,
Gesch. der deutschen Reformation, 1890, p. 226. Bezold describes
Mutianus as "der freigeistige Kanonikus zu Gotha," and points out,
concerning his universalism, that "the historic Christ thus slips
through his fingers."
[2020] Bezold, as last cited. "Here is the skepticism kept in the
background by Mutianus and Celtis, popularized in the rudest way."
[2021] Briefe, ed. De Wette, iii, 60.
[2022] Karl Hagen, Deutschlands lit. u. relig. Verhältnisse im
Reformations-zeitalter, 1868, ii, 110; letter of Capito to Zwingli,
Ep. Zwinglii i, 47; F. C. Baur, Kirchengeschichte, iv, 450; Trechsel,
Die protestantischen Antitrinitarier vor Faustus Socinus, 1839-44, i,
13-16, 33; Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biography, 1850, i, art. 3, 4, 5.
[2023] Schlegel's note to Mosheim, Reid's ed. p. 689; Baur, iv, 450;
Trechsel, i, 13-16.
[2024] See a good account of him by Beard, Hibbert Lectures on The
Reformation, p. 204 sq.
[2025] For an impartial criticism of their language see Henderson's
Short Hist. of Germany, i, 321-23. Cp. Baur, Kirchengeschichte, iv,
73-76; A. F. Pollard in Camb. Mod. Hist. ii, 192-95; Beard, Hibbert
Lect. on The Reformation, p. 200; and Kautsky, Communism in Central
Europe in the Time of the Reformation, Eng. tr. 1897, pp. 117-28.
[2026] Kohlrausch, Hist. of Germany, Eng. tr. p. 397.
[2027] To the same effect Menzel, Gesch. der Deutschen, Capp. 391, 492.
[2028] Pollard, as cited, p. 175.
[2029] Id. p. 178.
[2030] Id. pp. 179, 193.
[2031] Id. p. 193.
[2032] Id. p. 192.
[2033] Ranke, as cited, pp. 459-64.
[2034] Id. p. 461.
[2035] Cp. Michelet, Hist. de France, x, La Réforme, ed. 1882,
pp. 104, 332.
[2036] Cp. Burckhard, De Ulrichi Hutteni Vita Commentarius, 1717, i,
65. For a general view see Ranke, pp. 126-39.
[2037] Jakob Marx, Die Ursachen der schnellen Verbreitung der
Reformation, 1847, § 12.
[2038] Prof. J. M. Vincent, in Prof. S. M. Jackson's Huldreich Zwingli,
1901, p. 37.
[2039] Cp. Ullmann, Reformers before the Reformation, i, 19; ii,
passim; Mosheim, 15 Cent. Pt. ii, ch. ii, § 22; and Bonet-Maury's
thesis, De Opera Scholastica Fratrum Vitæ Communis, 1889.
[2040] Burton, History of Scotland, iii, 399-401. But the end in
view was probably, as Burton half admits, the recruiting of the
Church. Cp. Cosmo Innes, Sketches of Early Scotch History, p. 134 sq.,
and Scottish Legal Antiquities, pp. 129-30.
[2041] Menzel, Cap. 492.
[2042] Menzel, Cap. 492 (ed. 1837, p. 762).
[2043] Ranke (p. 466) becomes positively lyrical over the happy lot
of the peasant who received Luther's Catechism (1529). "It contains
enduring comfort in every affliction, and, under a slight husk,
the kernel of truths able to satisfy the wisest of the wise." Such
declamation holds the place that ought to have been filled by an
account of economic conditions.
[2044] Bishop Stubbs, Const. Hist. of England, iii. 627. The bishop,
however, holds that in the time of Lollard prosperity the ability to
read was widely diffused in England (p. 628); and it seems certain
that in the first half of the sixteenth century printing multiplied
enormously. Cp. Michelet. Hist. de France, x, ed. 1884. p. 103 sq.
[2045] Cp. Willis, Servetus and Calvin, 1877, bk. ii. ch. i;
Audin, Histoire de Calvin, éd. abrég. ch. xxiv-xxvii; and essay on
"Machiavelli and Calvin" in the present writer's Essays in Sociology,
1903. vol. i.
[2046] Werke., ed. Walch. viii. 2043 (On Ep. to Galat.), cited
by Beard.
[2047] Id. viii, 1181 (On 1 Cor. xv). Cp. other citations in Beard,
pp. 161-65.
[2048] Green, Short History, ch. vi, § v, p. 315.
[2049] Cp. Stäbelin, Johannes Calvin, 1863. ii, 282-83.
[2050] He was educated at Basel and Berne and at Vienna University,
and of all the leading reformers he seems to have had most knowledge
of classical literature. Hess, Life of Zwingle, Eng. tr. 1812, pp. 2-7,
following Myconius and Hottinger.
[2051] Chr. Sigwart, Ulrich Zwingli, der Charakter seiner
Theologie, mit besonderer Rücksicht auf Pico von Mirandula, 1855,
pp. 14-26. Prof. Jackson, Huldreich Zwingli, p. 85, note, states that
Sigwart later modified his views.
[2052] So states Melanchthon, cited by Jackson, p. 85,
note. Cp. pp. 201, 390-92.
[2053] Cited by Jackson, p. 316.
[2054] Id. p. 295.
[2055] Id. p. 361.
[2056] Id. p. 361, note.
[2057] Id. According to Heylyn, the Earl of Warwick countenanced
the Zwinglians in his intrigues against the Protector Somerset; and
their views were further welcomed by other nobles as making for the
plundering of rich altars. Hist. of the Reform. of the Ch. of Eng.,
ed. 1849. pref. p. vii. But Heylyn appears to identify the Zwinglians
at this stage with the Calvinists. Cp. p. x.
[2058] Henry, Das Leben Calvins, ii, Kap. 13, and Beilage 16 (Appendix
not given in the English translation); Stähelin, Johannes Calvin,
1863, i, 399-400.
[2059] Cp. Calvin's letter to Viret, July 2, 1547 (Letters of Calvin,
ed. Bonnet, Eng. tr. 1857, ii, 109), where it is alleged that in the
two pages "the whole of Scripture is laughed at, Christ aspersed,
the immortality of the soul called a dream and a fable, and finally
the whole of religion torn in pieces. I do not think he is the author
of it," adds Calvin; "but as it is in his handwriting he will be
compelled to appear in his defence."
[2060] Stähelin, i, 400. Henry avows that Gruet was "subjected
to the torture morning and evening during a whole month"
(Eng. tr. ii. 66). Other biographers dishonestly exclude the fact
from their narratives.
[2061] Cp. Calvin's letter to the Seigneury of Geneva, in Letters,
ii. 254-56.
[2062] Henry, Life of Calvin, Eng. tr. ii, 47-48. Gruet's fragment can
hardly have been the De Tribus Impostoribus, inasmuch as Calvin makes
no mention of any reference to Mohammed in his fragment, whereas the
title of the other book proceeded on the specification of Mohammed
as well as Jesus and Moses. The existing treatise of that name,
in any case, is of later date. Of the famous treatise in question,
which was not published till long afterwards, Henry admits that it
"professes to show tranquilly, and with regret, but without abuse,"
the fraudulent character of the three revealed religions. Concerning
Gruet's essay he asks: "What are all the anti-Christian writings of the
French Revolution compared with the hellish laughter which seemed to
peal from its pages?" For this description he has not a line to cite.
[2063] For instance, one man was accused of having blasphemed against
a storm which terrified the pious.
[2064] Dändliker, Geschichte der Schweiz, 1884-87, ii, 559; above,
p. 2.
[2065] Mark Pattison, Essays, 1889, ii, 37.
[2066] Dändliker, as cited, endorsing Roget. Cp. Hallam, Lit. of
Europe, i, 306, and Hamilton, Discus. on Philos. and Lit., 2nd
ed. p. 497, as to the "dissolution of morals" in the Lutheran world.
[2067] Mosheim, 14 Cent. sec. iii, Pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 38-41; Audin,
Histoire de Calvin, chs. xxix, xxx.
[2068] Histoire de la vie, moeurs, actes, doctrine, constance et mort
de Iean Calvin, jadis ministre de Geneue, receuilly par M. Hierosme
Hermes Bolsec, docteur médecin à Lyon. Lyon, 1577.
[2069] The reprint of Bolsec's book prepared by M. L. F. Chastel
(Lyon, 1875) appears to be faithful; but the Catholic animus shown
deprives the annotations of critical value.
[2070] Stähelin, ii, 293-301.
[2071] Stähelin, ii, 293. Arminius pointed to this letter as a proof
that Melanchthon had abandoned his early predestinarianism (Declaratio
of 1608, xx. 2; Works of Arminius, ed. Nichols, i. 578). But of course
Melanchthon had previously guarded himself in his Loci Communes (1545)
and elsewhere. (Id. pp. 597-98.)
[2072] Stähelin, ii. 304.
[2073] Latinized name of Miguel Servedo, alias Reves, born at Tudela in
Navarre in 1511, son of Hernando Villanueva, a notary of an Aragonese
family, of which Villanueva had been the seat. The statement of
De la Roche that Servetus was born in Aragon, though long current,
is now exploded.
[2074] De la Roche, Mémoires de Littérature, cited in An Impartial
History of Servetus, 1724, p. 27.
[2075] Christianismi Restitutio, h.e. Totius ecclesiæ apostolicæ
ad sua limina vocatio in integrum, restituta cognitione Dei, fidei
christianæ, justificationis nostræ, regenerationis, baptismi, Coenæ
Domini manducationis. Restituto denique nobis regno coelesti, Babylonis
impia captivitate solutâ, et antichristo cum suis penitus destructo,
1553. Of this book De la Roche (1711) knew of no printed copy, having
read it solely in MS. Perfect copies, however, are preserved in Vienna
and Paris; and an imperfect one in Edinburgh University Library has
been completed from the original draft, which has matter not in the
printed copy. It has been pointed out that the book is not absolutely
anonymous, inasmuch as it has at the end the initials M. S. V.--the
V. standing for the name Villanova or Villanovanus, which he bore
as a student at Louvain and put on the title-pages of his scientific
works; and Servetus is actually introduced as an interlocutor in one
of the dialogues.
[2076] It is to be remembered, however, that he pronounced all
Trinitarians to be "veros Atheos." History of Servetus, p. 131.
[2077] "Mihi ob eam rem moriendum esse certo scio."
[2078] Melanchthon, Epist., lib. i, ep. 3; McCrie, Reformation in
Italy, p. 96; Trechsel, Lelio Sozini, 1844, pp. 38-41.
[2079] Willis, Servetus and Calvin, 1877, p. 117.
[2080] See the careful account of Dr. Austin Flint, of Now York, in
his pamphlet, Rabelais as a Physiologist, rep. from New York Medical
Journal of June 29, 1901.
[2081] Willis, p. 53.
[2082] Letter to Farel, Aug. 20. 1553 (Letters, Eng. tr. ii,
399). Cp. Henry, ii, 195-96.
[2083] Id. ch. xix. See the letter of Trie, given in Henry's Life
of Calvin (Eng. tr. ii, 181-85), with the admission that Trie was in
Calvin's counsels. Henry vainly endeavours to make light (pp. 181-82)
of Calvin's written words to Farel concerning Servetus: "Si venerit,
modo valeat mea autoritas, vivum exire nunquam patiar." Still,
it must in fairness be remembered that Trie, by his own account,
persuaded Calvin, who was reluctant, to his act of complicity with
the inquisitors of Lyons. Cp. Bossert, Calvin, pp. 160-64.
[2084] Willis, ch. xx. Cp. pp. 457, 503. The defence of Calvin in
Mackenzie's Life (1809, p. 79) on the score that he was not likely
to communicate with Catholic officials does not meet the case as to
Trie. And cp. p. 83.
[2085] Ten years after the death of Servetus, Calvin calls him a
"dog and wicked scoundrel" (Willis, p. 530; cp. Hist. of Servetus,
p. 214, citing Calvin's Comm. on Acts xx); and in his Commentary on
Genesis (i, 3, ed. 1838, p. 9) he says of him: "Latrat hic obscoenus
canis." And Servetus had asked his pardon at the end.
[2086] White, Warfare of Science with Theology, 1896, i, 113; History
of Servetus, 1724, p. 93 sq.: Willis, Servetus and Calvin, p. 325.
[2087] Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biography, i, 430.
[2088] See Stähelin, Johannes Calvin, ii, 300-308.
[2089] F. A. Cox. Life of Melanchthon, 1815, pp. 523-24; Willis,
pp. 47, 511.
[2090] Table Talk, ch. 43. Cp. Michelet's Life of Luther,
Eng. tr. 1846, pp. 195-96; and Hallam, Lit. of Europe, i,
360-65. Michelet's later enthusiasm for Luther (Hist. de France, x,
ch. v, ed. 1884, pp. 96-97) is oblivious of many of the facts noted
in his earlier studies.
[2091] Bayle, Art. Gribaud; Christie, Étienne Dolet, 2nd
ed. pp. 303-305. Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biography, ii, Art. 18.
[2092] Benrath, Bernardino Ochino of Siena, Eng. tr. 1876. pp. 268-72,
287-92.
[2093] McCrie, p. 230; Audin, ch. xxxv; Benrath, Bernardino Ochino,
p. 297.
[2094] Cp. Pusey, Histor. Enquiry into Ger. Rationalism, 1828, p. 14
sq.; Beard, p. 183.
[2095] Stähelin, ii. 337. Biandrata went to Hungary, where, as we saw
(p. 421), he turned persecutor, and then Protestant.
[2096] Mosheim, 16 Cent. sec. iii, pt. ii, ch. iv, § 6; Audin,
pp. 394-99; Aretius, Short Hist. of Valentinus Gentilis, Eng. tr. 1696;
Stähelin, ii, 338-45; Wallace, Antitrinitarian Biography, ii, Art. 20.
[2097] See the Historical Account of his life and trial in the Harleian
Miscellany, iv, 168 sq.
[2098] See Stähelin, ii, 293, 304, etc.
[2099] Cp. Menzel, Geschichte der Deutschen, 3te Aufl. Cap. 417;
A. F. Pollard, in Cam. Mod. Hist., vol. ii, ch. vii, p. 223; The
Dynamics of Religion, pp. 6-8.
[2100] See Beard, Hibbert Lectures, pp. 189-90, 196. The same avowal
was made in the eighteenth century by Mosheim (16 Cent. sec. iii,
pt. ii, § 5).
[2101] F. A. Cox, Life of Melanchthon, 1815, p. 544, citing Adam,
Vitæ philosophorum (p. 934). Cp. pp. 528-29.
[2102] K. von Raumer, as cited, pp. 32-37.
[2103] Id. pp. 42-52; Pusey, as cited, p. 112.
[2104] Dändliker, Geschichte der Schweiz, ii, 556-59, 622 sq., 728-29.
[2105] See the extracts in Beard's Hibbert Lectures, pp. 340-41.
[2106] Menzel, Geschichte der Deutschen, Cap. 417.
[2107] Cp. Hamilton, Discussions in Philosophy and Literature, 1852,
pp. 493-94, note.
[2108] Mosheim, Reid's ed. pp. 625-26. Such solutions were common in
papal polity. Id. p. 767.
[2109] Bishop Schuster, Johann Kepler und die grossen kirchlichen
Streitfragen seiner Zeit, 1888, p. 178 sq. It is noteworthy that
Kepler's mother was sentenced for witchcraft, and saved by the
influence of her son. Johann Keppler's Leben und Werken nach neuerlich
aufgefundenen MSS., von G. L. C. Freiherrn von Breitschwert, 1831,
p. 97 sq.
[2110] "There is much reason to believe that the fetters upon
scientific thought were closer under the strict interpretation of
Scripture by the early Protestants than they had been under the older
church" (White, Warfare of Science with Theology, i, 212). Concerning
the Protestant hostility to the Copernican system and to Kepler,
see Schuster, as cited, pp. 87 sq., 191 sq.
[2111] White, as cited, i, 129.
[2112] Id. i, 213.
[2113] Id. p. 147.
[2114] Menzel, Cap. 431; Dändliker, Geschichte der Schweiz, 1884,
ii, 743. The cantons of Glarus, Outer Appenzell, St. Gall, and the
Grisons formally rejected the Gregorian Calendar. Id. ib. Zschokke
(Des Schweizerlands Geschichte, 9te Ausg. 1853, p. 179) implies that
the Protestants in general ignored it. Ranke (Hist. of the Popes,
Bohn tr. 1908, i, 337) mentions that "all Catholic nations took part
in this reform."
[2115] Blunt, Ref. of the Church of England, ed. 1892, ii, 76. Of the
twenty-six cathedrals in the reign of Henry VIII, thirteen had been
monastic churches, and these were "razed to the smallest possible
dimensions as to number and endowments." Id. p. 77.
[2116] Strype's Memorials of Cranmer, ed. 1848, ii, 89.
[2117] Blunt, i, 160-61.
[2118] Original Letters relative to the English Reformation, Parker
Society, 1816, i, 66.
[2119] Bishop Burnet (Exposition of the Thirty-nine Articles, Art. 18)
has given currency to the pretence that the words "saved by the
law" are meant to exclude the sense "saved in the law," the latter
salvation being allowed as possible. That there was no such thought on
the part of the framers of the Article is shown by the Latin version,
where the expression is precisely "in lege." Burnet prints the Latin,
yet utterly ignores its significance.
[2120] Book II of the Utopia was written at Antwerp, during his six
months' stay there on an embassy.
[2121] Bk. ii, sec. "Of the Religions" (Arber's ed. pp. 143-47;
Morley's ed. pp. 151-53).
[2122] Green, Short History, ch. vi, § 4; 1881 ed. p. 311. Compare
Green's whole estimate. Michelet's hostile criticism (x, 356) is
surprisingly inept. For the elements of naturalism in the Utopia see
bk. ii, sections "Of their Journeying" and "Of the Religions."
[2123] Cp. T. C. Grattan, The Netherlands, 1830, pp. 231-43.
[2124] Who, as it happened, avowed that "religion was almost extinct"
in Europe at the time of the rise of the Lutheran and Calvinistic
heresies. Concio xxviii. Opera, vi, 296, ed. 1617, cited by Blunt,
Ref. of Church of England, ed. 1892, i, 4, note.
[2125] Cp. The Works of Arminius, ed. by James Nichols, 1825, i,
580, note.
[2126] Id. p. 581 note.
[2127] Cp. Schuster, as cited, pp. 191 sq., 202 sq.
[2128] Nichols's Arminius, i, p. 233.
[2129] Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 406-416; Pattison, Isaac Casaubon,
2nd ed. pp. 447-48. As to Casaubon's own intolerance, however, see
p. 446.
[2130] Hallam, ii, 411, 416.
[2131] Beard, Hibbert Lectures, p. 298.
[2132] Bayle, Dictionnaire, art. Viret, note D.
[2133] Calvin, scenting his heresy, warned him in 1552 (Bayle,
art. Marianus Socin, the first, note B); but they remained on
surprisingly good terms till Lelio's death in 1562. Cp. Stähelin,
Johannes Calvin, ii. 321-28.
[2134] Cp. the English History of Servetus, 1724, p. 39, and Trechsel,
Lelio Sozzini und die Antitrinitarier seiner Zeit (Bd. ii. of Die
protestantischen Antitrinitarier), 1844, pp. 38-41.
[2135] Cited by Trechsel, p. 42, note.
[2136] Cp. Bayle, art. Ochin; Miss Lowndes, Michel de Montaigne,
p. 266; Owen, French Skeptics, p. 588; Benrath, Bernardino Ochino
of Siena, Eng. tr. 1876, pp. 268-72. McCrie mentions (Ref. in Italy,
p. 228, note) that Ochino's dialogue on polygamy has been translated
and published in England "by the friends of that practice." (In
1657. Rep. 1732.)
[2137] Above, pp. 458-59, Sermons (orthodox) by Ochino were published
in English in 1548, and often reprinted.
[2138] D'Ewes, Journals of Parliament in the Reign of Elizabeth,
1682, p. 65.
[2139] See above, p. 459.
[2140] The Scholemaster, Arber's rep. p. 82.
[2141] E.g., work cited, pt. ii, Max. 1, and Max. 6,
end. Eng. tr. 1608, pp. 93, 128.
[2142] Mark Pattison, Essay on Joseph Scaliger, in Essays, Routledge's
ed. i, 114.
[2143] When Pattison declares that Italian curiosity had bred "not
secret unbelief but callous acquiescence" he sets up a spurious
antithesis; and when he generalizes that in Italy "men did not
disbelieve the truths of the Christian religion," he understates
the case. He errs equally in the opposite direction when he alleges
(ib. p. 141) that in the France of Montaigne "a philosophical
skepticism had become the creed of all thinking men." Such a difference
between France and Italy was impossible.
[2144] See McCrie, Reformation in Italy, ed. 1856, pp. 96-99.
[2145] Trechsel, Die protestantischen Antitrinitarier vor Faustus
Socinus, i (1839), 56; Mosheim, 16 Cent. 3rd sec. pt. ii, ch. iv, § 3.
[2146] Hallam, Lit. of Europe, ii, 82.
[2147] Art. Acontius, in Dict. of National
Biog. Cp. J. J. Tayler. Retrospect of the Religious Life of England,
2nd ed. pp. 205-206. As to the attack on latitudinarianism in the
Thirty-nine Articles, see above, p. 460.
[2148] Bacon, Adv. of Learning, bk. i; Filum Labyrinthi, § 7 (Routledge
ed. pp. 50, 63, 200).
[2149] Cp. Zeller, Hist. de l'Italie, pp. 400-12; Green, Short
Hist. ch. viii, § 2.
[2150] McCrie, p. 164. It was said by Scaliger that "in the time
of Pius IV [between Paul IV and Pius V] people talked very freely
in Rome." Id. ib. note. "It was even considered characteristic
of good society in Rome to call the principles of Christianity in
question. 'One passes,' says P. Ant. Bandino, 'no longer for a man
of cultivation unless one put forth heterodox opinions concerning the
Christian faith.'" Ranke, Hist. of the Popes, Bohn, tr. ed. 1908, i,
58, citing Caracciolo's MS. Life of Paul IV.
[2151] Hallam, ii, 116.
[2152] Under the alternative titles of The Examination of Men's Wits
and A Trial of Wits. Rep. 1596, 1604, 1616.
[2153] Carew's tr. ed. 1596, p. 15.
[2154] Id. p. 17.
[2155] Id. p. 19.
[2156] According to Henri Estienne, Postell himself vended strange
heresies, one being to the effect that to make a good religion there
were needed three--the Christian, the Jewish, and the Turkish. Apologie
pour Hérodote, liv. i, ed. 1607, pp. 98-100.
[2157] Published at Antwerp. It was reprinted in 1582, 1583, and 1590;
translated into Latin in 1583, and frequently reprinted in that form;
translated into English (begun by Sir Philip Sidney and completed by
Arthur Golding) in 1587, and in that form at least thrice reprinted
in blackletter.
[2158] Ed. 1582, p. 18. Eng. tr. 1601, p. 10.
[2159] Or even in modifying philosophic doctrine, save perhaps
as regards Descartes, later. Cp. Bartholmess, Hist. crit. des
doctr. relig. de la philos. moderne, 1855, i, 21-22.
[2160] See Owen, Skeptics of the French Renaissance, pp. 631-36--a
fairer and more careful estimate, than that of Hallam, Lit. of Europe,
ii, 111-13.
[2161] Essais, bk. ii, ch. xiii, ed. Firmin-Didot, vol. ii, 2-3;
King Lear, i, 2, near end; Les Amants Magnifiques, i, 2; iii,
1. Montaigne echoes Pliny (Hist. Nat. ii, 8), as Molière does Cicero,
De Divinatione, ii, 43.
[2162] "Our religion," he writes, "is made to extirpate vices; it
protects, nourishes, and incites them" (Essais, liv. ii, ch. xii;
éd. Firmin-Didot, ii, 464). "There is no enmity so extreme as the
Christian." (I quote in general Florio's translation for the flavour's
sake; but it should be noted that he makes many small slips.)
[2163] Owen was mistaken (Skeptics of the French Renaissance,
p. 414) in supposing that Montaigne spent several years over this
translation. By Montaigne's own account at the beginning of the
Apologie, it was done in a few days. Cp. Miss Lowndes's excellent
monograph, Michel de Montaigne, pp. 103, 106.
[2164] Éd. Firmin-Didot, ii, 469.
[2165] Miss Lowndes, p. 145. Cp. Champion, Introd. aux Essais de
Montaigne, 1900.
[2166] Essais, liv. ii, ch. xii; liv. iii, ch. v. Ed. cited, i, 65;
ii, 309.
[2167] For a view of Montaigne's development see M. Champion's
excellent Introduction--a work indispensable to a full understanding
of the Essais.
[2168] Liv. ii, ch. xi.
[2169] Cp. the Essais, liv. iii, ch. i (ed. cited, ii, 208). Owen gives
a somewhat misleading idea of the passage (French Skeptics, p. 486).
[2170] Miss Lowndes, Michel de Montaigne, p. 131. Cp. Owen, p. 414.
[2171] He was consistent enough to doubt the new cosmology of
Copernicus (Essais, as cited, i, 615); and he even made a rather
childish attack on the reform of the Calendar (liv. iii, chs. x, xi);
but he was a keen and convinced critic of the prevailing abuses in
law and education. Owen's discussion of his opinions is illuminating;
but that of Champion makes a still more searching analysis as regards
the conflicting tendencies in Montaigne.
[2172] Liv. i, ch. liv.
[2173] Liv. i, ch. xx, end.
[2174] Liv. i, ch. xxii.
[2175] Liv. ii, ch. ix.
[2176] Liv. ii, ch. xvii. Ed. cited, ii, 58.
[2177] Id. p. 59.
[2178] Liv. iii, ch. xiii. Ed. cited, ii, 572.
[2179] Cp. the clerical protests of Sterling (Lond. and
Westm. Rev. July, 1838, p. 346) and Dean Church (Oxford Essays, p. 279)
with the judgment of Champion, pp. 159-73. Sterling piously declares
that "All that we find in him [Montaigne] of Christianity would be
suitable to apes and dogs...."
[2180] Liv. i, ch. xxii. Cp. liv. iii, ch. xi.
[2181] Below, § 5.
[2182] Liv. iii, ch. xi.
[2183] Liv. iii, ch. xi.
[2184] Cp. citations in Buckle, 3-vol. ed. ii, 18, note 42
(1-vol. ed. p. 296); Locky. Rationalism, i, 92-95; and Perrens,
Les Libertins, p. 44.
[2185] As to Henri IV see Perrens, p. 53.
[2186] Not, as Owen states (French Skeptics, p. 569), the sister of
Francis I, who died when Charron was eight years old, but the daughter
of Henri II, and first wife of Henri of Navarre, afterwards Henri IV.
[2187] Cp. Prof. Strowski, De Montaigne à Pascal, as cited, p. 170
sq., and the Discours Chrétien of Charron--an extract from a letter
of 1589--published with the 1609 ed. of the Sagesse.
[2188] Cp. Sainte-Beuve, as cited by Owen, p. 571, note, and Owen's
own words, p. 572.
[2189] Owen, p. 571. Cp. pp. 573, 574.
[2190] Bayle, art. Charron. "A brutal atheism" is the account of
Charron's doctrine given by the Jesuit Garasse. Cp. Perrens, p. 57.
[2191] Owen (p. 570) comes to this conclusion after carefully collating
the editions. Cp. p. 587, note. The whole of the alterations, including
those proposed by President Jeannin, will be found set forth in the
edition of 1607, and the reprints of that. One of the modified passages
(first ed. p. 257; ed. 1609, p. 785) is the Montaignesque comment
(noted by Prof. Strowski, p. 195) on the fashion in which men's
religion is determined by their place of birth. "C'est du Montaigne
aggravé," complains M. Strowski. And it is left unchanged in substance.
[2192] "The first ... attempt made in a modern language to construct
a system of morals without the aid of theology" (3-vol. ed. ii, 19;
1-vol. ed. p. 296).
[2193] Cp. Owen, pp. 580-85.
[2194] Buckle, 3-vol. ed. ii, 21; 1-vol. ed. p. 297.
[2195] E.g., the preface to the first edition, ad init.
[2196] E.g., liv. ii, ch. xxviii of revised ed. (ed. 1609, p. 399).
[2197] See the biog. pref. of Labitte to the Charpentier edition,
p. xxv. The Satyre in its own turn freely charges atheism and
incest on Leaguers; e.g., the Harangue de M. de Lyon, ed. cited,
pp. 79, 86. This was by Rapin, whom Garasse particularly accuses of
libertinage. See the Doctrine Curieuse, as cited, p. 124.
[2198] It had to be four times reprinted in a few weeks; and the
subsequent editions are innumerable. Ever since its issue it has been
an anti-fanatical force in France.
[2199] Cp. Ch. Read's introd. to ed. 1886 of the Satyre, p. iii. (An
exact reprint.) The Satyre anticipates (ed. Read, p. 281; ed. Labitte,
p. 227) the modern saying that the worst peace is better than the
best war.
[2200] De Thou, T. v, liv. 98, p. 63, cited in ed. 1699 of the
Satyre, p. 489. De Thou was one of the Catholics who loathed the
savagery of the Church; and was accordingly branded by the pope as
a heretic. Buckle, 1-vol. ed. pp. 291, 300, notes.
[2201] M. Labitte, himself a Catholic, speaks of Garasse's "forfanterie
habituelle" and "ton d'insolence sincère qui déguise tant de mensonges"
(Pref. cited, p. xxxi.). Prof. Strowski (p. 130) admits too that "Il
ne faut pas trop s'attacher aux révélations sensationelles du père
Garasse: les maximes qu'il prête aux beaux esprits, il les leur prête
en effet, elles ne leur appartient pas toutes. La société secrète,
la Confrérie des Bouteilles, ou il les dit engagés, est un invention
de sa verve bouffonne." But the Professor, with a "N'importe!",
forgives him, and trades on his matter.
[2202] Owen, French Skeptics, p. 659. Cp. Lecky, Rationalism, i, 97,
citing Maury, as to the resistance of libertins to the superstition
about witchcraft.
[2203] Doctrine Curieuse des Beaux Esprits, as cited, p. 208. This is
one of the passages which fully explain the opinion of the orthodox of
that age that Garasse "helped rather than hindered atheism" (Reimmann,
Hist. Atheismi, 1725, p. 408).
[2204] Mersenne ascribed the quatrains to a skilled
controversialist. Quæstiones, pref.