[584] Cp. Meyer, iv, § 446, as to the inadequacy of Athenian culture,
and the unchanging ignorance of the populace on matters of physical
science.
[585] Plutarch, Against the Stoics, ch. 31; Simplicius, Physica, i, 6.
[586] Clem. Alex. Protrept. c. 4.
[587] Refutation of all Heresies, i, 14.
[588] Cp. Aristotle, Metaphysics, i, 3; De anima, i, 2.
[589] Decharme, Critique des trad. relig. p. 137, citing scholiast
on Aristoph., Clouds, 96.
[590] See the point discussed by Lange, Geschichte des Materialismus,
3te Aufl. i, 128-29, 131-32, notes 10 and 31 (Eng. tr. i, 15,
39). Ritter and Preller say "Protagoras floret circa a. 450-430";
"Democritus natus circa a. 460 floret a. 430-410, obit. circa a. 357."
[591] Cp. Ueberweg, i, 68-69; Renouvier, Manuel de la philos. anc. i,
238.
[592] Burnet, p. 381.
[593] Diog. Laërt. x, 13.
[594] Lange, i, 10-11 (tr. p. 17); Clem. Alex. Stromata, i, 15;
Diog. Laërt. bk. ix, § 35.
[595] On this also see Lange, i, 128 (tr. p. 15, note).
[596] Diog. Laërt. bk. ix, ch. vii, 2 (§ 34). Cp. Renouvier, i, 239-41.
[597] See in particular the De principiis atque originibus (Works,
Routledge's 1-vol. ed. 1905, pp. 649-50).
[598] Meyer, who dwells on his scientific shortcomings (Gesch. des
Alt. v. § 910), makes no account of this, his vital doctrine.
[599] Fairbanks, pp. 189-91. The idea is not put by Empedokles with any
such definiteness as is suggested by Lange, i, 23-25 (tr. pp. 33-35),
and Ueberweg, Hist. of Philos. Eng. tr. i, 62, n. But Ueberweg's
exposition is illuminating.
[600] Fairbanks, pp. 136, 169.
[601] Id. p. 201.
[602] Benn, i, 28.
[603] Fairbanks, p. 205.
[604] See a good study of Empedokles in J. A. Symonds' Studies of the
Greek Poets, 3rd ed. 1893, vol. i, ch. 7; and another in Renouvier,
Manuel, i, 163-82.
[605] Cp. Grote, Plato, i, 73, and note.
[606] Cp. Renouvier, i, 239-62; Lange, p. 11 (tr. p. 17).
[607] Cp. Meyer, § 911.
[608] Diogenes Laërtius, bk. ix, ch. viii, § 3 (51); cp. Grote, vii,
49, note.
[609] For a defence of Protagoras against Plato, see Grote, vii, 43-54.
[610] Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Mathematicos, ix, 56.
[611] Beckmann, History of Inventions, Eng. tr. 1846, ii, 513.
[612] Diod. Sic. xiii, 6; Hesychius, cit. in Cudworth, ed. Harrison,
i, 131.
[613] Ueberweg, i, 80; Thukydides, v, 116. The bias of Sextus
Empiricus is further shown in his account of Diagoras as moved in
his denunciation by an injury to himself.
[614] It is told by Sextus Empiricus (Adv. Math. ix, 53) that Diagoras
is said to have invented the dithyramb (in praise of Iacchos), and
to have begun a poem with the words, "All things come by the daimon
and fortune." But Sextus writes with a fixed skeptical bias.
[615] Grote, vi, 13, 32, 33, 42-45.
[616] Athenagoras, Apol., ch. 4; Clem. Alex., Protrept. ch. 2. See
the documentary details in Meyer, iv, 105.
[617] Cicero, De natura Deorum, i, 1, 23, 42; iii, 37 (the last
reference gives proof of his general rationalism); Lactantius, De irâ
Dei, c. 9. In calling Sokrates "the Melian," Aristophanes (Clouds,
830) was held to have virtually called him "the atheist."
[618] Diod. xiii, 6; Suidas, s.v. Diagoras; Aristophanes, Birds,
1073. It is noteworthy that in their fury against Diagoras the
Athenians put him on a level of common odium with the "tyrants"
of past history. Cp. Burckhardt, Griechische Culturgeschichte, i, 355.
[619] Grote, vi, 476-77. As to the freethinking of Kritias, see Sextus
Empiricus, Adv. Math. ix, 54. According to Xenophon (Memorabilia, i,
2), Kritias made his decree in revenge for Sokrates's condemnation
of one of his illicit passions. Prof. Decharme (pp. 122-24) gives a
good account of him.
[620] Diog. Laërt. bk. ii, ch. iv; Hippolytos, Refutation of all
Heresies, i, 8; Renouvier, Manuel, i, 233-37.
[621] Cp. Cudworth, Intellectual System, ed. Harrison, i, 32;
Renouvier, Manuel, i, 233, 289; ii, 268, 292; Tatian, Adv. Græcos,
c. 48 (31); Diog. Laërt. bk. ii, ch. iii, 7 (§ 11); Grote, i, 374,
395, note; Hatch, Infl. of Greek Ideas, p. 60.
[622] Haigh, Tragic Drama of the Greeks, p. 206. Cp. Burnett, p. 278.
[623] Diog. Laërt. bk. ii (§ 22).
[624] "He never so utterly abandoned the religion of his country as to
find it impossible to acquiesce in at least some part of traditional
religion." Jevons, Hist. of Greek Lit. 1886. p. 222.
[625] Haigh, The Attic Theatre, 1889, p. 316.
[626] Above, p. 133.
[627] "He had also acquired in no small degree that love of dexterous
argumentation and verbal sophistry which was becoming fashionable in
the Athens of the fifth century. Not unfrequently he exhibits this
dexterity when it is clearly out of place." Haigh, Tragic Drama of
the Greeks, p. 235. Cp. Jevons, Hist. of Greek Lit. p. 223. Schlegel
is much more censorious.
[628] Ion., 436-51, 885-922; Andromache, 1161-65; Electra, 1245-46;
Hercules Furens, 339-47; Iphigenia in Tauris, 35, 711-15.
[629] Hercules Furens, 344, 1341-46; Iphigenia in Tauris, 380-91.
[630] Electra, 737-45.
[631] Troades, 969-90.
[632] Ion, 374-78, 685; Helena, 744-57; Iphigenia in Tauris, 570-75;
Electra, 400; Phoenissæ, 772; Fragm. 793; Bacchæ, 255-57; Hippolytus,
1059. It is noteworthy that even Sophocles (OEd. Tyr., 387) makes a
character taunt Tiresias the soothsayer with venality.
[633] Philoctetes, fr. 793; Helena, 1137-43; Bellerophon, fr. 288.
[634] Bacchæ, 200-203.
[635] Helena, 1013; Fragm. 890, 905, 935; Troades, 848-88.
[636] A. Schlegel, Lectures on Dramatic Literature, Bohn tr. p. 117.
[637] This charge is on a par with that of Hygiainon, who accused
Euripides of impiety on the score that one of his characters makes
light of oaths. Aristotle, Rhetoric, iii, 15.
[638] K. O. Müller, Hist. of the Lit. of Anc. Greece, 1847, p. 359. The
complaint is somewhat surprising from such a source. The only play
with an entirely invented plot mentioned by Aristotle is Agathon's
Flower (Aristotle, Poetic, ix); and such plays would not have been
eligible for representation at the great festivals.
[639] Cp. Jevons, Hist. of Greek Lit. pp. 223-24.
[640] Haigh. The Attic Theatre, p. 191. Cp. Müller, pp. 362-64.
[641] See, however, the æsthetic theorem of Prof. Murray, Euripides
and his Age, pp. 221-27.
[642] It seems arguable that the aversion of Aristophanes to Euripides
was primarily artistic, arising in dislike of some of the features of
his style. On this head his must be reckoned an expert judgment. The
old criticism found in Euripides literary vices; the new seems to
ignore the issue. But a clerical scholar pronounces that "Aristophanes
was the most unreasoning laudator temporis acti. Genius and poet as he
was, he was the sworn foe to intellectual progress." Hence his hatred
of Euripides and his championship of Æschylus. (Rev. Dr. W. W. Merry,
introd. to Clar. Press ed. of The Frogs, 1892.)
[643] Girard, Essai sur Thucydide, 1884, pp. 258-59.
[644] Cp. Haigh, The Attic Theatre, p. 315. In the same way
Ktesilochos, the pupil of Apelles, could with impunity make Zeus
ridiculous by exhibiting him pictorially in child-bed, bringing forth
Dionysos (Pliny, Hist. Nat. xxxv, 40. § 15).
[645] Bk. x, ad init.
[646] Cp. Benn, Philos. of Greece, p. 171.
[647] Zeller, Socrates and the Socratic Schools, Eng. tr. 3rd
ed. p. 227: Hegel, as there cited Grote, Plato, ed. 1885, i, 423.
[648] Cp. Owen, Evenings with the Skeptics, i, 181 sq., 291, 293,
299, etc.
[649] Grote, History, i, 334; Xenophon, Memorabilia, i, 1, §§ 6-9.
[650] Cp. Benn. The Philosophy of the Greeks, 1898, p. 160.
[651] Grote, i, 334-35; Hippocrates, De Aeribus, Aquis, Locis, c. 22
(49).
[652] Plato, Phædrus, Jowett's tr. 3rd ed. i. 434; Grote, History,
i, 393.
[653] Compare, however, the claim made for him, as promoting
"objectivity," by Prof. Drews, Gesch. des Monismus im Altertum,
1913. P. 213.
[654] Memorabilia, i, 4.
[655] "The predominatingly theistic character of philosophy ever since
has been stamped on it by Socrates, as it was stamped on Socrates by
Athens" (Benn, Philos. of Greece, p. 168).
[656] Zeller, Socrates and the Socratic Schools, as cited, p. 231. The
case against Sokrates is bitterly urged by Forchhammer, Die Athenen und
Sokrates, 1837; see in particular pp. 8-11. Cp. Grote, Hist. vii, 81.
[657] "Had not all the cultivated men of the time passed through
a school of rationalism which had entirely pulled to pieces the
beliefs and the morals of their ancestors?" Zeller, as last cited,
pp. 231-33. Cp. Haigh, Tragic Drama, p. 261.
[658] See Aristophanes's Frogs, 888-94.
[659] Æschines, Timarchos, cited by Thirlwall, iv, 277. Cp. Xenophon,
Mem. i, 2.
[660] "Nothing could well be more unpopular and obnoxious than
the task which he undertook of cross-examining and convicting of
ignorance every distinguished man whom he could approach." Grote,
vii. 95. Cp. pp. 141-44. Cp. also Trevelyan's Life of Macaulay,
ed. 1881, p. 316: and Renouvier, Manuel de la philos. anc. 1, iv,
§ iii. See also, however, Benn, Phil. of Greece, pp. 162-63. For a
view of Sokrates's relations to his chief accuser, which partially
vindicates or whitewashes the latter, see Prof. G. Murray's Anc. Greek
Lit. pp. 176-77. There is a good monograph by H. Bleeckly, Socrates
and the Athenians: An Apology, 1884, which holds the balances fairly.
[661] On the desire of Sokrates to die see Grote, vii, 152-64.
[662] The assertion of Plutarch that after his death the prosecutors of
Sokrates were socially excommunicated, and so driven to hang themselves
(Moralia: Of Envy and Hatred), is an interesting instance of moral
myth-making. It has no historic basis; though Diogenes (ii, 23 §
43) and Diodorus Siculus (xiv, 37), late authorities both, allege
an Athenian reaction in Sokrates' favour. Probably the story of the
suicide of Judas was framed in imitation of Plutarch's.
[663] Grote, History, i, 94.
[664] Id. i, 194. Not till Strabo do we find this myth disbelieved;
and Strabo was surprised to find most men holding by the old story
while admitting that the race of Amazons had died out. Id. p. 197.
[665] Life of Thukydides, by Marcellinus, ch. 22, citing
Antyllas. Cp. Girard, Essai sur Thucydide, p. 239; and the prefaces
of Hobbes and Smith to their translations.
[666] Girard, p. 3.
[667] "His writings," remarks Dr. Hatch, "contain the seeds of nearly
all that afterwards grew up on Christian soil" (Influence of Greek
Ideas and Usages upon the Christian Church, 1890, p. 182).
[668] Clem. Alex. Stromata, v, 14; Fairbanks, pp. 146-47; Grote,
Plato, ch. 38.
[669] Cp. Grote, Plato, iv, 162, 381. Professor Bain, however
(Practical Essays, 1884, p. 273), raises an interesting question by
his remark, as to the death of Sokrates: "The first person to feel
the shock was Plato. That he was affected by it to the extent of
suppressing his views on the higher questions we can infer with the
greatest probability. Aristotle was equally cowed."
[670] Diog. Laër. bk. ix, ch. vii, § 8 (40).
[671] Republic, bk. ii, 377, to iii, 393; Jowett's tr. 3rd ed. iii,
60 sq., 68 sq. In bk. x, it is true, he does speak of the poets as
unqualified by knowledge and training to teach truth (Jowett's tr. iii,
311 sq.); but Plato's "truth" is not objective, but idealistic,
or rather fictitious-didactic.
[672] Id. Jowett. pp. 59, 69, etc.
[673] Id. bk. iii; Jowett, pp. 103-105.
[674] Laws, x; Jowett, v, 295-98.
[675] Received myths are forbidden; and the preferred fictions are
to be city law. Cp. the Laws, ii, iii; Jowett, v, 42, 79.
[676] Laws, Jowett's tr. 3rd ed. v, 271-72. Cp. the comment of Benn,
i, 271-72.
[677] Republic, bk. ii, 379; Jowett, iii, 62.
[678] Laws, x, 906-907, 910; Jowett, v, 293-94, 297-98.
[679] On the inconsistency of the whole doctrine see see Grote's Plato,
iv, 379-97.
[680] Ueberweg, Hist. of Philos. Eng. tr. i, 25. Cp. Lange, Geschichte
des Materialismus, i, 38-39 (tr. i, 52-54), and the remarkable verdict
of Bacon (De Augmentis, bk. iii, ch. 4; Works, 1-vol. ed. 1905, p. 471;
cp. Advancement of Learning, bk. ii, p. 96) as to the superiority
of the natural philosophy of Demokritos over those of Plato and
Aristotle. Bacon immediately qualifies his verdict; but he repeats
it, as regards both Aristotle and Plato, in the Novum Organum, bk. i,
aph. 96. See, however, Mr. Benn's final eulogy of Plato as a thinker,
i, 273, and Murray's Anc. Greek Lit. pp. 311-13.
[681] Laws, x, 908; Jowett, v, 295.
[682] Grote, History, vii, 168.
[683] Cp. Grote, Aristotle, 2nd ed. p. 10.
[684] Origen, Against Celsus, ii, 13; cp. i, 65; iii, 75; vii, 3.
[685] Grote, Aristotle, p. 13.
[686] Benn, Greek Philosophers, i, 352. Mr. Benn refutes Sir A. Grant's
view that Aristotle's creed was a "vague pantheism"; but that phrase
loosely conveys the idea of its non-religiousness. It might be called a
Lucretian monotheism. Cp. Benn, i, 294; and Drews, Gesch. des Monismus,
p. 257.
[687] Metaphysics, xi (xii), 8, 13 (p. 1074, b). The passage is so
stringent as to raise the question how he came to run the risk in this
one case. It was probably a late writing, and he may have taken it
for granted that the Metaphysics would never be read by the orthodox.
[688] Cp. the severe criticisms of Benn, vol. i, ch. vi; Berry,
Short Hist. of Astron. p. 33; and Lange, Ges. des Mater. i, 61-68,
and notes, citing Eucken and Cuvier. Aristotle's science is very
much on a par with that of Bacon, who saw his imperfections, but fell
into the same kinds of error. Both insisted on an inductive method;
and both transgressed from it. See, however, Lange's summary, p. 69,
also p. 7, as to the unfairness of Whewell; and ch. v of Soury's
Bréviaire de l'histoire du Matérialisme, 1881, especially end.
[689] Politics, i, 2.
[690] Strabo, bk. ix, ch. iii, § 11. Strabo reproaches Ephoros with
repeating the current legends all the same; but it seems clear that
he anticipated the critical tactic of Gibbon.
[691] As to the Stoics, cp. Zeller, § 34, 4; Benn, The Philosophy of
Greece, pp. 255-56. As to Epicurus, cp. Benn, p. 261.
[692] Diog. Laërt. bk. ix, ch. xi, 5, § 64. The lengthy notice given
by Diogenes shows the impression Pyrrho's teaching made. See a full
account of it, so far as known, in the Rev. J. Owen's Evenings with
the Skeptics, 1881, i, 287 sq., and the monograph of Zimmerman,
there cited.
[693] These propositions occur in the first of the ten Pyrrhonian
tropoi or modes (Diog. Laërt. bk. ix, ch. xi, 9), of which the
authorship is commonly assigned to Ænesidemos (fl. 80-50). Cp. Owen,
Evenings with the Skeptics, i, 290, 322-23. But as given by Diogenes
they seem to derive from the early Pyrrhonian school.
[694] Thus, where Democritos pronounced the sun to be of vast size,
Epicurus held it to be no larger than it seemed (Cicero, De Finibus, i,
6)--a view also loosely ascribed to Herakleitos (Diog. Laërt. bk. ix,
ch. i, 6, § 7). See, however, Wallace's Epicureanism ("Ancient
Philosophies" series), 1889, pp. 176 sq., 186 sq., 266, as to the
scientific merits of the system.
[695] The Epicurean doctrine on this and other heads is chiefly to be
gathered from the great poem of Lucretius. Prof. Wallace's excellent
treatise gives all the clues. See p. 202 as to the Epicurean God-idea.
[696] Grote, History, i, 395, note; Plutarch, Non posse suaviter vivi
sec. Epicur.
[697] Compare Wallace, Epicureanism, pp. 64-71, and ch. xi; and
Mackintosh, On the Progress of Ethical Philosophy, 4th ed. p. 29.
[698] De rerum natura, i, 62-79.
[699] Alexander seu Pseudomantis, cc. 25, 38, 47, 61, cited by Wallace,
pp. 249-50.
[700] The repute of the Epicureans for irreligion appears in the
fact that when Romanized Athens had consented to admit foreigners
to the once strictly Athenian mysteries of Eleusis, the Epicureans
were excluded.
[701] Cicero, De natura Deorum, i, 13; Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromata,
v, 14; Sextus Empiricus, Adv. Mathematicos, ix, 51, 55.
[702] Diog. Laërt. bk ii, ch. viii, §§ 7, 11-14 (86, 97-100). He was
also nicknamed "the God." Id. and ch. xii, 5 (§ 116).
[703] Cicero, De natura Deorum, i, 1, 23, 42.
[704] Diogenes, as last cited, § 12 (97).
[705] Id. §§ 15, 16 (101-102).
[706] Professor Wallace's account of the court of Lysimachos of Thrace
as a "favourite resort of emancipated freethinkers" (Epicureanism,
p. 42) is hardly borne out by his authority, Diogenes Laërtius, who
represents Lysimachos as unfriendly towards Theodoros. Hipparchia
the Cynic, too, opposed rather than agreed with the atheist.
[707] Diog., last cit. Cp. Cicero, Tusculans, ii, 43. Philo Judæus
(Quod Omnis Probus Liber, c. 18; cp. Plutarch, De Exilio, c. 16) has
a story of his repelling taunts about his banishment by comparing
himself to Hercules, who was put ashore by the alarmed Argonauts
because of his weight. But he is further made to boast extravagantly,
and in doing so to speak as a believer in myths and deities. The
testimony has thus little value.
[708] Diog. bk. ii, ch. xii, § 5 (116).
[709] Id. ch. x, § 2 (106).
[710] Id. ch. xii, § 5 (117) and bk. iv, ch. vii, §§ 4, 9, 10 (52,
54, 55).
[711] Plutarch, De defectu orac. ch. 19. Bion seems to have made an
impression on Plutarch, who often quotes him, though it be but to
contradict him.
[712] Cicero, De natura Deorum, i, 13.
[713] Id. ib.; Academics, iv, 38.
[714] Cicero, Tusculans, i, 10, 31; Academics, ii, 39; and refs. in
ed. Davis.
[715] Sir A. Grant's tr. of the hymn is given in Capes's Stoicism
("Chief Ancient Philosophies" series), 1880, p. 41; and the Greek
text by Mahaffy, Greek Life and Thought, p. 262. Cp. Cicero, De
nat. Deor. i, 14.
[716] Pseudo-Plutarch, De placitis philosoph. i, 7.
[717] Eusebius, Præp. Evang. bk. ii, ch. 2; Plutarch, Isis and Osiris,
ch. 23.
[718] P. 80.
[719] It may be noted that Diogenes of Babylon, a follower of
Chrysippos, applied the principle to Greek mythology. Cicero, De
nat. Deor. i, 15.
[720] Above, p. 80, note 4.
[721] See Grote, i, 371-74 and notes.
[722] Palaiphatos, De Incredibilibus: De Actæone, De Geryone, De
Cerbero, De Amazonibus, etc.
[723] E. R. Bevan (art. "The Deification of Kings in the Greek Cities"
in Eng. Histor. Rev. Oct. 1901, p. 631) argues that the practice was
not primarily eastern, but Greek. See, however, Herodotos, vii, 136;
Arrian, Anabas. Alexand. iv, 11; Q. Curtius, viii, 5-8; and Plutarch,
Artaxerxes, ch. 22, as to the normal attitude of the Greeks, even as
late as Alexander.
[724] See Plutarch, Isis and Osiris, chs. 22, 23, for the later
Hellenistic tone on the subject of apotheosis apart from the official
practice of the empire.
[725] Gibbon, ch. xl. Bohn ed. iv, 353, and note.
[726] Mahaffy, Greek Life, pp. 133-35; Diog. Laërt. bk. ii, ch. v,
5 (§ 38).
[727] Wallace, Epicureanism (pp. 245-46), citing Suidas, s.v. Epicurus.
[728] Diogenes Laërtius, bk. vii, ch. i, 28 (§ 33); cp. Origen,
Against Celsus, bk. i, ch. 5; Clemens Alex, Stromata, bk. v, ch. ii.
[729] Mahaffy, as cited, p. 135, n.; Athenæus, ix, 63 (p. 400).
[730] (297 B.C.) Burckhardt, Griechische Culturgeschichte, i, 213;
Pausanias, i, 29.
[731] Cp. G. Guizot, Ménandre, 1855, pp. 324-27, and App.
[732] Cp. Guizot, pp. 327-31, and the fragments cited by Justin Martyr,
De Monarchia, ch. 5.
[733] Whittaker, as cited, p. 85.
[734] Martha, as cited, p. 78.
[735] Diog. Laërt. bk. iv, ch. ix, 8 (§ 65).
[736] Diog. Laërt. bk. iv, ch. ix, 4, 5 (§ 63); Noumenios in
Euseb. Præp. Evang. xiv, 8; Cicero, De Oratore, ii, 38; Lucilius,
cited by Lactantius, Div. Inst.
[737] Cicero, Academics, ii, 34.
[738] Berry, Short Hist. of Astron. pp. 34-62; Narrien,
Histor. Account, as cited, ch. xi; L. U. K. Hist. of Astron. ch. vi. It
is noteworthy that Hipparchos, like so many of his predecessors,
had some of his ideas from Babylonia. Strabo, prooem., § 9.
[739] Ptolemy normally lumps unbelief in religion with all the vices
of character. Cp. the Tetrabiblos, iii, 18 (paraphrase of Proclus).
[740] Hist. Nat. ii, 26.
[741] Lucian's dialogue Philopseudes gives a view of the superstitions
of average Greeks in the second century of our era. Cp. Mr. Williams's
note to the first Dialogue of the Dead, in his tr. p. 87.
[742] See M. Foucart's treatise, Des assoc. relig. chez les Grecs,
1873, 2e ptie.
[743] On the early tendency to orthodox conformity among the
unbelieving Alexandrian scholars, see Mahaffy, Greek Life and Thought,
pp. 260-61.
[744] Frag. cited by Wallace, p. 258.
[745] Rev. Baden Powell, Hist. of Nat. Philos. 1834, p. 79.
[746] De Oratore, iii, 17; De Finibus, ii, 12, 13.
[747] See Saisset, Le Scepticisme, 1865, pp. 22-27, for a careful
discussion of dates.
[748] His own claim was to be of the "methodical" school. Hypotyp. i,
34.
[749] See his doctrine expounded by Owen, Evenings with the Skeptics,
i, 332 sq.
[750] Cp. Owen, p. 349.
[751] These seem to be derived from Carneades. Cp. Ueberweg, i, 217.
[752] "The general character of the Greek Skeptics from Sokrates to
Sextos is quite unexceptionable" (Owen, Evenings, i, 352).
[753] Polybius, bk. vi, ch. lvi. Cp. bk. xvi, Frag. 5 (12), where
he speaks impatiently of the miracle-stories told of certain cults,
and, repeating his opinion that some such stories are useful for
preserving piety among the people, protests that they should be kept
within bounds.
[754] Bk. i, ch. ii, § 8. Plutarch (Isis and Osiris, ch. 8) puts the
more decent principle that all the apparent absurdities have good
occult reasons.
[755] Bk. ix, ch. iii, § 12. Cp. bk. x, ch. iii, § 23. The hand of
an interpolator frequently appears in Strabo (e.g., bk. ix, ch. ii,
§ 40; ch. iii, § 5); and the passage cited in bk. i is more in the
style of the former than of the latter.
[756] See Dr. Hatch, Influence of Greek Ideas upon the Christian
Church, 1890, pp. 60-64, notes; also above, pp. 143 and 161, note.
[757] De defect. orac. c. 19; Isis and Osiris, ch. 67.
[758] De Amore, c. 13; Isis and Osiris, chs. 66, 67; and De
defect. orac. c. 13.
[759] Schmidt, Gesch. der Denk- und Glaubensfreiheit im erst. Jahr.,
1847, p. 22.
[760] Burnet, Early Greek Philos. 1892, p. 276. Cp. 2nd ed. p. 294.
[761] It is to be presumed that Dr. Burnet, when penning his estimate,
had not in memory such a record as Dr. A. D. White's History of the
Warfare between Science and Theology.
[762] Mommsen, History of Rome, bk. i, ch. 14 (Eng. tr. 1894,
vol. i, pp. 282-83). Mommsen's view of the antiquity of writing
among the Latins (p. 280) is highly speculative. He places its
introduction about or before 1000 B.C.; yet he admits that they got
their alphabet from the Greeks, and he can show no Greek contacts
for that period. Cp. pp. 167-68 (ch. x). Schwegler (Römische
Geschichte, 1853, i, 36) more reasonably places the period after
that of the Etruscan domination, while recognizing the Greek origin
of the script. Cp. Ettore Pais, Ancient Legends of Roman History,
Eng. tr. 1906, pp. 26-28; Pelham, Outlines of Roman History, 1893,
p. 32.
[763] Schwegler, i, ch. i, § 12; Teuffel, Hist. of Roman
Lit. ed. Schwabe, Eng. tr. 1900, i, 100-101, 104-10.
[764] Teuffel, i, 110-11.
[765] Mommsen, bk. ii, ch. 8. Eng. tr. ii, 70. Such creation of deities
by mere abstraction of things and functions had been the rule in the
popular as distinguished from the civic religion. Cp. Augustine, De
civitate Dei, iv, 16, 23; vi, 9, etc. It was the concomitant of the
tendency noted by Livy: adeo minimis etiam rebus prava religio inserit
deos (xxvii, 23). But the practice was not peculiar to the Romans,
for among the Greeks were Gods or Goddesses of Wealth, Peace, Mercy,
Shame, Fortune, Rumour, Energy, Action, Persuasion, Consolation,
Desire, Yearning, Necessity, Force, etc. See Pausanias passim. The
inference is that the more specific deities in all religions, with
personal names, are the product of sacerdotal institutions or of
poetic or other art. M. Boissier (i, 5), like Ihne, takes it for
granted that the multitude of deified abstractions had no legends;
but this is unwarranted. They may have had many; but there were no
poets to sing, or priests to preserve and ritualize them.
[766] De natura Deorum, i, 42.
[767] Mr. Schuckburgh (History of Rome, 1894, p. 401, note) cites
a translated passage in his fragments (Cicero, De Div. ii, 50; De
nat. Deorum, iii, 32), putting the Epicurean view that the Gods clearly
did not govern human affairs, "which he probably would have softened
if he had not agreed with it." Cp. Mommsen, iii, 113 (bk. ii, ch. 13).
[768] Fragmenta, ed. Hesselius, p. 226; Cicero, De Divinatione, i, 58.
[769] Mommsen, i, 301; ii, 71; iii, 117 (bk. i, ch. 15; bk. ii, ch. 8;
bk. iii, ch. 13). Cicero, De Div. i, 41.
[770] Livy, xxix, 18. Dr. Warde Fowler (Religious Experience of the
Roman People, p. 346) censures Mr. Heitland for calling Livy's story
"an interesting romance" (Hist. of Rom. Rep. ii, 229 note); remarking
that "it is the fashion now to reject as false whatever is surprising,"
and adding (p. 347): "It is certain, from the steps taken by the
government ... that it is in the main a true account." It may suffice
to ask whether Dr. Fowler believes in all or any of the prodigia
mentioned by Livy because the government "took steps" about them.
[771] Cp. Boissier, La religion romaine, i, 39, 346.
[772] Teuffel, i, 122.
[773] Aulus Gellius (xv, 11) says the edict was de philosophis et de
rhetoribus Latinis, but the senatus-consultum, as given by him, does
not contain the adjective; and he goes on to tell that aliquot deinde
annis post--really sixty-nine years later--the censors fulminated
against homines qui NOVUM genus disciplinæ instituerunt ... eos sibi
nomen imposuisse Latinas rhetoras. The former victims, then, were
presumably Greek. Cp. Shuckburgh, p. 520; and Long, Decline of the
Roman Republic, 1866, ii, 146. Professor Pelham (Outlines of Roman
History, 1893, p. 179, note) mistakenly cites the senatus-consultum
as containing the word "Latini." The reading Latinis in Gellius's
own phrase has long been suspected. See ed. Frederic and Gronov, 1706.
[774] Plutarch, Cato, c. 22.
[775] Cicero, De. Repub., passim, ed. Halm.
[776] Polybius, xxxii, 10.
[777] Suetonius, De claris rhetoribus.
[778] See in Cicero, De Oratore, iii, 24, the account by the censor
Crassus of his reasons for preferring the Greek rhetors.
[779] Valerius Maximus, i, 3, 1.
[780] The culture history of the republican period, as partially
recovered by recent archæology, shows a process of dissolution and
replacement from a remote period. Cp. Ettore Pais, Ancient Legends
of Roman History, Eng. tr. 1906, ch. ii, notably p. 18.
[781] De rerum natura, i, 50-135; cp. v, 1166.
[782] ii, 646-50 (the passage cited by Mr. Gladstone in the House
of Commons in one of the Bradlaugh debates, with a confession of its
noble beauty); and again ii, 1090-1105, and iii, 18-22.
[783] See Christianity and Mythology, pp. 52-57.
[784] See the account of the doctrine of the high-priest Scaevola,
preserved by Augustine, De civ. Dei, iv, 27. He and Varro (id. iv,
31; vi, 5-7) agreed in rejecting the current myths, but insisted on
the continued civic acceptance of them. On the whole question compare
Boissier, La religion romaine, i, 47-63.
[785] Thus the satirist Lucilius, who ridiculed the popular beliefs,
was capable, in his capacity of patriot, of crying out against the lack
of respect shown to religion and the Gods (Boissier, pp. 51-52). The
purposive insincerity set up in their thinking by such men must,
of course, have been injurious to character.
[786] Cp. the De Divinatione, i, 2.
[787] E.g., Mr. A. J. Balfour's Foundations of Belief.
[788] Tusc. Disp. i, 26.
[789] De Divinatione, ii, 33, 34, cp. ii, 12; and De nat. Deorum,
i, 22. It is not surprising that in a later age, when the remaining
pagans had no dialectic faculty left, the Christian Fathers, by using
Cicero as a weapon against the cults, could provoke them into calling
him impious (Arnobius, Adv. Gentes, iii, 6, 7).
[790] De Divinatione, ii, 22.
[791] Boissier, i, 58.
[792] De nat. Deorum, ii, 1.
[793] Boissier, p. 59.
[794] "It seems to me that, on the whole, among the educated and
the rich, the indifferent must have been in the majority" (Boissier,
p. 61).
[795] Id. p. 59.
[796] Cp. Long, Decline of Roman Republic, i, 438; ii, 38-40. Long
remarks that Domitius, the accuser of Scaurus (who had prevented his
election to the college of augurs), "used the name of religion for the
purpose of damaging a political enemy; and the trick has been repeated,
and is repeated, up to the present day. The Romans must have kept
records of many of these trials. They were the great events of the
times ...; and so we learn that three tribes voted against Scaurus,
and thirty-two voted for him; but in each of these thirty-two tribes
there was only a small majority of votes (pauca puncta) in favour
of Scaurus."
[797] See Long, i, 56, for a cynical estimate of the mode of
manipulation of the Sibylline and other sacred books.
[798] Sallust, Bellum Catilin. c. 51.
[799] Suetonius, Julius, cc. 59, 77; Cicero, De Divinatione, ii,
24. Cp. Merivale, History of the Romans under the Empire, ed. 1865,
ii, 424.
[800] Plutarch, Sulla, c. 29; Marius, c. 16. Long (Decline of Roman
Republic, ii, 369) says of Sulla that, "though he could rob a temple
when he wanted money, he believed in the religion of his time. We
should call him superstitious; and a man who is superstitious is
capable of any crime, for he believes that the Gods can be conciliated
by prayers and presents."
[801] Compare the fears which grew upon Cromwell in his last days.
[802] Pompeius, on the other hand, had many seers in his camp; but
after his overthrow expressed natural doubts about Providence. Cicero,
De Div. ii, 24, 47; Plutarch, Pompeius, c. 75.
[803] Boissier, i, 73.
[804] See Augustine's citation from Varro, De civ. Dei, vi,
2. Cp. Sueton. Aug. 29.
[805] The only record to the contrary is the worthless scandal as
to his "suppers of the Twelve Gods" (Sueton. Aug. 70). The statement
of W. A. Schmidt that "none of the Julians was orthodox" (Geschichte
der Denk- und Glaubensfreiheit im ersten Jahrhundert, 1847, p. 175)
is somewhat overstrained.
[806] Dio Cassius, lii, 36.
[807] E.g., his encouragement of a new college of priests founded in
his honour. Dio, xliv, 6.
[808] Sueton. Julius, 44, 56. The first public library actually
opened in Rome was founded by Asinius Pollio under Augustus, and was
placed in the forecourt of the temple of Liberty: Augustus founded
two others; Tiberius a fourth, in his palace; Vespasian a fifth, in
the temple of Peace; Domitian a sixth, on the Capitol. W. A. Schmidt,
Gesch. der Denk- und Glaubensfreiheit, pp. 151-52, and refs.
[809] Boissier, pp. 67-108; Suetonius, Aug. xxix-xxxi.
[810] L'Abbé Beurlier, Le Culte Impérial, 1891, introd. and ch. 1;
Boissier, ch. 2. Cp. p. 185, note, above.
[811] It would seem that the occasion on which he enraged the Senate
by not rising to receive them (Sueton. Jul. 78) was that on which
they came to announce that they had made him a God, Jupiter Julius,
with a special temple and a special priest. See Long, Decline of the
Roman Republic, v, 418. He might very well have intended to rebuke
their baseness. But cp. Boissier, i, 122, citing Dio, xlvi, 6.
[812] iii, 46; x, 40; xliii, 13.
[813] 1 Sat. v, 98-103.
[814] As to the conflict between Horace's bias and his policy,
cp. Boissier, i. 193-201.
[815] E.g., Carm. iii, 6.
[816] Fasti, v, 673-92.
[817] Fasti, ii, 61-66.
[818] Fasti, iv, 204. The preceding phrase, pro magno teste vetustas
creditur, certainly has an ironic ring.
[819] Æneid, vi, 724-27.
[820] Cp. Boissier, i, 228-29.
[821] Georgics, ii, 490, 493. Diderot originated the idea that
the first of these lines and the two which follow it in Virgil had
reference to Lucretius. Grimm, Correspondance Littéraire, ed. 1829-30,
vi, 21-25. It is acquiesced in by W. Warde Fowler, Social Life at
Rome in the Age of Cicero, 1909, p. 327. Sellar (Roman Poets of the
Augustan Age: Virgil, 1877. p. 201) is doubtful on the point.
[822] Cp. Boissier, i, 193.
[823] Boissier, ii, 84-92.
[824] Ep. xcv.
[825] Suetonius, Jul. 88.
[826] The same note occurs in Virgil, Æneid, vi, 719-21.
[827] Hist. Nat. ii, 1, 5 (7). Pliny identifies nature and deity:
"Per quæ declaratur haud dubie naturæ potentia, idque esse quod Deum
vocamus" (last cit., end).
[828] Hist. nat. vii, 55 (56). Cp. Boissier, i, 300.
[829] Id. pp. 301-303.
[830] See the praiseworthy treatise of Mr. J. A. Farrer, Paganism
and Christianity, 1891, chs. 5, 6, and 7.
[831] "... vires religionis, ad quas maxime etiamnum caligat humanum
genus." Hist. nat. xxx, 1.
[832] Above, p. 188.
[833] Primus in orbe deos fecit timor. Frag. 22, ed. Burmanni. The
whole passage is noteworthy. See also his Satyricon, c. 137, as to
his estimate of sacerdotal sincerity.
[834] Thebaid, iii, 661.
[835] Porphyry, Epistle to Anebo (with Jamblichus). Chaeremon, however,
is said to have regarded comets as divine portents. Origen, Ag. Celsus,
bk. i, ch. 59.
[836] Prof. C. Martha, Les moralistes sous l'empire romain, ed. 1881,
p. 341.
[837] W. A. Schmidt, who cites this act (Geschichte der Denk- und
Glaubensfreiheit, pp. 31-33) as the beginning of the end of free
speech in Rome, does not mention the detail given by Dio (xliv,
10), that Cæsar suspected the tribunes of having set on some of
the people to hail him as king. But the unproved suspicion does not
justify his course, which was a bad lapse of judgment, even if the
suspicion were just. From this point a conspiracy against his life
was natural. Cp. Long, Decline of the Roman Republic, v, 432-33. as
to the facts.
[838] See W. A. Schmidt, pp. 34-108, for a careful analysis of the
evolution. As to the book-censure, see pp. 101-104.
[839] Suetonius, Tiberius, c. 28.
[840] Id. c. 61.
[841] Annals, i, 73. That such a phrase should have been written by an
emperor in an official letter, and yet pass unnoticed through antiquity
save in one historical work, recovered only in the Renaissance, is
one of the minor improbabilities that give colour to the denial of
the genuineness of the Annals.
[842] Tiberius, c. 69.
[843] Petronius, Satyricon, ad init.
[844] In the Annals (xiv, 50) it is stated that the book attacked
senators and pontiffs; that it was condemned to be burned, and
Vejento to be exiled; and that the book was much sought and read
while forbidden; but that it fell into oblivion when all were free
to read it. Here, again, there is no other ancient testimony. Vejento
is heard of, however, in Juvenal, iv, 113, 123-29.
[845] Philostratus, Life of Apollonius, iv. 47.
[846] Cp. Schmidt, pp. 346-47.
[847] Suetonius, Domitian, c. 10.
[848] Cp. Schmidt, p. 157.
[849] Suetonius, Tiberius, c. 36; Josephus, Antiquities, xviii, 3,
§§ 4, 5. Josephus specifies isolated pretexts, which Suetonius does
not mention. They are not very probable.
[850] Who destroyed 2,000 copies of prophetical books. Suetonius,
Aug. c. 31.
[851] See, in the next chapter, as to the rationalistic mythology
of Macrobius.
[852] Cp. Propertius, ii, 14, 27 sqq.; iii, 23, 19-20; iv, 3, 38;
Tibullus, iv, 1, 18-23; Juvenal, as before cited, and xv, 133, 142-46.
[853] Plato, 2 Alcib.; Cicero, Pro Cluentio, c. 68; Horace, Carm. iii,
23, 17; Ovid, Heroides, Acont. Cydipp. 191-92; Persius, Sat. ii,
69; Seneca, De Beneficiis, i, 6. Cp. Diod. Sic. xii, 20; Varro,
in Arnobius, Adv. Gentes, vii, 1.
[854] 1 Sat. iii, 96-98. Cp. Cicero, De Finibus, iv, 19, 27, 28;
Matt. v. 19-28; James, ii, 10. Lactantius, again (Div. Inst. iii,
23). denounces the doctrine of the equality of offences as laid down
by Zeno, giving no sign of knowing that it is also set forth in his
own sacred books.
[855] On Seneca's moral teaching, cp. Martha, Les Moralistes sous
l'empire romain, pp. 57-66; Boissier, La religion romaine, ii,
80-82. M. Boissier further examines fully the exploded theory that
Seneca received Christian teaching. On this compare Bishop Lightfoot,
Dissertations on the Apostolic Age, pp. 237-92.
[856] Seneca was so advanced in his theoretic ethic as to consider
all war on a level with homicide. Epist. xcv, 30.
[857] It is to be noted that preaching had begun among the moralists
of Rome in the first century, and was carried on by the priests
of Isis in the second; and that in Egypt monasticism had long been
established. Martha, as cited, p. 67; Boissier, i, 356-59. Cp. Mosheim,
2 Cent. pt. ii, c. iii, §§ 13, 14, as to monasticism.
[858] Mt. xxii, 39; Mk. xii, 31.
[859] Talmud, tract. Sabbath, 306.
[860] Mk. xii, 32.
[861] Lk. xviii, 20.
[862] See the impressive argument of Dr. Moncure Conway in his Solomon
and Solomonic Literature, 1899, ch. xviii.
[863] See Dr. Nicholson's The Gospel According to the Hebrews, 1879,
p. 77. Cp. Conway, p. 222. Dr. Nicholson insists that at least the word
"sacrificing" must be spurious, because "it is surely impossible that
Jesus ever uttered this threat"!
[864] Cp. the author's Christianity and Mythology, pt. iii. div. ii,
§ 6.
[865] The Book of the Secrets of Enoch, known as the "Slavonic Enoch,"
ch. xliv, 1 (Eng. tr. 1896, pp. 60, 67).
[866] See the author's Pagan Christs, pt. ii.
[867] Above, p. 215.
[868] Hosea, vi, 6; Psalms, xl, 6, 7; Ecclesiastes, v, 1.
[869] Talmud, Yoma-Derech Eretz; Midrash, Vayikra-Rabba, xxvii,
11 and 12.
[870] Ch. lii (p. 69).
[871] Luke xiii, 4.
[872] Cp. Conway, Solomon and Solomonic Literature, 1899, pp. 57,
201, 219.
[873] John iv, 21.
[874] E.g., Plato, Crito, Jowett's tr. 3rd ed. ii, 150; Seneca, De
Ira, ii, 32. Valerius Maximus (iv, 2, 4) even urges the returning of
benefits for injuries.
[875] It is impossible to find in the whole patristic literature a
single display of the "love" in question. In all early Christian
history there is nothing to represent it save the attitude of
martyrs towards their executioners--an attitude seen often in pagan
literature. (E.g., Ælian, Var. Hist. xii, 49.)
[876] 1 Thess. v, 21.
[877] 2 Cor. xi, 4; Gal. i, 6.
[878] Cp. Rom. ix, 14-21.
[879] 2 Cor. x, 5. Needless to say, such an expression savours strongly
of late invention; but in any case it tells of the attitude of the
Christian teachers of the second century.
[880] 1 Cor. vii, 20-24 (where the phrase translated in English
"use it rather" unquestionably means "rather continue" = remain a
slave. Cp. Eph. vi, 5, and Variorum Teacher's Bible in loc.).
[881] Rom. xiii, 1. Cp. 1 Peter ii, 13-14; Tit. iii, 1. The anti-Roman
spirit in the Apocalypse is Judaic, not Gentile-Christian; the book
being of Jewish origin.
[882] James ii, 21.
[883] 1 Cor. xv, 12.
[884] The Apology of Athenagoras (2nd c.) is rather a defence of
monotheism than a Christian document; hence, no doubt, its speedy
neglect by the Church.
[885] Justin Martyr, 1 Apol. c. 5; Min. Felix, Octavius, c. 10.
[886] "The inhabitants of Coelesyria, Idumea, and Judea are principally
influenced by Aries and Ares, and are generally audacious, atheistical,
and treacherous" (Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, ii, 3--Paraphrase of Proclus).
[887] Cp. Tertullian, De Idolatria, passim, and Ad Scapulam, c. 5.
[888] For the refusal to worship men as Gods they had, of course,
abundant pagan precedent. See above, p. 186, note.
[889] E.g., Tertullian, De Testimonio Animæ, c. 1; Arnobius,
Adversus Gentes, i, 41, etc.; Lactantius, Divine Institutes, c. xv;
Epit. c. vii.
[890] Cp. J. A. Farrer, Paganism and Christianity, ch. vii.
[891] Irenæus, Against Heresies, i, 26. Cp. Hagenbach, Lehrbuch der
Dogmengeschichte, 3te Aufl. § 23, 4 (p. 37), as to Cerinthus.
[892] 1 Tim. vi, 20. The word persistently translated "oppositions"
is a specific term in Gnostic lore. Cp. R. W. Mackay, Rise and Progress
of Christianity, 1854, p. 115, note.
[893] Cp. Harnack, Outlines of the History of Dogma, Mitchell's
trans. p. 77 (ch. vi), p. 149 (bk. ii, ch. vi); Gieseler, Comp. of
Eccles. Hist. i, § 63, Eng. tr. i, 234, as to the attitude of Origen.
[894] The term "Gnostic," often treated as if applicable only to
heretical sects, was adopted by Clemens of Alexandria as an honourable
title. Cp. Gieseler, p. 241, as cited.
[895] Mosheim, Eccles. Hist. 2 Cent. pt. ii, ch. i, §§ 4-12. Cp.,
however, Abbé Cognat, Clément d'Alexandrie, 1859, pp. 421-23, and
Ueberweg, i, 239, as to the obscurity resting on the original teaching
of Ammonios.
[896] Cp. Gieseler, Compendium, i, § 52 (tr. vol. i, p. 162).
[897] Id. §§ 54, 55, pp. 186-90.
[898] E. H. 3 Cent. pt. ii, ch. i, §§ 2-4.
[899] As to the earlier latitudinarianism, cp. Gieseler, as cited,
p. 166.
[900] Gieseler, § 55.
[901] Mosheim, E. H. 3 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, §§ 1-7; Gieseler,
as cited, § 53, pp. 162-65; Eusebius, Eccles. Hist. vi, 19;
B. Saint-Hilaire, De l'école d'Alexandrie, 1845, p. 7; Baur,
Ch. Hist. Eng. tr. ii, 3-8. But cp. Cognat, Clément d'Alexandrie,
l. v, ch. v.
[902] Cp. Mosheim on Origen, Comm. de rebus Christ. ante Const. §§ 27,
28, summarized in Schlegel's note to Ec. Hist. Reid's ed. pp. 100-101;
Gieseler, § 63; Renan, Marc-Aurèle, pp. 114, 140. Dr. Hatch (Influence
of Greek Ideas on the Christian Church, pp. 82-83) notes that the
allegorical method, which began in a tendency towards rationalism,
came later to be typically orthodox.
[903] "Gnosis was an attempt to convert Christianity into philosophy;
to place it in its widest relation to the universe, and to incorporate
with it the ideas and feelings approved by the best intelligence of
the times." Mackay, Rise and Progress of Christianity, p. 109. But
cp. the per contra on p. 110: "it was but a philosophy in fetters,
an effort of the mind to form for itself a more systematic belief in
its own prejudices." Again (p. 115): "a reaction towards freethought
was the essence of Gnosis." So also Robins, A Defence of the Faith,
1862, pt. i, pp. 4-5, 153.
[904] This view could be supported by the Platonists from Plato, Laws,
bk. x. Cp. Chaignet, La vie et les écrits de Platon, 1871, p. 422;
and Milman, Hist. of Christianity, bk. ii, ch. v, ed. Paris, 1840,
i, 288. It is explicitly set forth by Plutarch, I. and O., cc. 45-49.
[905] On the subject in general cp. Mosheim, E. H. 2 Cent. pt. ii,
ch. v; also his Commentaries on the Affairs of the Christians before
Constantine, Eng. tr. vol. ii; Harnack, Outlines of the Hist. of Dogma,
ch. iv; King, The Gnostics and their Remains; Mackay, Rise and Progress
of Christianity, pt. iii, §§ 10, 11, 12; Renan, L'Église Chrétienne,
chs. ix, x; Milman, Hist. of Christianity, bk. ii, ch. v; Lardner,
Hist. of Heretics, in Works, ed. 1835, vol. viii; Baur, Church History,
pt. iii; Jeremie, Hist. of the Chr. Church in 2nd and 3rd Cent.,
ch. v (in Encyc. Metropolitana).
[906] "Mysticism itself is but an insane rationalism" (Hampden,
Bampton Lect. on Scholastic Philosophy, 3rd ed. intr. p. liii). It may
be described as freethought without regard to evidence--that "lawless
thought" which Christian polemists are wont to ascribe to rationalists.
[907] Gieseler, §§ 61, 86 (pp. 228, 368, 370).
[908] In the fourth century and later, however, the gospel of
asceticism won great orthodox vogue through the writings of the
so-called Dionysius the Areopagite. Cp. Mosheim, 4 Cent. pt. ii,
c. iii, § 12; Westcott, Religious Thought in the West, 1891,
pp. 190-91.
[909] Compare the process by which the Talmudic system unified
Judaism. Wellhausen, Israel, as cited, pp. 541-42; Milman, History
of Christianity, bk. ii, ch. 4, ed. Paris, 1840, i, 276.
[910] "There is good reason to suppose that the Christian bishops
multiplied sacred rites for the sake of rendering the Jews and the
pagans more friendly to them" (Mosheim, E. H. 2 Cent. pt. ii,
ch. iv. Cp. ch. iii, § 17; ch. iv, §§ 3-7; 4 Cent. pt. ii,
ch. iii, §§ 1-3; ch. iv, §§ 1-2; 5 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, §
2). This generalization is borne out by nearly every other Church
historian. Cp. Harnack, Outlines, pt. ii, bk. i, ch. i; Milman, bk. iv,
ch. 5, pp. 367-74; Gieseler. §§ 98, 99, 101, 104; Renan, Marc-Aurèle,
3e edit. p. 630. Baur, Church History, Eng. tr. ii, 285-89.
[911] Gieseler, § 87, p. 373; Hagenbach, Lehrbuch der Dogmengeschichte,
3te Aufl. § 108.
[912] Eusebius, v, 28; Gieseler, § 60, p. 218.
[913] Cp. Gieseler, §§ 80-83, pp. 328-53; Harnack, Outlines, pt. ii,
bk. i, esp. pp. 201-202.
[914] One being another Theodotos, a money-changer.
[915] Eusebius, as last cited. The sect was accused of altering the
gospels to suit its purposes. The charge could probably be made with
truth against every sect in turn, as against the Church in general.
[916] In the end the doctrine declared orthodox was the opposite
of what had been declared orthodox in the Sabellian and other
controversies (Mosheim, 4 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 9); and all the while
"the Arians and the orthodox embraced the same theology in substance"
(Murdock, note on Mosheim, Reid's ed. p. 161). An eminent modern
Catholic, however, has described Arianism as "a deistic doctrine which
had not the courage to bury itself in the fecund obscurities of dogma"
(Ozanam, La Civilisation chrétienne chez les Francs, 1849, p. 35).
[917] Gieseler, § 83. p. 345.
[918] Cp. the author's Short History of Christianity, 2nd
ed. pp. 176-81.
[919] "Pelagianism is Christian rationalism" (Harnack, Outlines,
pt. ii, bk. ii, ch. iv, § 3, p.364).
[920] He was first a Manichean; later an anti-Manichean, denying
predestination; later, as an opponent of the Pelagians, an assertor
of predestination. Cp. Mackay, Rise and Progress of Christianity,
pt. v, § 15. As to his final Manicheanism, see Milman, Hist. of Latin
Christianity, 3rd ed. i, 152.
[921] Cp. Harnack, Outlines, pt. ii, bk. ii, ch. v, § 1 (p. 386).
[922] Cp. Hampden, Bampton Lectures on The Scholastic Philosophy,
1848, pp. xxxv-xxxvi, and refs.
[923] Sokrates, Eccles. Hist. bk. vii, ch. 15.
[924] Epist. 93. Cp. Schlegel's notes on Mosheim, in Reid's
ed. pp. 159, 198; Rev. W. R. Clarke, Saint Augustine, pp. 86-87
(a defence); Milman, History of Latin Christianity, bk. ii,
ch. ii, 3rd. ed. i, 163; Boissier, La fin du paganisme, 2e édit. i,
69-79. Harnack's confused and contradictory estimate of Augustine
(Outlines, pt. ii, bk ii, chs. iii, iv) ignores this issue. He
notes, however (pp. 362-63), some of Augustine's countless
self-contradictions.
[925] Milman, Hist. of Christianity, bk. iii, ch. viii; ed. cited,
ii, 182, 188, and note. For the views of Ambrose see p. 184. In Gaul,
St. Martin put down the old shrines by brute force. Id. p. 179.
[926] Cp. Beugnot, Histoire de la destruction du paganisme en Occident,
1835, i, 430.
[927] De errore profanarum religionum, end.
[928] See it translated in full by Lardner in his Testimonies of
Ancient Heathens, ch. xlix. Works, ed. 1835, vol. viii.
[929] Lardner, as cited, pp. 25-27.
[930] As to the high character of Libanius, who used his influence
to succour his Christian friends in the reign of Julian, see Lardner,
pp. 15-17.
[931] Milman, Hist. of Christianity, bk. iii, ch. vi; vol. ii,
p. 131. See the passage there cited from the Funeral Oration of
Libanius On Julian, as to Christians building houses with temple
stones; also the further passages, pp. 129, 161, 212, of Mr. King's
tr. of the Oration in his Julian the Emperor (Bohn Lib.).
[932] Ammianus, xxii, 4.
[933] Gibbon, ch. xlvii. Bohn ed. v, 211-52, 264, 268, 272. Mosheim,
passim.
[934] Milman, as cited, p. 178.
[935] De Testimonio Animæ, c. 2; De Ira Dei.
[936] Tertullian, as cited, c. 3.
[937] B. vi, ch. 28.
[938] On the Mysteries, bk. x, ch. 2.
[939] Cp. Minucius Felix (2nd c.), Octavius, c. 5.
[940] De consensu evangelistarum, i, 10.
[941] De civ. Dei, xxi, 2, 5-7.
[942] Id. i, 14.
[943] Id. xxi, 11.
[944] See the citations in Abailard's Sic et non, § 1. Quod fides
humanis rationibus sit adstruenda, et contra.
[945] De Gubernatione Dei, l. 4.
[946] See Renan, L'Église Chrétienne, p. 493. As to Crescens, the
enemy of Justin Martyr (2 Apol. c. 3), see id. p. 492. Cp. Arnobius,
Adversus Gentes, passim, as to pagan objections. What remains of
Porphyry will be found in Lardner's Testimonies of the Heathen,
ch. xxxvii. Cp. Baur, Church History, Eng. tr. ii, 179-87.
[947] The Controversy between Jason and Papiscus regarding Christ,
mentioned by Origen (Ag. Celsus, bk. iv, ch. 4), seems to have been
of the same nature.
[948] Origen repeatedly calls him an Epicurean; but this is obviously
false. The Platonizing Christian would not admit that a Platonist
was anti-Christian.
[949] Origen places him in the reign of Hadrian; but the internal
evidence is all against that opinion. Kain dates the treatise 177-78.
[950] Cp. Renan, Marc-Aurèle, 3e édit. pp. 346-71.
[951] B. i, cc. 24, 25.
[952] B. i, cc. 28, 32.
[953] c. 32.
[954] cc. 37, 39.
[955] B. ii, c. 26.
[956] B. ii, c. 78.
[957] B. ii, c. 49.
[958] B. ii, c. 30.
[959] B. iii, c. 1.
[960] B. iv, cc. 23-30, 54-60, 74.
[961] Cp. A. Kind, Teleologie und Naturalismus in der altchristlichen
Zeit, 1875; Soury, Bréviaire de l'histoire du Matérialisme, pp. 331-40.
[962] B. i, chs. 9-11; iii, 44.
[963] Cp. Renan, Marc-Aurèle, pp. 373-77.
[964] Christian excisions have been suspected in the Peregrinus,
§ 11 (Bernays, Lucian und die Kyniker, 1879, p. 107). But see
Mr. J. M. Cotterill's Peregrinus Proteus, Edinburgh, 1879, for a
theory of the spuriousness of the treatise, which is surmised to be
a fabrication of Henri Etienne.
[965] Logoi Philaletheis, known only from the reply of Eusebius, Contra
Hiroclem. Hierocles made much of Apollonius of Tyana, as having greatly
outdone Jesus in miracles, while ranking simply as a God-beloved man.
[966] Methodius, Eusebius, Apollinaris, and Philostorgius.
[967] Cod. Justin. De Summa Trinitate. l. I, tit. i, c. 3.
[968] Citations are given by Baur, Ch. Hist. ii, 180 sq.
[969] Cp. Mackay, Rise and Progress of Christianity, p. 160. Chrysostom
(De Mundi Creatione, vi, 3) testifies that Porphyry "led many away
from the faith." He ably anticipated the "higher criticism" of the
Book of Daniel. See Baur, as cited. Porphyry, like Celsus, powerfully
retorted on the Old Testament the attacks made by Christians on the
immorality of pagan myths, and contemned the allegorical explanations
of the Christian writers as mere evasions. The pagan explanations of
pagan myths, however, were of the same order.
[970] Gieseler, § 106, ii, 75. Cp. Mosheim, 4 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii,
§ 22.
[971] Gieseler, § 106, vol. ii, p. 74; Mosheim, 4 Cent. pt. ii,
ch. iii, § 2; and Schlegel's note in Reid's ed. p. 152.
[972] Milman, Hist. of Chr. bk. iii, ch. xi (ii, 268-70); Mosheim,
5 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 14; Gilly, Vigilantius and his Times,
1844, pp. 8, 389 sq., 470 sq. As to Jerome's persecuting ferocity
see also Gieseler, ii, 65 note. For a Catholic polemic on Jerome's
side see Amedée Thierry, Saint Jérome, 2e édit. pp. 141, 363-66.
[973] See a good account of the works of Macrobius in Prof. Dill's
Roman Society in the last Century of the Western Empire, bk. i, ch. iv.
[974] Philostorgius, Eccles. Hist. Epit. bk. viii, ch. x.
[975] By Justinian in 529. The banished thinkers were protected by
Chosroes in Persia, who secured them permission to return (Gibbon,
Bohn ed. iv. 355-56; Finlay, Hist. of Greece, ed. Tozer, i, 277,
287). Theodosius II had already forbidden all public lectures by
independent teachers (id. pp. 282-83).
[976] Theodosius I, Arcadius, and Theodosius II (379-450) successively
passed laws forbidding and persecuting paganism (Finlay. i,
286; Beugnot. Hist. de la destr. du paganisme en occident, i, 350
sq.). Mithraism was suppressed in the same period (Jerome, Epist. cvii,
ad Laetam, Sokrates, Eccles. Hist. bk. v, ch. xvi). It is to be
remembered that Constans and Constantius, the sons of Constantine,
had commenced, at least on paper, to persecute paganism as soon as
their father's new creed was sufficiently established (Cod. Theod. xvi,
10, 2, 4), and this with the entire approval of the whole Church. It
was not their fault that it subsisted till the time of Theodosius II
(cp. Gieseler, § 75, pp. 306-308; and Beugnot, i, 138-48). On the
edict of Theodosius I see Milman, bk. iii, ch. viii; ed. cited, p. 186.
[977] In S. Babylam, contra Julianum, c. ii. Cp. his Hom. iv on 1st
Cor. Eng. tr. 1839, p. 42.
[978] There is also a suggestion in one passage of Chrysostom (Hom. in
1 Cor. vi, 2, 3) that some Christians tended to doubt the actuality
of apostolic miracles, seeing that no miracles took place in their
own day.
[979] Præparatio Evangelica, xv, 61.
[980] Div. Inst. iii, 3.
[981] Id. iii, 24.
[982] Topographia, lib. v, cited by Murdock in note on Mosheim. 5
Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 5, Reid's ed. p. 192. Cp. same ed. p. 219,
note; and Gibbon, Bohn ed. iv, 259; v, 319.
[983] , ii, 65, 71.
[984] See Schlegel's note on Mosheim. 4 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 19.
[985] The first name came from Anomoios, "unlike-natured (to
the Father)," that being their primary doctrinal heresy concerning
Jesus. The second seems to have been a euphemism of their own making,
with the sense of "holding the good law."
[986] Jerome, Adv. Vigilantium, cc. 9, 11.
[987] Epiphanius, Adv. Hæres. lxx, § 6.
[988] Cp. Augustine, De Civ. Dei, viii, 15-19; xxi, 6; De
Trinitate, iii, 12, 13 (7, 8); Epist. cxxxviii, 18-20; Sermo cc,
in Epiph. Dom. ii; Jerome, Vita S. Hilarion, cc. 6, 37.
[989] Mosheim, E. H. 2 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, §§ 8, 15; 3 Cent. pt. i,
ch. i, § 5; pt. ii, ch. iii, §§ 10, 11; 4 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii,
§§ 3, 16; Gieseler, § 63, p. 235; Waddington, Hist. of the Church,
1833, pp. 38-39; Milman, Hist. of Chr. bk. iv, ch. iii, ed. cited,
ii, 337. Cp. Mackay, Rise and Progress of Christianity, pp. 11-12.
[990] Cp. the explicit admissions of Mosheim, E. H. 2 Cent. pt. ii,
ch. iii, § 16; 3 Cont. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 4, 6; 4 Cent. pt. ii,
ch. ii, § 8; ch. iii, § 17; Gieseler, § 103, vol. ii, p. 56. It is to
be noted, however, that even the martyrs were at times bad characters
who sought in martyrdom remission for their sins (Gieseler, § 74,
p. 206; De Wette, as there cited).
[991] Cp. Gieseler, ii, 67-68.
[992] Epist. vii, 5; xcv, 33. Cp. Cicero, Tusculans, ii, 17.
[993] Cp. the Bohn ed. of Gibbon, note by clerical editor, iii, 359.
[994] The express declaration of Salvian, De Gubernatione Dei,
l. 6. On the general question compare Mr. Farrer's Paganism and
Christianity, ch. x; Milman, as last cited, p. 331; and Gieseler,
ii, 71, note 6. The traditional view that the games were suppressed
by Honorius, though accepted by Gibbon and by Professor Dill (Roman
Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire, 2nd ed. p. 56),
appears to be an error. Cp. Beugnot, Destr. du Paganisme, ii, 25;
Finlay, Hist. of Greece, i, 236.
[995] As to the specially cruel use of judicial torture by the later
Inquisition, see H. C. Lea, Superstition and Force, 3rd ed. p. 452.
[996] Lavollée, as cited, p. 92. Cp. St. Chrysostom's Picture of his
Age, p. 112, and the admissions of Milman, bk. iv, ch. i.
[997] As to the spirit of hatred roused by controversy among believers,
see Gieseler, § 104, vol. ii, pp. 64-67; and Ullmann's Gregory of
Nazianzum, Eng. tr. 1851, pp. 177-80.
[998] H. Fraser Stewart, Boethius: An Essay, 1891, pp. 100-101.
[999] Cp. Beugnot, Destruction du Paganisme, ii, 282-83.
[1000] Id. p. 159. Mr. Stewart in another passage (p. 106) argues that
"The Consolation is intensely artificial"--this by way of explaining
that it was a deliberate exercise, not representing the real or normal
state of its author's mind. Yet he has finally to avow (p. 107) that
"it remains a very noble book"--a character surely incompatible with
intense artificiality.
[1001] This is the view of Maurice (Medieval Philosophy, 2nd ed. 1859,
pp. 14-16), who decides that Boethius was neither a Christian nor a
"pagan"--i.e., a believer in the pagan Gods. This is simply to say that
he was a rationalist--a "pagan philosopher," like Aristotle. But, as
is noted by Prof. Bury (ed. of Gibbon, iv. 199), Boethius's authorship
of a book, De sancta trinitate, et capita quædam dogmatica, et librum
contra Nestorium, is positively asserted in the Anecdoton Holderi
(ed. by Usener, Leipzig, 1877, p. 4), a fragment found in a 10th
century MS.
[1002] The strict meaning of this term, given by Mohammed ("the true
religion with God is Islam"; Sura, iii, 17), is "submission"--such
being the attitude demanded by the Prophet. "Moslem" or "Muslim"
means one who accepts Islam. Koran means strictly, not "book," but
"reading" or recitation.
[1003] Rodwell's tr. of the Koran, ed. 1861, pref. p. xv.
[1004] Sale, Preliminary Discourse to tr. of the Koran, ed. 1833, i,
42; Muir's Life of Mohammad, ed. Weir, 1912, p. 78. Cp. Freeman,
History and Conquests of the Saracens, 1856, p. 35. The late
Prof. Palmer, in introd. to his tr. of the Koran (Sacred Books of
the East series), i, p. xv, says that "By far the greater number had
ceased to believe in anything at all"; but this is an extravagance,
confuted by himself in other passages--e.g. p. xi.
[1005] These generalizations are always matched, and cancelled, by
others from the same sources. Thus Prof. D. B. Macdonald writes of
"the always flighty and skeptical Arabs," and, a few pages later, of
the God-fearing fatalism "of all Muslim thought, the faith to which
the Semite ever returns in the end." Development of Muslim Theology,
etc. (in "Semitic Series"), New York, 1903, pp. 122, 126.
[1006] The word means either convert or pervert; in Heb. and
Syr. "heretic"; in Arabic, "orthodox." It must not be confounded with
Hanyfite, the name of an orthodox sect, founded by one Hanyfa.
[1007] See Rodwell's tr. of the Koran, ed. 1861, pref. pp. xvi,
xvii; and Sura, xvi (lxxiii in Rodwell's chron. arrangement), v. 121,
p. 252, note 2.
[1008] Sprenger, Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad, 1861-65, i,
83 sq. Cp. p. 60 sq.
[1009] Rodwell, p. 497, note to Sura iii (xcvii) 19; and pref. p. xvi;
Caussin de Perceval, Essai sur l'histoire des Arabes avant l'Islamisme,
1847, i, 321-26; Nicholson, Lit. Hist. of the Arabs, pp. 69, 149. "To
the great mass of the citizens of Mecca the new doctrine was simply
the Hanyfism to which they had become accustomed; and they did not at
first trouble themselves at all about the matter." Palmer, introd. to
tr. of Koran, i, p. xxiv. Cp. Sprenger, as cited, i, 46-60, 65.
[1010] The word Hanyf or Hanif recurs in Sura ii, 129; iii,
60, 89; iv, 124; vi, 79, 162; x, 105, xvi, 121; xxii, 32; xxx,
29. Cp. H. Derenbourg, La science des religions et l'Islamisme, 1886,
pp. 42-43. Palmer's translation, marred as it unfortunately is by
slanginess, is on such points specially trustworthy. Rodwell's does
not always indicate the use of the word Hanyf; but the German version
of Ullmann, the French of Kanimirski, and Sale's, do not indicate
it at all. Sprenger (p. 43) derives the Hanyfs from Essenes who had
almost lost all knowledge of the Bible. Cp. p. 67. Prof. Macdonald
writes that the word "is of very doubtful derivation. But we have
evidence from heathen Arab poetry that these Hanifs were regarded as
much the same as Christian monks, and that the term hanif was used
as a synonym for rahib, monk." Work cited, p. 125.
[1011] Sprenger, as cited, p. 13.
[1012] Cp. Sale's Prelim. Discourse, as cited, i, 38; and Palmer,
introd. p. xv; and Nicholson, pp. 139-40.
[1013] Al Mostaraf, cited by Pococke, Specimen Histor. Arab. p. 136;
Sale, Prelim. Disc. as cited, p. 45.
[1014] Cp. Nicholson, pp. 155-56 and refs.
[1015] Sale, as cited, pp. 39-41.
[1016] Palmer, introd. to his Haroun Alraschid, 1882,
p. 14. Cp. Derenbourg, La science des religions et l'Islamisme, p. 44,
controverting Kuenen.
[1017] Hibbert Lectures, On National and Universal Religions, ed. 1901,
p. 21 and Note II.
[1018] Id. p. 31.
[1019] Nicholson, Lit. Hist. of the Arabs, p. 145.
[1020] Rodwell, note to Sura xcvi (R. i), 10.
[1021] Sprenger estimates that at his death the number really converted
to his doctrine did not exceed a thousand. Cp. Nicholson, pp. 153-58.
[1022] Renan ascribes the idea wholly to Omar. Études d'histoire
et de critique, ed. 1862, p. 250. The faithful have preserved a sly
saying that "Omar was many a time of a certain opinion, and the Koran
was then revealed accordingly." Nöldeko, Enc. Brit. art. on Koran,
in Sketches from Eastern History, 1892, p. 28. On the other hand,
Sedillot decides (Histoire des Arabes, 1854. p. 60) that "in Mohammed
it is the political idea that dominates." So Nicholson (p. 169): "At
Medina the days of pure religious enthusiasm have passed away for ever,
and the prophet is overshadowed by the statesman." Cp. pp. 173, 175.
[1023] On the measure of racial unity set up by Abyssinian attacks
as well as by the pretensions of the Byzantine and Persian empires,
see Sedillot, pp. 30, 38. Cp. Van Vloten, Recherches sur la domination
arabe, Amsterdam, 1894. pp. 1-4. 7.
[1024] Professor Stanilas Guyard, La Civilisation Musulmane, 1884,
p. 22.
[1025] Cp. Renan, Études, pp. 257-66; Hauri, Der Islam in seinem
Einfluss auf das Leben seiner Bekenner, 1882, pp. 64-65; Nicholson,
p. 235. It was at Medina that a strict Mohammedanism first arose.
[1026] Nicholson, pp. 178-79, and ref.
[1027] Hauri, Der Islam, p. 64.
[1028] Cp. Montesquieu, Grandeur et décadence des Romains, ch. 22.
[1029] Nicholson, p 190.
[1030] Id. p. 199.
[1031] Van Vloten, p. 70 and passim.
[1032] Prof. Guyard, as cited, pp. 16, 51; C. E. Oelsner, Des effets
de la religion de Mohammed, etc., 1810, p. 130.
[1033] Guyard, p. 21; Palmer, Haroun Alraschid, introd. p. 19.
[1034] The alleged destruction of the library of Alexandria by Omar
is probably a myth, arising out of a story of Omar's causing some
Persian books to be thrown into the water. See Prof. Bury's notes in
his ed. of Gibbon, v, 452-54. Cp. Oelsner, as cited, pp. 142-43.
[1035] Sura, vi, 25, 29; xix, 67; xxvii, 68-70; liv, 2; lxxxiii,
10-13. According to lviii, 28, however, some polytheists denied the
future state.
[1036] Cp. Renan, Études d'histoire et de critique, pp. 232-34.
[1037] Renan, as cited, p. 232.
[1038] Id. p. 235. Renan and Sprenger conflict on this point, the
former having regard, apparently, to the bulk of the poetry, the
latter to parts of it.
[1039] Sedillot, p. 39. One of these was Zaid. Nicholson, p. 149.
[1040] See the passage (Sura ii) cited with praise by the sympathetic
Mr. Bosworth Smith in his Mohammed and Mohammedanism, 2nd ed. p. 181;
where also delighted praise is given to the "description of
Infidelity" in Sura xxiv, 39-40. The "infidels" in question were
simply non-Moslems.
[1041] The Flight (of the Prophet to Medina from Mecca, in 622),
from which begins the Mohammedan era.
[1042] Sale, as cited, p. 160.
[1043] Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen, ii, 261-64; Dugat, Histoire des
philosophes et des théologiens Mussulmans, 1878, pp. 48-55; H. Steiner,
Die Mu`taziliten, oder die Freidenker im Islam, 1865, pp. 49-50;
Guyard, p. 36; Sale, p. 161 (sec. viii); Nicholson, p. 222 sq. The
term Motazila broadly means "dissenter," or "belonging to a sect."
[1044] Steiner, p. 1.
[1045] Palmer, Introd. to Haroun Alraschid, p. 14.
[1046] As to the Persian influence on Arab thought, cp. A. Müller,
Der Islam, i, 469; Palmer, as last cited; Weil, Geschichte der
Chalifen, ii, 114 ff.; Nicholson, p. 220; Van Vloten, Recherches sur
la domination arabe, p. 43. Van Vloten's treatise is a lucid sketch of
the socio-political conditions set up in Persia by the Arab conquest.
[1047] Weil, ii, 261.
[1048] G. Dugat, Histoire des philosophes et des théologiens
Mussulmans, p. 44; Sale, pp. 161, 174-78.
[1049] Dugat, p. 55; Steiner, p. 4; Sale, p. 162.
[1050] "Motazilism represents in Islam a Protestantism of the
shade of Schleiermacher" (Renan, Averroès et l'Averroïsme, 3e
ed. p. 104). Cp. Syed Ameer Ali, Crit. Exam. of Life of Mohammed,
pp. 300-308; Sale, p. 161.
[1051] Dugat, pp. 28, 44; Guyard, p. 36; Steiner, pp. 24-25; Renan,
Averroès, p. 101. The Kadarites, as Sale notes (pp. 164-65), are really
an older group than the Motazilites, so-called, their founder having
rejected predestination before Wasil did. Kuenen (Hibbert Lect. p. 47)
writes as if all the Motazilites were maintained of freewill, but
they varied. See Prof. Macdonald, as cited, p. 135 sq.
[1052] Sale, pp. 165, 172-73.
[1053] For a view of the various schools of Sifatites see Sale,
pp. 166-74.
[1054] Guyard, pp. 37-38; G. D. Osborn, The Khalifs of Baghdad, 1878,
p. 134.
[1055] Steiner, p. 16. Major Osborn (work cited, p. 136) attributes
their rise to the influence of Eastern Christianity, but gives
no proof.
[1056] Guyard, p. 40. Cp. Sale, p. 176; Van Vloten, p. 43.
[1057] Dugat, p. 34. Thus the orthodox sect of Hanyfites were called
by one writer followers of reason, since they relied rather on their
judgment than on tradition.
[1058] Steiner, p. 5; Nicholson, p. 370.
[1059] Steiner, pp. 5, 9, 88-89; Sale, p. 161; Macdonald, p. 140.
[1060] Sedillot, Hist. des Arabes, p. 335; Prof. A. Müller, Der Islam
(in Oncken's series), i, 470; Ueberweg, i, 402.
[1061] Ueberweg, p. 403; Weil, Gesch. der Chalifen, ii, 281.
[1062] For an orthodox account of the beginnings of freethinking
(called zendekism) see Weil, ii, 214. Cp. p. 261; also Tabari's
Chronicle, pt. v, ch. xcvii; and Renan, Averroès, p. 103. Already,
among the Ommayade Khalifs, Yezid III held the Motazilite tenet of
freewill. Weil, p. 260.
[1063] Nicholson, pp. 372, 375. The name zendek (otherwise spelt
zindiq) seems to have originally meant a Manichæan. Browne,
Literary History of Persia, ii (1906), 295; Nicholson, p. 375 and
ref. Macdonald, p. 134, thinks it literally meant "initiate."
[1064] Steiner, p. 8. An association called "Brethren of Purity"
or "Sincere Brethren" seem to have carried Motazilism far, though
they aimed at reconciling philosophy with orthodoxy. They were
in effect the encyclopedists of Arab science. Ueberweg, i, 411;
Nicholson, p. 370 sq. See Dr. F. Dieterici, Die Naturanschauung und
Naturphilosophie der Araber im 10ten Jahrhundert, aus den schriften
der lautern Brüder, 1861, Vorrede, p. viii, and Flügel, as there
cited. Flügel dates the writings of the Brethren about 970; but the
association presumably existed earlier. Cp. Renan, Averroès, p. 104;
and S. Lane-Poole's Studies in a Mosque, 1893, ch. vi, as to their
performance. Prof. Macdonald is disposed to regard them as "part of
the great Fatimid propaganda which honeycombed the ground everywhere
under the Sunnite Abassids," but admits that the Fatimid movement is
"the great mystery of Muslim history" (pp. 165-70).
[1065] Sale, pp. 82-83, note.
[1066] He made five pilgrimages to Mecca, and died on the last,
thus attaining to sainthood.
[1067] Weil, Gesch. der Chalifen, ii, 81; Dugat, pp. 59-61; A. Müller,
Der Islam, i. 470; Macdonald, p. 134. In Mansour's reign was born Al
Allaf, "Sheikh of the Motazilites."
[1068] Dugat, p. 62. The Hâyetians, who had Unitarian Christian
leanings, also held by metempsychosis. Sale, p. 163.
[1069] Nicholson, p. 371 and refs.
[1070] Dugat, p. 71. He persecuted Zendeks in general. Nicholson,
pp. 373-74.
[1071] Id. p. 72; Sale, pp. 184-85; Tabari's Chronicle, pt. v,
ch. xcvii, Zotenberg's tr. 1874, iv, 447-53. Tabari notes (p. 448)
that all the Moslem theologians agree in thinking zendekism much worse
than any of the false religions, since it rejects all and denies God
as well as the Prophet.
[1072] Cp. Steiner, pp. 55 sq., 66 sq.; Ueberweg, Hist. of Philos.,
i, 405.
[1073] Dugat, p. 76. See Sale, pp. 82-83, 162-63, as to the champions
of this principle.
[1074] Sale, p. 83; Macdonald, p. 150.
[1075] Dugat, p. 79; Osborn, The Khalifs of Baghdad, p. 195.
[1076] Palmer, Haroun Alraschid, p. 82. They were really theists.
[1077] Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen, ii, 215, 261, 280; A. Müller,
Der Islam, pp. 514-15. "It was believed that he was at heart a
zindiq." Nicholson, p. 368.
[1078] Dugat, pp. 85-96.
[1079] Prof. Macdonald, as cited, p. 154.
[1080] Dugat, p. 83.
[1081] See extract by Major Osborn, Khalifs, p. 250.
[1082] Osborn, Khalifs, p. 249.
[1083] Macdonald, pp. 154-58, 167.
[1084] Nicholson, pp. 358-59. He it was who first caused to be measured
a degree of the earth's surface. The attempt was duly denounced as
atheistic by a leading theologian, Takyuddin. Montucla, Hist. des
Mathématiques, éd. Lalande, i, 355 sq.; Draper, Conflict of Religion
and Science, p. 109.
[1085] A. Müller, Der Islam, i, 509 sq.; Weil, Gesch. der Chalifen,
ii, 280 ff.
[1086] Dugat, pp. 105-11; Sale, p. 82. Apart from this one issue,
general tolerance seems to have prevailed. Osborn, Khalifs, p. 265.
[1087] Dugat, p. 112; Steiner, p. 79. According to Abulfaragius,
Motawakkel had the merit of leaving men free to believe what they
would as to the creation of the Koran. Sale, p. 82.
[1088] A good analysis is given by Dugat, pp. 337-48.
[1089] The whole of Aristotle, except, apparently, the Politics,
had been translated in the time of the philosopher Avicenna (fl. 1000).
[1090] Macdonald, pp. 200, 205-206.
[1091] Steiner, Die Mu'taziliten, pp. 10-11, following Gazzali (Al
Gazel); Weil, Gesch. der Chalifen, iii, 72.
[1092] Guyard, pp. 41-42; Renan, Averroès, pp. 104-5; Macdonald,
p. 186 sq. The cultivators of Kalâm were called Motecallemîn.
[1093] Ueberweg, i, 405, 414; Steiner, p. 11; Whewell, Hist. of the
Inductive Sciences, 3rd ed. i, 193-94. Compare the laudatory account
of Al Gazzali by Prof. Macdonald (pt. iii, ch. iv), who pronounces
him "certainly the most sympathetic figure in the history of Islam"
(p. 215).
[1094] Hence, among other things, a check on the practice of
anatomy, religious feeling being opposed to it under Islam as under
Christianity. Dugat, pp. 62-63.
[1095] Dugat, pp. 123-28.
[1096] Browne, Literary History of Persia, ii (1906), 290, 293;
R. A. Nicholson, Literary History of the Arabs, 1907, p. 318.
[1097] Browne, as cited, p. 292. Cp. Von Kremer, Culturgeschichte
des Orients, 1875-77, ii, 386-95; Macdonald, p. 199.
[1098] Dugat, p. 167; Weil, iii, 72.
[1099] Dugat, pp. 164-68.
[1100] Nicholson, pp. 314-15.
[1101] The Diwan of Abu'l-Ala, by Henry Baerlein, 1908, st. 36. Cp. 1,
37, 41, 42, 53, 81, 86, 94, and the extracts given by Nicholson,
pp. 316-23.
[1102] Weil, ii, 215.
[1103] Decline and Fall, ch. lvii. Bohn ed. vi, 382, and
note. Cp. E. H. Whinfield, The Quatrains of Omar Khayyám, 1882, p. 4.
[1104] See the preface to Fitzgerald's translation of the Rubáiyát.
[1105] In one quatrain, of doubtful authenticity, is the line "Khayyám,
who longtime stitched the tents of learning" (Whinfield, xxxviii),
which excludes the idea of literal handicraft.
[1106] J. K. M. Shirazi, Life of Omar Al-Khayyámi, ed. 1895, pp. 30-41.
[1107] Id. pp. 51, 58.
[1108] Id. p. 54.
[1109] Id. p. 56.
[1110] Id. p. 59.
[1111] Id. pp. 62-63.
[1112] Id. p. 93.
[1113] Id. pp. 59-61.
[1114] Id. pp. 69-76, 86-88.
[1115] Cited in introd. to Dole's variorum ed. of the Rubáiyát, 1896,
i, p. xix. Cp. Macdonald, p. 199.
[1116] "Dost thou desire to taste eternal bliss?
Vex thine own heart, but never vex another." (Whinfield, vi.)
"Seek not the Kaaba, rather seek a heart." (Id. vii.)
This note is often repeated. E.g. xxxii, li.
[1117] See in the very competent translation of Mrs. H. M. Cadell
(who remarked that "Fitzgerald has rather written a poem upon Omar
than translated him"), quatrains 12, 14, 15, 20, 28, 29, 42, 45, 48,
51d, 85, 88b, 133, 141, 143. etc.; in the artistically turned version
of Mr. A. H. Talbot, which follows very faithfully the literal prose
translation of Mr. Heron-Allen, Nos. 1, 3, 15, 18, 19, 24, 33, 41,
45, 59, 72, 91, 115, 123, 148; and in Whinfield's version, Nos. 10,
25, 32, 41, 45, 46, 62, 68, 77, 84, 87, 104, 105, 111, 113, 118, 142,
144, 148, 151, 157, 161, 179, 195, 200, 201, 203, 216.
[1118] Shirazi, pp. 102-108. Early in the thirteenth century he
was denounced by a Sufi mystic as an "unhappy philosopher, atheist,
and materialist." Browne, Lit. Hist. of Persia, ii, 250. Abu'l-Ala,
of course, was similarly denounced.
[1119] Whinfield, cited by Browne, pp. 109-110.
[1120] Cp. Mrs. Cadell, The Rub'yat of Omar Khayam, 1899. Garnett's
introd. pp. xvii, xviii-xxi, xxiv, and Shirazi, as cited, pp. 79-80.
[1121] Fitzgerald's pref. 4th ed. p. xiii; Whinfield,
No. 147. Cp. quatrains cited in art. Sufiism, in Relig. Systems of
the World, 2nd ed. pp. 325-26.
[1122] Cp. Whinfield, p. 86, note on No. 147.
[1123] Guyard, as cited, p. 42. But cp. Ueberweg, i, 411; Nicholson,
pp. 233-34.
[1124] It is not impossible, Max Müller notwithstanding, that the
name may have come originally from the Greek sophoi, "the wise,"
though it is usually connected with sufi = the woollen robe worn
by the Sufite. There are other etymologies. Cp. Fraser, Histor. and
Descrip. Account of Persia, 1834, p. 323, note; Dugat, p. 326; and
art. Sufiism in Relig. Systems of the World, 2nd ed. p. 315. On the
Sufi system in general see also Max Müller, Psychol. Relig. Lect. vi.
[1125] Cp. Renan, Averroès, p. 293, as to Sufi latitudinarianism.
[1126] Guyard, p. 44; Relig. Systems, p. 319.
[1127] Hafiz in his own day was reckoned impious by many. Cp. Malcolm,
Sketches of Persia, 1827, ii, 100.
[1128] Fitzgerald's pref. p. x.
[1129] Yet he was disposed to put to death those who claimed mystic
intercourse with Deity. Sale, pp. 177-78.
[1130] Whose Salaman and Absal, tr. by Fitzgerald, is so little
noticed in comparison with the Rubáiyát of Omar.
[1131] E. C. Browne, in Religious Systems, as cited, p. 321; Dugat,
p. 331.
[1132] Shirazi, pp. 22-28; Fitzgerald's pref. following Mirkhond;
Fraser, Persia, p. 329.
[1133] Cp. Dugat, p. 336; Syed Ameer Ali, pp. 311-15; Gobineau,
Les religions et les philosophies dans l'Asie centrale, 2e édit. p. 68.
[1134] Sale, p. 176. The same doctrine is fairly ancient in
India. (Muir, Original Sanskrit Texts, v, 313, note.) A belief that
hell-fire will not be eternal was held among the Motazilite sect of
Jâhedhians. Sale, p. 164. The Thamamians, again, held that at the
resurrection all infidels, idolaters, atheists, Jews, Christians,
Magians, and heretics, shall be reduced to dust. Id. ib.
[1135] Cp. Renan, Averroès, p. 101. Cp. p. 172.
[1136] Renan's tr. in Averroès, p. 166. The wording of the last phrase
suggests a misconstruction.
[1137] Cp. p. 172.
[1138] Renan, Averroès, pp. 104-107.
[1139] Steiner, Die Mu'taziliten, p. 6.
[1140] Ueberweg, i, 412; Renan, Averroès, pp. 44, 96.
[1141] E. G. Browne, Lit. Hist. of Persia, ii, 107.
[1142] Whom he pronounced a pagan and an infidel. Hauréau, II, i, 29.
[1143] Cp. Renan, Averroès, pp. 57, 96-98; Whewell, Hist. of the
Inductive Sciences, 3rd. ed. I, 193. Renan, following Degenerando
(cp. Whewell, as cited), credits Gazzali with anticipating Hume's
criticism of the idea of causation; but Gazzali's position is that
of dogmatic theism, not of naturalism. See Lewes, Hist. of Philos.,
4th ed. ii, 57.
[1144] Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, Ptie II, i, 35.
[1145] Cp. Seignobos, Hist. de la Civ. ii, 58; Stanley Lane-Poole, The
Moors in Spain, pref.; Milman, Latin Christianity, 4th ed. ix. 108-18;
U. R. Burke, History of Spain, i, ch. 16; Baden Powell, as cited,
pp. 94-104; Gebhart, Origines de la Renaissance en Italie, 1879,
pp. 185-89; and post, ch. x.
[1146] Baden Powell, Hist. of Nat. Philos. 1834, p. 97; Whewell,
Hist. of the Induct. Sciences, 3rd ed. ii. 273-74.
[1147] Dr. L. Leclerc, Hist. de la Médecine Arabe, 1876, i, 462;
Dr. E. von Meyer, Hist. of Chemistry, Eng. tr. 2nd ed. p. 28.
[1148] Cp. Buckle, Introd. to Hist. of Civ. in England,
1-vol. ed. p. 70.
[1149] Lane-Poole, The Moors in Spain, p. 73.
[1150] Properly Morabethin--men of God or of religion; otherwise
known as "Marabouts."
[1151] Sedillot, p. 298.
[1152] Cp. Dozy, Hist. des Musulmans d'Espagne, iii, 248-86; Ueberweg,
i, 415.
[1153] Renan, Averroès, pp. 98-99.
[1154] Ueberweg. i. 415; Renan, Averroès, pp. 32, 99.
[1155] Renan, Averroès, p. 99.
[1156] Renan, Averroès, p. 145.
[1157] Id. pp. 156-58.
[1158] Id. pp. 159-60.
[1159] Renan, Averroès, pp. 160-62.
[1160] Ueberweg, i, 416; Steiner, p. 6; Renan, Averroès, p. 162 sq.
[1161] Ueberweg, i, 460; Renan, pp. 258, 275.
[1162] Renan, Averroès, p. 169, and references.
[1163] Id. pp. 165-66.
[1164] Id. p. 5. Cp. the Avertissement, p. iii.
[1165] Renan, Averroès, pp. 31-36. Renan surmises that the popular
hostility to the philosophers, which was very marked, was largely
due to the element of the conquered Christians, who were noted for
their neglect of astronomy and natural science.
[1166] Cp. Ueberweg. i. 415-17.
[1167] Cp. Flint, History of the Philosophy of History, ed. 1893,
vol. i, p. 169.
[1168] Cp. Flint, p. 129, as to their hostility to him.
[1169] Huth, Life and Writings of Buckle, ii, 171.
[1170] Ricaut, Present State of the Ottoman Empire, 1686, p. 245.
[1171] Dugat, p. 59. The Ameer Ali Syed, Moulvi, M.A., LL.B., whose
Critical Examination of the Life and Teachings of Mohammed appeared
in 1873, writes as a Motazilite of a moderate type.
[1172] Macdonald, pp. 120, 196, 286.
[1173] A. Franck, Études Orientales, 1861, pp. 241-48, citing the
Dabistan.
[1174] Gobineau, Les religions et les philosophies dans l'Asie
centrale, 2e édit. ch. v; J. K. M. Shirazi, Life of Omar Khayyámi,
ed. 1905, p. 102. The latter writer notes, however, that "the cultured
classes, who ought to know better, are at no pains to dissipate the
existing religious prejudice against one [Omar] of whose reputation
every Persian may well feel proud." "At the present time ... the
name of Omar is no less execrated by the Shi-ite mob in Persia than
it was in his own day." Id. p. 108.
[1175] Fraser, Persia, p. 330. This writer (p. 239) describes Sufiism
as "the superstition of the freethinker," and as "often assumed as
a cloak to cover entire infidelity."
[1176] E.g., Dr. Wills, The Land of the Lion and the Sun, ed. 1891,
p. 339.
[1177] Smith and Dwight, Missionary Researches in Armenia, 1834,
p. 340. Cp. Rev. H. Southgate, Tour through Armenia, etc. 1840, ii,
153; and Morier's Hadji Baba of Ispahan (1824), ch. xlvii, near end.
[1178] Fraser, Persia, p. 331; Malcolm, Sketches of Persia, ii, 108;
Gobineau, as cited, ch. v.
[1179] H. Vambéry, Der Islam im neunzehnten Jahrhundert,
1875, pp. 32-33. Vambéry further remarks: "The half-fanatical,
half-freethinking tone of Persians has often surprised me in my
controversies with the most zealous Schiites."
[1180] As to the rise of this sect see Gobineau, as cited, pp. 141-358;
E. G. Browne's The Episode of the Bâb; and his lecture on Bâbism in
Religious Systems of the World. Cp. Renan, Les Apôtres, pp. 378-81.
[1181] H. Arakélian, Mémoire sur Le Bâbisme en Perse, in the Actes
du Premier Congrès International d'Histoire des Religions, Paris,
1902, 2 Ptie. Fasc. i.
[1182] Gobineau, pp. 167 sq.; 180 sq.; Arakélian, p. 94.
[1183] Lane, Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians, 5th ed. 1871,
i, 349, 356. "There are, I believe," says Lane (writing originally
in 1836), "very few professed Muslims who are really unbelievers;
and these dare not openly avow their unbelief through fear of losing
their heads for their apostacy. I have heard of two or three such who
have been rendered so by long and intimate intercourse with Europeans;
and have met with one materialist, who has often had long discussions
with me."
[1184] Id. ii, 309. (Suppl. III, "Of Late Innovations in Egypt.")
[1185] See the documents reproduced by Max Müller, Introd. to the
Science of Religion, ed. 1882, App. 1.
[1186] Id. pp. 214, 216.
[1187] Id. pp. 210, 217, 224, 225.
[1188] Id. pp. 224, 226.
[1189] Id. pp. 226, 229.
[1190] Guyard, p. 45; Steiner, p. 5, note; Lane, The Modern Egyptians,
ed. 1871, i. 137-38. Cp. Spencer, Study of Sociology, ch. xii, p. 292;
Bosworth Smith, Mohammed and Mohammedanism, 2nd ed. pp. 315-19.
[1191] Derenbourg, p. 72; Steiner, p. 1; Lane, i, 79.
[1192] Cp. Bosworth Smith, Mohammed and Mohammedanism, Lectures I and
IV; Canon Isaac Taylor, address to Church Congress at Wolverhampton,
1887, and letters to Times, Oct. and Nov. 1887. On the other or
anti-Mohammedan side see Canon Robinson, Hausaland, 3rd ed. 1900,
p. 186 sq.--a somewhat obviously prejudiced argument. See pp. 190-91.
[1193] Sir Harry H. Johnston, History of the Colonization of Africa
by Alien Races, 1899, p. 283.
[1194] This label has been applied by scholars to the seventh,
eighth, ninth, and tenth centuries. One writer, who supposes it to
cover the period from 500 to 1400, and protests, is attacking only
a misconception. (M. A. Lane, The Level of Social Motion, New York,
1902., p. 232.) The Renaissance is commonly reckoned to begin about
the end of the fourteenth century (cp. Symonds, Age of the Despots,
ch. i). But the whole period from the fall of the Roman Empire to the
fall of Constantinople, or to the Reformation, is broadly included
in the "Middle Ages."
[1195] Essai sur les Moeurs, ch. xlv.
[1196] According to which God predestinated good, but merely foreknew
evil.
[1197] For Leo's contacts with the Saracens see Finlay, Hist. of
Greece, ed. Tozer, ii, 14-20, 24, 31-32, 34-35, 37, etc., and compare
p. 218. See also Hardwick, Church History: Middle Age, 1833, p. 78,
note 2; and Waddington, History of the Church, 1833, p. 187, note.
[1198] Kurtz, Hist. of the Chr. Church, Eng. tr. i, 252.
[1199] Kurtz, p. 253.
[1200] As to his hostility to letters see Gibbon, ch. liii--Bohn
ed. vi, 228. Of course the other side were not any more
liberal. Cp. Finlay, ii, 222.
[1201] Gieseler, ii, 202. Per. III, Div. I, pt. i, § 1. In the next
century this was said to have gone in some churches to the point of
rejection of Christ. Id. p. 207, note 28.
[1202] Id. pp. 205, 207; Finlay, ii, 195.
[1203] Neander, Hist. of Chr. Church, Bohn tr. v, 289; vi, 266.
[1204] On their connection at this time with the culture-movement of
the Khalifate of Mamoun, see Finlay, ii, 224-25; Gibbon, ch. liii--Bohn
ed. vi, 228-29.
[1205] Finlay, ii, 181, note. The enemies of Photius accused him
of lending himself to the emperor's buffooneries. Neander, vi,
303-304. Cp. Mosheim, 9 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 7; and Gibbon,
ch. xxxiii--ed. cited, vi, 229. Finlay declares (p. 222) that no
Greek of the intellectual calibre of Photius, John the Grammarian,
and Leo the Mathematician, has since appeared.
[1206] Neander, vi, 280.
[1207] Finlay, ii, 174-75, 180.
[1208] Hardwick, Church History: Middle Age, 1853, p. 85. It is
noteworthy that the "heathen" Magyars held the Mazdean dualistic
principle, and that their evil power was named Armanyos (=
Ahrimanes). Mailáth, Geschichte der Magyaren, 1828, i, 25-26.
[1209] Gibbon, ch. liv; Mosheim, 9 Cent. pt. ii, ch. 5; Gieseler,
Per. III, Div. I, pt. i, § 3; G. S. Faber, The Ancient Vallenses
and Waldenses, 1838, pp. 32-60. Some fresh light is thrown on the
Paulician doctrines by the discovery of the old Armenian book,
The Key of Truth, edited and translated by F. C. Conybeare, Oxford,
1898. It belonged to the Armenian sect of Thonraki, or Thonrakians,
or Thondrakians--people of the village of Thondrac (Neander, vi,
347)--founded by one Sembat, originally a Paulician, in the ninth
century (Hardwick, Church History: Middle Age, p. 201; Neander, last
cit.). For a criticism of Mr. Conybeare's theories see the Church
Quarterly Review, Jan. 1899, Art. V.
[1210] Gieseler, Per. III, §§ 45, 46, vol. ii, pp. 489, 492; Hardwick,
p. 86. The sect of Euchites, also anti-priestly, seem to have joined
them. Faber denies any Manichean element.
[1211] Gibbon, as cited, vi, 241.
[1212] Gibbon, vi, 242; Hardwick, pp. 88-90.
[1213] Gibbon, vi, 245, and note; Finlay, ii, 60.
[1214] Despite the express decision, the use of statues proper
(agalmata) gradually disappeared from the Greek Church, the disuse
finally creating a strong antipathy, while pictures and ikons remained
in reverence (Tozer's note to Finlay, ii, 165; cp. Waddington, History
of the Church, 1833, p. 190, note). It is probable that the sheer loss
of artistic skill counted for much in the change. Cp. Milman, Latin
Christianity, bk. xiv, ch. ix; 4th ed. ix, 308-12. It is noteworthy
that, whereas in the struggle over images their use was for two long
periods legally abolished, it was in both cases restored by empresses
Irene and Theodora.
[1215] Hardwick, p. 80, note; Neander, vi, 340.
[1216] Cp. Kurtz, His. of the Chr. Church, Eng. tr. i, 271.
[1217] Gibbon, vi, 246; Finlay, iii, 64; Mosheim, 10 Cent. pt. ii,
ch. v.
[1218] Finlay, iii, 66.
[1219] Gibbon, as cited; R. Lane Poole, Illustrations of the History
of Medieval Thought, 1884, pp. 91-96; Mosheim, 11 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v.
[1220] Finlay, iii, 67-68; Mosheim, 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, §
2. Hardwick, pp. 302-305; Kurtz, i, 270-73.
[1221] Gieseler, Per. III, Div. II, pt. iii, § 46.
[1222] Gibbon, vi, 249, note; Poole, p. 91, note; De Potter, L'Esprit
de L'Église, 1821, vi, 16, note.
[1223] Boniface, Ep. lxvi, cited by Poole, p. 23; Reid's Mosheim,
p. 263, note 3; Neander, Hist. of the Christian Church, Bohn tr. v,
86-67; Hardwick, p. 23.
[1224] For excellent accounts of both see Mr. Poole's Illustrations,
pp. 28-50. As to Claudius cp. Monastier, Hist. of the Vaudois Church,
Eng. tr. 1848, pp. 13-42, and Faber, The Ancient Vallenses, bk. iii,
ch. iv.
[1225] See Mr. Poole's Illustrations, pp. 46-48, for an account of
the privileges then accorded to Jews.
[1226] This is not incompatible with their having opposed both Saracens
(Claudius in actual war) and Jews, as Christian bishops.
[1227] Poole, Illustrations, p. 37.
[1228] This when the Church found its account in adopting all such
usages. Lea, Superstition and Force, pp. 242, 280, etc. It is to be
noted, however, that one Council, that of Valence, 855, perhaps under
the influence of Agobard's teaching, published a canon prohibiting all
duels, and praying the emperor to abolish them. Cited by Waddington,
History of the Church, 1833, p. 242, note, from Fleury.
[1229] De Grandine et tonitruis, c. 3; and De imaginibus, c. 13,
cited by Reuter.
[1230] "He had the clearest head in the whole ninth century; and as an
influence (Mann der Tendenz) is above comparison" (Reuter, Gesch. der
religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 24). As to his acute handling
of the thorny question of reason and authority see Reuter, i, 40-41.
[1231] Poole, pp. 50-52.
[1232] Noack, Philosophie-Geschichtliches Lexikon, s. v. Rabanus. As
to the doubtful works in which Rabanus coincides with Scotus Erigena,
cp. Poole, p. 336; Noack, as cited; Ueberweg, i, 367-68.
[1233] Ueberweg, pp. 366, 371; Poole, pp. 99, 101, 336.
[1234] Ueberweg, pp. 356-65. That there was, however, an Irish
scholasticism as early as the eighth century is shown by Mosheim,
8 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 6, note 3. Cp. Huber, Johannes Scotus
Erigena, 1861, p. 428 sq.; Taillandier, Scot Erigène et la philosophie
scolastique, 1843, p. 198.
[1235] Lea, as cited, p. 280.
[1236] "The learned and freethinking guest of Charles le Chauve,"
Hardwick calls him, p. 176. It needed the protection of Charles to
save him from the orthodox, Hincmar included. See Ampère, Histoire
littéraire de la France, 1840, iii, 94-95, as to the anger against him.
[1237] See the whole argument summarized by Huber, p. 59 sq.
[1238] Cp. Poole, Illustrations, pp. 61, 63, 65; Neander, Bohn
tr. vi, 198 sq.; and the present writer's introd. to Shaftesbury's
Characteristics, ed. 1900, p. xxxiv. And see above, p. 184.
[1239] De divisione Naturæ, l. v; De Prædestinatione, c. 17; Poole,
pp. 71-72; Neander, vi, 198-99; Huber, as cited, p. 405.
[1240] In the treatise On the Division of Nature. See the extracts
given in the Cabinet Cyclopædia survey of Europe in the Middle Ages,
ii, 266-68. They prove, says the author of the survey, "that John
Erigena had none of the spirit of Christianity."
[1241] Poole, pp. 64, 76.
[1242] S. Robins, A Defence of the Faith, 1862, pp. 25-26.
[1243] Huber, pp. 435-40.
[1244] Cp. Neander, Hist. of the Chr. Church, Bohn tr. vi, 192.
[1245] De Corpore et Sanguine Domini, rep. Oxford, 1838, cc. 8-16,
29, 56, 72-76, etc.
[1246] C. 19: "Non sicut quidam volunt, anima sola hoc mysterio
pascitur." Neander, vi, 210.
[1247] Hardwick, pp. 178, 181; Neander, vi, 217.
[1248] Cp. Neander, vi, 219.
[1249] Poole, p. 69.
[1250] C. 6: "Ineptas quæstiunculas et aniles pæne fabulas Scotorumque
pultes." Neander, vi, 207.
[1251] Neander, vi, 219, citing Mabillon, Analecta, i, 207.
[1252] Compare the Gemma Ecclesiastica of Giraldus Cambrensis for an
inside view of the avarice of the clergy in his day.
[1253] Neander, Hist. of the Chr. Church, v, 187. See the whole section
for a good account of the general economic and moral evolution. Neander
repeatedly (pp. 186-87) insists on the "magical" element in the
doctrine of the mass, as established by Gregory the Great.
[1254] See Neander, as cited, v, 183. The point was well put some
centuries later by the Italian story-teller Masuccio, an orthodox
Catholic but a vehement anti-clericalist, in a generalization
concerning the monks: "The best punishment for them would be for
God to abolish Purgatory; they would then receive no more alms, and
would be forced to go back to their spades." Cited by Burckhardt,
The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, Eng. tr. 1892, p. 461.
[1255] Neander, vi, 182. Rabanus Maurus distinctly belied him on this
score. (Id. p. 183.)
[1256] Formerly, only the saved had been spoken of as prædestinati,
the reprobate being called præsciti. Neander, vi, 181.
[1257] Neander, vi, 187. Cp. Hampden, Bampton Lectures on The
Scholastic Philosophy, 3rd ed. p. 418; and Ampère, Histoire littéraire
de France, 1840, iii, 92.
[1258] Poole, p. 103. Cp. Neander, vi, 225.
[1259] Neander, vi, 237-38.
[1260] Id. pp. 255-56.
[1261] Id. p. 257.
[1262] Id. p. 258. As to the wide extent of the discussion see Reuter,
Geschichte der religiösen Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 112.
[1263] In 945, however, Atto, Bishop of Verceil, is found complaining
that some people from the Italian border had introduced heresies.
[1264] Mosheim, 10 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 3; Poole, Illustrations,
p. 91.
[1265] Hardwick, p. 203.
[1266] Kurtz, History of the Christian Church, Eng. tr. 1868, i, 435.
[1267] Hénault, Abrégé chronologique, ann. 1022; Neander, Hist. of
the Chr. Relig. and Church, Eng. tr. Bohn ed. vi, 349 sq.; Mosheim, 10
Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 3; De Potter, L'Esprit de l'Église, vi, 18-19;
Poole, pp. 96-98; Lea, History of the Inquisition, i, 104, 108-109,
218; Gieseler, Per. III, Div. ii, § 46. The contemporary accounts
say nothing as to the heretics being Manicheans. Neander, p. 350, note.
[1268] Cp. Murdock's note on Mosheim, Reid's ed. p. 386; Monastier,
Hist. of the Vaudois Church, p. 33; Waddington, p. 356; Hardwick,
p. 203, note, and p. 207.
[1269] De Potter, pp. 20-21; Gieseler, as cited, p. 497; Lea, i,
104, 109.
[1270] Mosheim, as last cited, § 4; Gieseler, ii, 496 (§ 46); Hardwick,
pp. 203, 204.
[1271] Mosheim. 11 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 2, and Murdock's notes;
12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, §§ 4, 5.
[1272] Hardwick, p. 306; Kurtz, i, 433. The derivation through
the Italian is however disputed. Cp. Murdock's note to Mosheim,
Reid's ed. p. 385, and Gieseler, ii, 486. The Chazari, a Turkish
(Crimean) people, partly Christian and partly Moslem in the ninth
century (Gieseler, as cited), may have given the name of Gazzari, as
Bulgar gave Bougre; and the German Ketzer may have come directly from
Chazar. The Christianity of the Chazars, influenced by neighbourhood
with Islam, seems to have been a very free syncretism.
[1273] Cp. Gieseler, Per. III, §§ 24, 34; Abbé Queant, Gerbert, ou
Sylvestre II, 1868, pp. 3-5, citing Chevé, Histoire des papes, t. ii,
and Baronius, Annales, ad ann. 900, n. 1; Mosheim, 9 Cent. pt. ii,
ch. ii, §§ 1-4; with his and Murdock's refs.; 10 Cent. pt. ii,
ch. ii, §§ 1, 2; 11 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, § 1; ch. iii, §§ 1-3;
12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, § 1; 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 1-7. The
authorities are often eminent Churchmen, as Agobard, Ratherius,
Bernard, and Gregory VIII.
[1274] See Mosheim, 8 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, § 5, note z. Cp. Duruy,
Hist. de France, ii, 170.
[1275] Cp. Prof. Abdy, Lectures on Feudalism, 1890, p. 72.
[1276] Mosheim, 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, § 6.
[1277] Cp. Morin, Origines de la démocratie, 3e éd. pp. 164-65;
Mosheim, 10 Cent. pt. ii, ch. iii, § 3.
[1278] Morin, p. 168. Compare, on the whole communal movement, Duruy,
Hist. de France, ch. xxi, and Michelet.
[1279] Gieseler, Per. III, § 46, end; Lea, i, 109, 218.
[1280] Monastier, Hist. of the Vaudois Ch., p. 32; Lea, i, 110.
[1281] Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire, 8th ed. p. 134. See p. 135 for a
list of John's offences; and cp. p. 85 as to other papal records. For
a contemporary account of Pope Honorius II (d. 1130) see Milman,
Latin Christianity, iii, 448-49.
[1282] Hallam, Middle Ages, 11th ed. ii, 174.
[1283] Cp. Müller, Allgemeine Geschichte, B. xiv, Cap. 17.
[1284] Bryce, p. 152.
[1285] "Janus," The Pope and the Councils, Eng. tr. pp. 178-79.
[1286] Cp. Heeren, Essai sur l'influence des Croisades, 1808, p. 172.
[1287] Sir G. Cox, The Crusades, p. 111.
[1288] Cp. Lea, i, 111.
[1289] Id. p. 115.
[1290] Hardwick, p. 310; Lea, i, 68; Reuter, Gesch. der religiösen
Aufklärung im Mittelalter, i, 148-49; Mosheim, as last cited, § 7.
[1291] Cp. Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic, ed. 1863, p. 36.
[1292] Mosheim, 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, §§ 7-9, and varior. notes;
Monastier, pp. 38-41, 43-47; Milman, Latin Christianity, v, 384-90.
[1293] Hardwick, p. 267; Mosheim, as last cited, § 10; Monastier,
p. 49.
[1294] Hardwick, p. 204, note; Kurtz, i, 433. Cp. the Transactions
of the New Shakespeare Society, 1875-76, pt. ii, p. 313; Mosheim, 11
Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, § 13, and note; Milman, Latin Christianity, v,
401. On the sects in general see De Potter, vi, 217-310; and Cantù,
Gli Eretici d'Italia, 1865, i, 149-53.
[1295] Lea, i, 115.
[1296] Id. pp. 117-18.
[1297] Id. p. 119.
[1298] Kurtz, i, 435; Lea, i, 119.
[1299] Hardwick, p. 308, note; Murdock's note to Mosheim, p. 426;
Monastier, pp. 106-107.
[1300] Lea, i, 124.
[1301] Id. p. 126.
[1302] Id. pp. 127-28.
[1303] Kitchin, History of France, 4th ed. 1889, i, 286; citing
Chron. de St. Denis, p. 350. The Annales Victoriani at Philip's death
(1223) pronounce him ecclesiarum et religionarum personarum amator
et fautor (Hénault's Abrégé Chronologique). Among the many Cathari
put to death in his reign was Nicholas, the most famous painter in
France--burned at Braine in 1204. Lea, i, 131.
[1304] Lea, i, 113-14. Cp. Ranke, Hist. of the Popes,
Eng. tr. 1-vol. ed. p. 13.
[1305] Cp. Hardwick, p. 312; Mosheim, 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. v, §
11, and notes in Reid's ed.; Monastier, Hist. of the Vaudois Church,
Eng. tr. 1848, pp. 12-29; Faber, The Ancient Vallenses and Albigenses,
pp. 28, 284, etc. As Vigilantius took refuge in the Cottian Alps,
his doctrine may have survived there, as argued by Monastier (p. 10)
and Faber (p. 290). The influence of Claudius of Turin, as they further
contend, might also come into play. On the whole subject see Gieseler,
Per. III, Div. iii, § 88.
[1306] Cp. Mosheim with Faber, bk. iii, chs. iii, viii; Hardwick,
as cited; and Monastier, pp. 53-82. Waddington, p. 353, holds Mosheim
to be in error; and there are some grounds for dating the Waldensian
heresy before Waldus, who flourished 1170-1180 (id. p. 354). Waldus had
to flee from France, and finally died in Bohemia, 1197 (Kurtz, i, 439).
[1307] Cp. Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, i, 73-88. Waldensian theology
varied from time to time.
[1308] Between 1153 and 1191 there were ten popes, three of them
anti-popes. Celestine III held the chair from 1191 to 1198; and
Innocent III from the latter year to 1216.
[1309] De Potter, vi, 26; Lea, i, 115.
[1310] Lea, i, 290.
[1311] De Potter, vi, 28.
[1312] See Bartoli, Storia della Letteratura Italiana, 1878, i,
262, note, also his I Precursori del Renascimento, 1877, p. 37. In
this section and in the next chapter I am indebted for various clues
to the Rev. John Owen's Skeptics of the Italian Renaissance. As to
the Goliards generally, see that work, pp. 38-45; Bartoli, Storia,
cap. viii; Milman, Latin Christianity, bk. xiv, ch. iv; and Gebhart,
Les Origines de la Renaissance en Italie, 1879, pp. 125-26. The name
Goliard came from the type-name Golias, used by many satirists.
[1313] Bartoli, Storia, i, 271-79. Cp. Schlegel's note to Mosheim,
Reid's ed. p. 332, following Ratherius; and Gebhart, as cited. Milman
(4th ed. ix, 189) credits the Goliards with "a profound respect for
sacred things, and freedom of invective against sacred persons." This
shows an imperfect knowledge of much of their work.
[1314] C. Lenient, La Satire en France au moyen âge, 1859, pp. 38-39.
[1315] Owen, as cited, pp. 43, 45; Bartoli, Storia, i, 293.
[1316] Disparagement of the serf is a commonplace of medieval
literature. Langlois, La Vie en France au moyen âge, 1908, p. 169,
and note; Lanson, Hist. de la litt. française, p. 96. At this point
the semi-aristocratic jongleurs and the writers of bourgeois bias, such
as some of the contributors to Reynard the Fox, coincided. The Renart
stories are at once anti-aristocratic, anti-clerical, and anti-demotic.
[1317] C. Lenient, La Satire en France, p. 115. Lenient cites from
Erasmus's letters (Sept. 1, 1528) a story of a German burned alive
in his time for venting the same idea.
[1318] Langlois, as cited, pp. 30-68.
[1319] Cp. Langlois, pp. 107, 129, 263, etc. C. Lenient, as cited,
p. 115.
[1320] Rev. Joseph Berington, Literary History of the Middle Ages,
ed. 1846, p. 229. Cp. Owen, p. 43.
[1321] Owen, p. 43; Bartoli, Storia, i, 295, as to the French fabliaux.
[1322] Labitte, La divine comédie avant Dante, in Charpentier ed. of
Dante, pp. 133-34.
[1323] Aucassin and Nicolette, tr. by Eugene Mason, p. 6.
[1324] Sismondi, Literature of Southern Europe, Eng. tr. i, 74-95.
[1325] Id. p. 76.
[1326] Zeller, Histoire d'Italie, 1853, p. 152; Renan, Averroès,
p. 184.
[1327] "The Troubadours in truth were freethinkers" (Owen, Italian
Skeptics, p. 48). Cp. Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, ii, 2; and
Hardwick, p. 274, note 4, as to the common animus against the papacy.
[1328] Heeren, Essai sur l'influence des Croisades, French tr. 1808,
p. 174, note; Owen, Italian Skeptics, p. 44, note.
[1329] Abbé Queant, Gerbert, ou Sylvestre II, 1868, pp. 30-31.
[1330] Sismondi, as cited, p. 82; Owen, pp. 66, 68; Mosheim, 11
Cent. pt. ii, ch. i, § 4; 12 Cent. pt. ii, ch. i, § 9, and Reid's
note to § 8; Hampden, Bampton Lectures, p. 446. The familiar record
that Gerbert, afterwards Pope Sylvester II, studied in Spain among
the Arabs (Ueberweg, i, 369) has of late years been discredited
(Olleris, Vie de Gerbert, 1867, chs. ii and xxv; Ueberweg, p. 430;
Poole, Illustrations, p. 88); but its very currency depended on
the commonness of some such proceeding in his age. In any case,
the teaching he would receive at the Spanish monastery of Borel
would owe all its value to Saracen culture. Cp. Abbé Queant, Gerbert,
pp. 26-32. The greatness of the service he rendered to northern Europe
in introducing the Arabic numerals is expressed in the legend of his
magical powers. Compare the legends as to Roger Bacon.
[1331] Sismondi, p. 83.
[1332] Cp. G. H. Lewes, The Spanish Drama, 1846, pp. 11-14; Littré,
Études sur les barbares et le moyen âge, 3e édit. p. 356.
[1333] See the passages cited by Owen, p. 58.
[1334] Cp. Bartoli, Storia, pp. 200-202.
[1335] Gebhart, Les Origines de la Renaissance, pp. 4, 17; Renan,
Averroès et l'Averroïsme, pp. 145, 183, 185; Libri, Hist. des
sciences mathématiques en Italie, i, 153; Michelet, Hist. de France,
t. vii, Renaissance, introd. note du § vii; Hauréau, Hist. de la
philos. scolastique, i, 382. Cp. Franck, Études Orientales, 1861,
p. 357.
[1336] As to the Pope's character compare Sismondi, Hist. of the
Crusades against the Albigenses (Eng. tr. from vols. vi and vii of his
Histoire des Français), p. 10; Hallam, Europe during the Middle Ages,
11th ed. ii, 198; Mosheim, 13 Cent. pt. ii, ch. ii, §§ 6-8.
[1337] As to previous acts of inquisition and persecution by
Pope Alexander III (noted above) see Llorente, Hist. Crit. de
l'Inquisition en Espagne, French tr. 2e édit. i, 27-30, and Lea,
History of the Inquisition, i, 118. Cp. Gieseler, Per. III, Div. iii,
§ 89 (Amer. ed. ii, 564).
[1338] Hardwick, p. 309; Lea, i, 145.
[1339] Sismondi, Crusades against the Albigenses, p. 21.
[1340] On the previous history of indulgences see Lea, History of the
Inquisition, i, 41-47; De Potter, Esprit de l'Église, vii, 22-39. For
the later developments cp. Lea's Studies in Church History, 1869,
p. 450; Vieusseux, History of Switzerland, 1840, pp. 121, 125.
[1341] Sismondi, Crusades, pp. 28-29.
[1342] Id. p. 23.
[1343] Lea, i, 149.
[1344] For a modern Catholic defence of the whole proceedings see
the Comte de Montalembert's Histoire de Sainte Elisabeth de Hongrie,
13e édit. intr. pp. 35-40.
[1345] Sismondi, Crusades, p. 35, and refs.; Lea, i, 154.
[1346] Sismondi, pp. 36-37, and refs.
[1347] Id. pp. 37-43.
[1348] Id. pp. 21, 41. Cp. p. 85 as to later treachery towards
Saracens; and p. 123 as to the deeds of the Bishop of Toulouse. See
again pp. 140-42 as to the massacre of Marmande.
[1349] As to the international character of the crusade see Sismondi,
Crusades, p. 53.
[1350] Sismondi, p. 62 sq.
[1351] Pp. 77, 78.
[1352] Pp. 74, 75.
[1353] P. 87. "The worship of the reformed Albigenses had everywhere
ceased" (p. 115). Cp. p. 116 as to the completeness of the final
massacres. It is estimated (Monastier, p. 115, following De la
Mothe-Langon) that a million Albigenses were slain in the first half
of the thirteenth century. The figures are of course speculative.
[1354] Cp. Lea, ii, 159; Lenient, La Satire en France an moyen âge,
1859, p. 43.
[1355] Lea, vol. ii, ch. i.
[1356] Sismondi, pp. 115, 117.
[1357] Id. p. 133.
[1358] Id. pp. 235-39; Lea, ii, 247, 259, 319, 347, 429, etc.
[1359] Sismondi, p. 236; Llorente, as cited, i, 60-64; Lea, ii, 200.
[1360] Matthew Paris records that in 1249 four hundred and forty-three
heretics were burned in Saxony and Pomerania. Previously multitudes
had been burned by the Inquisitor Conrad, who was himself finally
murdered in revenge. He was the confessor of Saint Elizabeth of
Hungary, and he taught her among other things, "Be merciful to your
neighbour," and "Do to others whatsoever you would that they should do
to you." See his praises recorded by Montalembert, as cited, vol. i,
ch. x. Cp. Gieseler, Per. III, Div. iii, § 89 (ii, 567).
[1361] Lea, ii, 204. This was the "peace-maker" described by Dr. Lea
as--in that capacity--"so worthy a disciple of the Great Teacher of
divine love" (i, 240).
[1362] Ueberweg, i, 366; Poole, pp. 99, 100.
[1363] As to the verbal confusion of Aristotle's theory see Ueberweg.
[1364] Id. i, 160.
[1365] Id. i, 375.
[1366] Cp. Mosheim's note, Reid's ed. p. 388.
[1367] Ueberweg, i, 374.
[1368] Poole, p. 104, note; Milman, Latin Christianity, 4th ed. i, 54.
[1369] Hampden, Bampton Lectures, On the Scholastic Philosophy, 1848,
p. 71.
[1370] Mosheim, as cited, and refs.
[1371] Hampden, p. 70.
[1372] A. S. Farrar, Crit. Hist. of Freethought, 1862, p. 111. Farrar
adds: "'Neque enim quaero intelligere ut credam, set credo ut
intelligam' are the words of the Realist Anselm (Prolog. i, 43,
ed. Gerberon): 'Dubitando ad inquisitionem venimus; inquirendo
veritatem percipimus' are those of the Nominalist Abailard (Sic et Non,
p. 16, ed. Cousin)."
[1373] Cp. Hauréau, Hist. de la philos. scolastique, i, ch. 19,
as to orthodoxy among both Nominalists and Realists.
[1374] Hampden, pp. 70, 449.
[1375] Cp. Lea, Hist. of the Inquisition, iii, 550.
[1376] Poole, Illustr. of the Hist. of Medieval Thought, pp. 104-105.
[1377] Præfatio in Monologium.