which signifieth a Mat, and _ha_, which signifieth water, and a Mat
being the chiefe part of an _Indians_ bed, it is as much as to say a
bed of water, from the smoothnesse, plainnesse, and calmnesse of the
water of the Lake. There liveth in it a principall family of _Indians_,
who are said to descend from the ancient Kings of those parts, and
now by the _Spaniards_ are graced with the noble name of _Guzman_;
out of this family is chosen one to be Governour of the Towne with
subordination unto the City and Chancery of _Guatemala. Don Bernabe
de Guzman_ was Governour in my time, and had been many yeers before,
and governed very wisely and discreetly, till with old age he came
to loose his sight; and in his place entred his son _Don Pedro de
Guzman_, of whom the rest of the _Indians_ stood in great awe, as
formerly they had to his father. Had not these _Indians_ been given
to drunkennesse (as most _Indians_ are) they might have governed a
Town of _Spaniards_. This Governour hath many priviledges granted unto
him (though none to weare a sword, or rapier, as may the Governour of
_Chiapa_ of the _Indians_) and appoints by turnes some of the Towne
to wait and attend on him at dinner and supper, others to looke to
his Horses, others to fish for him, others to bring him wood for his
house spending, others to bring him meat for his Horses; and yet after
all this his attendance, he attends and waits on the Frier that lives
in the Towne, and doth nothing concerning the governing of the Towne
and executing of justice, but what the Frier alloweth and adviseth
to be done. There is also great service appointed for this Frier, of
Fishermen, and other attendants in his house, who liveth as stately as
any Bishop. Most trades belonging to a well setled Common-wealth are
here exercised by these _Indians_. As for herbage, and garden-fruits,
and requisites, it hath whatsoever may be found, or desired in the
City of _Guatemala_. The Church treasure is very great, there being
many Sodalities of our Lady and other their Saints, which are enriched
with crowns, and chains, and bracelets, besides the lamps, censers, &
silver candlesticks belonging unto the Altars. Upon _Michaelmas_ day
is the chief fair and feast of the Town, which is dedicated unto St.
_Michael_, whither many Merchants resort from _Guatemala_ to buy and
sell; in the afternoon, and the next day following, Bull-baiting is
the common sport for that feast with some _Spaniards_ and _Blackmores_
on Horse-backe, and other _Indians_ on foot, who commonly being drunke,
some venture, some lose their lives in the sport. Besides this generall
concourse of people every yeer at that time, there is every day at
five a clock in the afternoone a Tianguez or market, upheld by the
concourse of the _Indians_ of the Town among themselves. Besides the
lake, there runneth by this Town a river, which in places is easily
waded over, and waters the fruits, gardens, and other plantations, and
drives a mill which serves most of the valley to grind their wheat.
Within a mile and a halfe of this Towne there is a rich Ingenio or
farme of Sugar belonging to one _Sebastian de Savaletta_, a _Biscaine_
borne, who came at first very poore into that Country, and served one
of his Country men; but with his good industry and paines, he began to
get a Mule or two to traffique with about the Country, till at last he
increased his stocke to a whole Requa of Mules, and from thence grew
so rich that he bought much land about _Petapa_, which he found to be
very fit for Sugar, and from thence was incouraged to build a princely
house, whither the best of _Guatemala_ doe resort for their recreation.
This man maketh a great deale of Sugar for the Country, and sends every
yeer much to _Spaine_; he keepeth at least threescore slaves of his own
for the worke of his farme, is very generous in house keeping, and is
thought to be worth above five hundred thousand Duckats. Within halfe
a mile from him there is another farme of Sugar, which is called but
a _Trapiche_ belonging unto the Augustin Friers of _Guatemala_, which
keepes some twenty slaves, and is called a _Trapiche_, for that it
grinds not the Sugar Cane with that device of the Ingenio, but grinds a
lesse quantity, and so makes not to much Sugar as doth an Ingenio. From
hence three miles is the Town of _Amatitlan_, neer unto which standeth
a greater Ingenio of Sugar, then is that of _Savaletta_, and is called
the Ingenio of one _Anis_, because he first founded it, but now it
belongeth unto one _Pedro Crespo_ the Post-master of _Guatemala_; this
Ingenio seemeth to be a little Town by it selfe for the many cottages
and thatched houses of _Blackmore_ slaves which belong unto it, who
may be above a hundred, men, women, and children. The chiefe dwelling
house is strong and capacious, and able to entertain a hundred lodgers.
These three farmes of Sugar standing so neer unto _Guatemala_, enrich
the City much, and occasion great trading from it to _Spaine_. The Town
of _Amatitlan_, though in it there live not so many _Spaniards_ as in
_Petapa_, yet there are in it more _Indian_ families then in _Petapa_.
The streets are more orderly made and framed like a Chequer board,
they are wide, broad, plain, and all upon dust and sand. This Towne
also enjoyeth the commodity of the lake, and furnisheth with fish the
City of _Guatemala_, upon those daies before named of _Petapa_. And
though it standeth out of the rode-way, yet it is almost as rich as
_Petapa_. For the _Indians_ of it get much by the concourse of common
people, and the Gentry of _Guatemala_, who resort thither to certain
bathes of hot waters, which are judged and approved very wholesome for
the body. This Towne also getteth much by the salt which here is made,
or rather gathered by the lake side, which every morning appeareth
like a hoary frost upon the ground, and is taken up and purified by
the _Indians_, and proves very white and good. Besides what they get
by the salt, they get also by the Requa's of Mules in the valley, and
about the Country, which are brought to feed upon that salt earth a
day, or halfe a day, untill they be ready to burst (the owner paying
six pence a day for every Mule) and it hath been found by experience,
that this makes them thrive and grow lusty and purgeth them better
then any drench, or blood-letting. They have further great trading in
Cotton-wool, more abundance of fruits then _Petapa_, a fairer market
place with two extraordinary great Elm-trees, under which the _Indians_
daily meet at evening to buy and sell. The Church of this Towne is as
faire and beautifull as any about _Guatemala_, the riches and state
whereof hath caused the Dominican Friers since the yeer 1635, to make
that place the head and Priory over the other Townes of the valley,
and to build there a goodly and sumptuous Cloister, in which in my
time there was (for I told then most of it, and doubtlesse since it
hath much increased) eight thousand Duckats laid up in a chest, with
three lockes for the common expences of the Cloister. Thus my Reader, I
have led thee through the valley of _Mixco_, and _Pinola, Petapa_ and
_Amatitlan_, which in riches and wealth, what with the great trading in
it, what with the sheep & cattell, what with the abundance of mules,
what with three Farmes of Sugar, what with the great Farmes of Corn
and Wheat, what with the churches treasures yeelds to no other place
belonging unto the dominions of _Guatemala_. I may not forget yet a
double wheat harvest (as I may well term it) in this Vally. The first
being of a little kinde of Wheat, which they call _Trigo Tremesino_,
a word compounded in _Spanish_ from these two words, _tres meses_, or
from the Latin _tres menses_, which after three moneths sowing is ripe
and ready to be cut down, and being sowed about the end of _August_,
is commonly harvested in about the end of _November_; and although
in the smalnesse of it, it seemes to have but a little Flower, yet
it yeelds as much as their other sorts of Wheat, and makes as white
bread, though it keep not so well as that which is made of other Wheat,
but soone groweth stale and hard. The other harvest (which is of two
sorts of Wheat, one called _Rubio_, or red Wheat, the other called
_Blanquilleo_, or white like _Candia_ Wheat) followeth soon after this
first of _Tremesino_, for presently after Christmas every one begins
to bring their sickles into the field, where they doe not onely reap
down their Wheat, but in stead of threshing it in barnes, they cause
it to bee trod by Mares inclosed within floores made on purpose in
the fields; and when the Wheat is trod out of the Eares by the Mares
trampling, who are whipped round about the floores that they may not
stand still, but tread it constantly and throughly; then the Mares
being let out of the floores, the wheat is winnowed from the chaffe,
and put up clean into sackes, and from the field carried to the Barnes;
but the chaffe and most of the straw is left to rot in the fields,
which they esteem as good as dunging; and further set all the fields
on fire, burning the stubble that is left a little before the time of
the first showers of raine, which with the ashes left after the burning
fatteth the ground, and by them is held the best way to husband or dung
their ground. Others that will sow a new and woody peece of land, cause
the trees, though timber trees to bee cut down, and sell not a stick
of that wood, (which there is so plentifull, that they judge it would
not quit their cost to carry it to _Guatemala_, though in _England_ it
would yeeld thousand pounds) but they let it lie and dry, and before
the winter raine begins, they set on fire all the field, and burn that
rich timber, with the ashes whereof that ground becomes so fat and
fertile, that where upon an Aker wee sow here three bushels of Wheat,
or upwards, they sow such ground so thin, that they scarce dare venture
a full bushell upon an Aker, lest with too much spreading upon the
ground it grow too thick, bee lodged, and they loose their crop. The
like they doe unto the pasture of the Valley; about the end of _March_,
it is short and withered and dry, and they also set it on fire, which
being burnt causeth a dismall sight, and prospect of a black valley;
but after the first two or three showres, it puts on againe its greene
and pleasant garment, inviting the Cattell, Sheep, Lambs, Goats, and
Kids, (which for a while were driven away to other pasturing) to return
and sport againe, to feed and rest in its new flourishing bosome. But
now it is time, I return again back to the other end of this valley,
to the _Rio de las Vaccas_ (from whence I have viewed the compasse of
it, and made my long digression from East to West, to the farthest
Towne of _Amatitlan_) to shew thee, my Reader, the little part of
thy way remaining unto _Guatemala_. True it is, from the Ermitage of
our Lady, there is a streight way through the middle of the valley
leading almost to _Amatitlan_, and then turning up a hill out of the
valley on the right hand; But that hath many ascents and descents,
bottomes, falls and risings, and therefore is not the constant Rode,
which from the Ermitage pointeth on the right hand, observing the Towne
of _Mixco_, standing but five miles from _Guatemala_, from _Mixco_
the way lyeth up a hill, and leadeth to a Town somewhat bigger then
_Mixco_, of _Indians_ called _San Lucas_, or St. _Luke_, a cold Town,
but exceeding rich; the temper and coldnesse of it, hath made it the
storehouse, or Granary for all the City; for whereas below in the
Valley; the Wheat will not keep long without musting, and breeding a
worm called _Gurgojo_, such is the temper of this Town of St. _Luke_,
that in it, the Wheat will keep two or three yeeres ready threshed,
with a little turning now and then; and as it lyeth will give and
yeeld, (as experience taught mee there) so that he that hath laid up
in that Town two hundred bushels of Wheat, at the yeers end shall find
neer upon two hundred and twenty bushels. This Towne therefore receives
from the Valley most of the harvest, and is full of what wee call
Barnes, but there are called _Trojas_, without floore, but raised up
with stackes and bords a foot or two from the ground, and covered with
mats, whereon is laid the Wheat, and by some rich Monopolists from the
City is kept and hoarded two and three yeers, untill they find their
best opportunity to bring it out to sale, at the rate of their own will
and pleasure. From hence to _Guatemala_ there is but three little
leagues, and one onely _Barranca_, or bottome, and on every side of
the way little petty Townes, which they call _Milpas_, consisting of
some twenty Cottages. In the middle of the way is the top of a hill,
which discovereth all the City, and standeth as overmastring of it,
as if with a peece or two of Ordnance it would keepe all _Guatemala_
in awe; But besides this hill, which is the wide and open Rode, there
stand yet forwarder on the right and left hand other mountaines which
draw neerer to the City, and what this top peradventure with too much
distance, is not able to doe or reach, the others certainly would
reach with Cannon shot, and command that farre commanding City. Downe
this hill the way lies broad and wide, and as open as is the way downe
_Barnet_ or _Highgate_ Hill; and at the bottome it is more straitned
betweene the Mountaines, for the space of a bowshot, which passage also
is craggy by reason of stones and some small peeces of rocks which
lie in a brook of water that descends from the Mountaines, and runs
towards the City. But at a little Ermitage called St. _John_, the way
opens againe itselfe, and sheweth _Guatemala_, welcoming the weary
travellers with a pleasant prospect, and easing theirs, or their mules
or horses feet, what with green walkes, what with a sandy and gravelly
Rode unto the City, which never shut gate against any goer or comer,
nor forbad their entrance with any fenced walls, or watchmens jealous
questions, but freely and gladly entertaines them either by the back
side of the Dominicans Cloister, or by the Church and Nunnery called
the Conception. And thus my Reader, and country man I have brought and
guided thee from the Golfe unto _Guatemala_, shewing what that way is
most remarkable. I shall not now shew thee any more of this Cities
Dominions toward _Nicaragua_ and the South (having already shewed thee
the way as far as _Realejo_) leaving that untill I come to tell thee
of my journey homewards, which I made that way. There remaines yet
the Country of the _Vera Paz_ and the way unto it to discover, and so
to close up this Chapter. The _Vera Paz_ is so called, for that the
_Indians_ of that Country hearing how the _Spaniards_ had conquered
_Guatemala_, and did conquer the Country round about, wheresoever they
came, yeelded themselves peaceably and without any resistance unto the
Government of _Spaine_. This Country formerly had a Bishop to it selfe
distinct from _Guatemala_, but now is made one Bishoprick with that.
It is governed by an Alcalde Maior, or high Justice sent from _Spain_,
with subordination unto the Court of _Guatemala_. The head or shire
Town of it, is called _Coban_, where is a Cloister of Dominican Friers,
and the common place of Residence of the Alcalde Maior. All this
Country as yet is not subdued by the _Spaniards_, who have now and then
some strong encounters with the barbarous and heathen people, which lie
between this Country and _Jucatan_; and faine would the _Spaniards_
conquer them, that they might make way through them unto a Town called
_Campin_ belonging to _Jucatan_, and settle commerce, and Traffique by
land with that Country, which is thought would bee a great furtherance
to the Country and City of _Guatemala_, and a safer way to convey their
goods to the Havana, then by the Golf, for oftentimes the ships that
goe from the Golf to the Havana, are met with by the _Hollanders_ and
surprised. But as yet the _Spaniards_ have not been able to bring to
passe this their design, by reason they have found strong resistance
from the heathenish people, and a hot service to attempt the conquering
of them. Yet there was a Fryer a great acquaintance of mine, called
Fryer _Francisco Moran_, who ventured his life among those barbarians,
and with two or three _Indians_ went on foot through that Country,
untill he came unto _Campin_, where he found a few _Spaniards_, who
wondred at his courage and boldnesse in comming that way. This Fryer
came back again to _Coban_ and _Vera Paz_, relating how the barbarians
hearing him speake their language, and finding him kind, loving and
curteous to them, used him also kindly, fearing (as hee said) that if
they should kill him, the _Spaniards_ would never let them bee at rest
and quiet, untill they had utterly destroyed them. Hee related when he
came back, that the Country which the Barbarians inhabite, is better
then any part of the _Vera Paz_, which is subject to the _Spaniards_,
and spoke much of a Valley, where is a great lake, and about it a Towne
of _Indians_, which hee judged to bee of at least twelve thousand
Inhabitants, the Cottages lying in a distance one from another. This
Fryer hath writ of this Country, and hath gone to _Spain_ to the Court
to motion the conquering of it, for the profit and commodity that may
ensue both to _Guatemala_ and _Jucatan_, if a way were opened thither.
But though as yet on that side the _Spaniards_ and the Country of
the _Vera Paz_, bee straightned by that heathenish people, yet on the
other side it hath free passage unto the Golf, and trade there when the
ships doe come, carrying Fowles and what other Provision the Country
will afford for the ships, and bringing from thence wines, and other
_Spanish_ wares unto _Coban_. This Country is very hilly and craggy,
and though there bee some bigge Townes in it, they are not above three
or foure that are considerable. The chief commodities, are _Achiotte_
(which is the best of all the Country belonging to _Guatemala_) and
_Cacao_, Cotton Wooll, hony, _Canna fistula_, and _Zarzaparilla_, great
store of _Maiz_, but no Wheat, much waxe, plenty of fowles and birds of
all coloured feathers, wherewith the _Indians_ make some curious works,
but not like unto those of _Mechoacan_; here are also abundance of
Parrets, Apes and Monkies which breed in the Mountaines. The way from
_Guatemala_ to this Country is that which hitherto hath beene spoken
of from the Golf, as far as the Town of St. _Luke_; and from thence
the way keeps on the hils and mountaines which lie on the side of the
Valley of _Mixco_. These hils are called _Sacatepeques_, (compounded
of _Sacate_ and _Tepec_, the latter signifying a hill, and the former,
herbe or grasse, and thus joyned, they signifie mountaines of grasse)
and among them are these chief Townes, first _Santiago_ or St. _James_,
a Town of five hundred Families, secondly, _San Pedro_ or St. _Peter_,
consisting of six hundred families, thirdly, St. _Juan_, or St. _John_
consisting also of at least six hundred Families, and fourthly, _Sto
Domingo Senano_, or St. _Dominic_ of _Senaco_, being of three hundred
Families. These foure Towns are very rich, and the two last very cold,
the two first are warmer; there are about them many Farmes of corn and
good Wheat, besides the _Indian Maiz_. These _Indians_ are somewhat
of more courage then those of other Townes, and in my time were like
to rise up against the _Spaniards_ for their unmercifull tyranny over
them. The Churches are exceeding rich; in the Towne of _Santiago_,
there was living in my time one _Indian_, who for onely vaine-glory had
bestowed the worth of six thousand Duckates upon that Church, and yet
afterwards this wretch was found to bee a Wizard and Idolater. These
_Indians_ get much mony by letting out great tuffes of feathers, which
the _Indians_ use in their dances upon the feasts of the Dedication of
their towns. For some of the great tuffes may have at least threescore
long feathers of divers colours, for every feather hiring they have
halfe a Riall, besides what price they set to every feather, if any
should chance to be lost. From the Town of St. _John_, which is the
furthest the way lies plain and pleasant unto a little village of some
twenty Cottages, called St. _Raymundo_ or St. _Raymond_, from whence
there is a good dayes journy up and down _Barrancas_, or bottomes
unto a _Rancho_, or lodge standing by a River side, which is the same
River, that passeth by the Town of _Acasabastlan_ spoken of before.
From this is an ascent of a very craggy and rocky Mountaine, called
the Mountaine of _Rabinall_, where are steps cut out in the very
Rockes for the mules feet, and slipping on one or the other side, they
fall surely downe the rockes, breaking their neckes, and mangling
all their limbes and joynts; but this danger continueth not long nor
extendeth above a league and a half, and in the top and worst of this
danger, there is the comfort of a goodly Valley, called _El Valle de
San Nicholas_, St. _Nicholas_ his Valley, from an Estancia called St.
_Nicholas_ belonging to the Dominicans Cloister of _Coban_. This Valley
though it must not compare with that of _Mixco_ and _Pinola_; yet next
after it, it may well take place for onely three things considerable
in it. The first is an _Ingenio_ of Sugar, called _San Geronymo_, or
St. _Hierome_, belonging unto the Dominicans Cloister of _Guatemala_,
which indeed goeth beyond that spoken of of _Amatitlan_, both for
abundance of Sugar made there, and sent by mules to _Guatemala_ over
that rocky Mountaine, and for multitude of slaves living in it under
the command of two Fryers, and for the excellent horses bred there,
which are incomparably the best of all the Country of _Guatemala_ for
metle, and gallantry, and therefore (though mules are commonly used for
burthens) are much desired and looked after by the Gallants and Gentry
of the City, who make it a great part of their honour to prance about
the streets. The second thing in this Valley is the Estancia or Farm
of St. _Nicolas_ which is as famous for breeding of mules, as is St.
_Hierome_ for horses. The third ornament to it is a Town of _Indians_,
called _Rabinall_, of at least eight hundred Families, which hath
all that heart can wish for pleasure and life of man. It inclineth
rather to heat then cold, but the heat is moderate and much qualified
with the many cool and shady walkes. There is not any _Indian_ fruit,
which is not there to be found, besides the fruits of _Spain_, as
Oranges, Lemmons, sweet and sowre, Citrons, Pomegranates, Grapes, Figs,
Almonds, and Dates; the onely want of wheat is not a want to them that
mind bread of wheat more then of Maiz, for in two dayes it is easily
brought from the Townes of _Sacatepeques_. For flesh, it hath Beef,
Mutton, Kid, Fowles, Turkies, Quailes, Partridges, Rabbets, Pheasants;
and for fish, it hath a River running by the houses, which yeeldeth
plenty both great and small. The _Indians_ of this Towne are much like
unto those of _Chiapa_ of the _Indians_, for bravery, for feasting,
for riding of horses, and shewing themselves in sports and pastimes.
This Town my friend Fryer _John Baptist_, after hee had been Prior of
many places, and especially of _Chiapa_ and _Guatemala_, chose to live
in to injoy quietnesse, pleasure and content; and in this Town was I
feasted by him in such a sumptuous, prodigall and lavishing way, as
truely might make poor mendicant Fryers ashamed to come so neer unto
Princes in vanity of life and dyet. From this Valley unto the _Vera
Paz_, or _Coban_, the head Town of it, there is nothing considerable,
save onely one Town more called St. _Christoval_ or St. _Christopher_,
which enjoyeth now a pleasant Lake, and bottomelesse, as is reported.
Formerly there being no Lake at all, in a great Earthquake, the earth
there opened, and swallowed up many houses, leaving this Lake which
ever since hath continued. From hence to _Coban_ the wayes are bad and
mountainous, yet such as through the worst of them, those country mules
with heavy burthens easily goe through. And thus with my pen, Reader,
have I gone through most of the bounds and limits of _Guatemala_, which
is more furnished with gallant Towns of _Indians_, then is any part of
all _America_; and doubtlesse were the _Indians_ warlike, industrious,
active for warre or weapons, no part in all _America_ might bee
stronger in people then _Guatemala_. But they being kept under and
oppressed by the _Spaniards_, and no weapons allowed them, not so
much as their naturall Bowes and Arrowes, much lesse Guns, Pistols,
Muskets, Swords, or Pikes, their courage is gone, their affections
alienated from the _Spaniards_, and so the _Spaniards_ might very well
feare, that if their country should be invaded, the multitude of their
_Indian_ people, would prove to them a multitude of enemies, either
running away to another side; or forced to help, would bee to them but
as the help of so many flies.
CHAP. XIX.
_Shewing the condition, quality, fashion, and behaviour of the_ Indians
_of the Country of_ Guatemala _since the Conquest, and especially of
their feasts, and yeerly Solemnities._
The condition of the _Indians_ of this Country of _Guatemala_ is as
sad, and as much to bee pitied as of any _Indians_ in _America_, for
that I may say it is with them in some sort, as it was with _Israel_
in _Egypt_, of whom it is said, _Exod._ 1. 7. _They were fruitfull and
increased abundantly, and multiplied, and waxed exceeding mighty, and
the land was filled with them_, and therefore _Pharaoh_ said unto his
people, Vers. 10. _Let us deale wisely with them, lest they multiply,
and it come to passe, that when there falleth out any Warre, they joyne
also unto our enemies, and fight against us_. Therefore they did set
over them taskemasters, to afflict them with their burdens, and they
made their lives bitter with bondage, in morter and in brick, and in
all manner of service in the field; and all their service wherein they
made them serve was with rigor. Though it is true, there ought not to
be any comparison made betwixt the _Israelites_ and the _Indians_,
those being Gods people, these not as yet; neverthelesse the comparison
may well hold in the oppression of the one and the other, and in the
manner and cause of the oppression, that being with bitternesse,
rigour, and hard bondage, and lest they should multiply and increase
too much. Certain it is, these _Indians_ suffer great oppression from
the _Spaniards_, live in great bitternesse, are under hard bondage,
and serve with great rigor; and al this, because they are at least a
thousand of them for one _Spaniard_, they daily multiply and increase,
in children and wealth, and therefore are feared lest they should be
too mighty, and either rise up of themselves, or joyn themselves to any
enemy against their oppressors; for both which fears and jealousies,
they are not allowed the use of any weapons or armes, no not their bows
and arrows, which their ancestors formerly used; so that as hereby the
_Spaniards_ are secured from any hurt or annoyance from them as an
unarmed people; so may any other nation, that shall be incouraged to
invade that land, be secure also from the _Indians_, & consequently
the _Spaniards_ own policy for themselves against the _Indians_ may
be their greatest ruine, and destruction, being a great people and
yet no people; for the abundance of their _Indians_ would be to them
as no people; and they themselves, (who out of their few Towns and
Cities live but here and there, too thinly scattered upon so great and
capacious a land) would be but a handfull for any reasonable Army;
and of that handfull very few would be found able or fitting men; and
those able men would do little without the help of guns and ordnance;
and if their own oppressed people, _Black-mores_ and _Indians_ (which
themselves have alwaies feared) should side against them, soon would
they be swallowed up both from within and from without. And by this it
may easily appear how ungrounded they are, who say, it is harder to
conquer _America_ now then in _Cortez_ his time, for that there are now
both _Spaniards_ and _Indians_ to fight against, and then there were
none but bare and naked _Indians_. This I say is a false ground; for
then there were _Indians_ trained up in wars one against another, who
knew wel to use their bows and arrows, and darts, and other weapons,
and were desperate in their fights and single combats, as may appear
out of the histories of them; but now they are cowardized, oppressed,
unarmed, soon frighted with the noise of a musket, nay with a sowre
and grim look of a _Spaniard_, so from them there is no fear; neither
can there be from the _Spaniards_, who from all the vast dominions of
_Guatemala_ are not able to raise five thousand able fighting men,
nor to defend so many passages as lie open in severall parts of that
Country, which the wider and greater it is, might be advantagious to an
enemy, and while the _Spaniard_ in one place might oppose his strength,
in many other places might his land be over-run by a foraine nation;
nay by their owne slaves the _Black-mores_, who doubtlesse to be set at
liberty would side against them in any such occasion; and lastly, the
Criolians who also are sore oppressed by them, would rejoyce in such a
day, and yeeld rather to live with freedome and liberty under a forain
people, then to be longer oppressed by those of their own blood.
The miserable condition of the _Indians_ of that Country is such, that
though the Kings of _Spain_ have never yeelded to what some would have,
that they should be slaves, yet their lives are as full of bitternesse
as is the life of a slave. For which I have known my selfe some of them
that have come home from toyling and moyling with _Spaniards_, after
many blowes, some wounds, and little or no wages, who have sullenly
and stubbornly lain down upon their beds, resolving to die rather then
to live any longer a life so slavish, and have refused to take either
meat or drinke, or any thing else comfortable and nourishing, which
their wives have offered unto them, that so by pining and starving they
might consume themselves. Some I have by good perswasions encouraged
to life rather then to a voluntary and wilfull death; others there
have been that would not be perswaded, but in that wilfull way have
died. The _Spaniards_ that live about that Country (especially the
farmers of the valley of _Mixco, Pinola, Petapa, Amatitlan_, and those
of the _Sacatepeques_) alleadge that all their trading, and farming,
is for the good of the Common-wealth, and therefore whereas there are
not _Spaniards_ enough for so ample and large a Countrey to doe all
their work, and all are not able to buy slaves and _Blackmores_, they
stand in need of the _Indians_ help to serve them for their pay and
hire; whereupon it hath been considered, that a partition of _Indian_
labourers be made every Monday, or Sonday in the afternoon to the
_Spaniards_, according to the farmes they occupie, or acording to their
severall employments, calling, and trading with Mules, or any other
way. So that for such and such a district there is named an officer,
who is called Juez Repartidor, who according to a List made of every
farme, house, and person, is to give so many _Indians_ by the week.
And here is a doore opened to the president of _Guatemala_, and to the
Judges to provide well for their meniall servants, whom they commonly
appoint for this office, which is thus performed by them. They name
the Town and place of their meeting upon Sonday or Monday, to the
which themselves and the _Spaniards_ of that district do resort. The
_Indians_ of the severall Towns are to have in a readinesse so many
labourers as the Court of _Guatemala_ hath appointed to be weekly
taken out of such a Towne, who are conducted by an _Indian_ officer to
the Towne of generall meeting; and when they come thither with their
tooles, their spades, shovels, bils, or axes, with their provision
of victuals for a week (which are commonly some dry cakes of Maiz,
puddings of frixoles, or _French_ beanes, and a little Chile or biting
long pepper, or a bit of cold meat for the first day or two) and
with beds on their backes (which is only a course woollen mantle to
wrap about them when they lye on the bare ground) then are they shut
up in the Towne-house, some with blowes, some with spurnings, some
with boxes on the eare, if presently they goe not in. Now all being
gathered together, and the house filled with them, the Juez Repartidor
or officer, calls by the order of the List such and such a _Spaniard_,
and also calls out of the house so many _Indians_ as by the Court are
commanded to be given him (some are allowed three, some foure, some
ten, some fifteen, some twenty, according to their employments) and
delivereth unto the _Spaniard_ his _Indians_, and so to all the rest,
till they be all served; who when they receive their _Indians_, take
from them a toole, or their mantles; to secure them that they run not
away; and for every _Indian_ delivered unto them, they give unto the
Juez Repartidor or officer, halfe a Riall, which is three pence an
_Indian_ for his fees, which mounteth yeerly to him to a great deale
of money; for some officers make a partition or distribution of four
hundred, some of two hundred, some of three hundred _Indians_, every
week, and carrieth home with him so many halfe hundred Rials for one,
or halfe a daies worke. If complaint be made by any _Spaniard_ that
such and such an _Indian_ did run away from him, and served him not
the week past, the _Indian_ must be brought, and surely tied to a post
by his hands in the Market place, and there be whipped upon his bare
backe. But if the poor _Indian_ complaine that the _Spaniards_ cousened
and cheated him of his shovell, axe, bill, mantle, or wages, no justice
shall be executed against the cheating _Spaniard_, neither shall the
_Indian_ be righted, though it is true the order runs equally in favour
of both _Indian_ and _Spaniard_. Thus are the poore _Indians_ sold for
three pence a peece for a whole weeks slavery, not permitted to goe
home at nights unto their wives, though their worke lie not above a
mile from the Town where they live; nay some are carried ten or twelve
miles from their home, who must not returne till Saturday night late,
and must that week do whatsoever their Master pleaseth to command them.
The wages appointed them will scarce find them meat and drinke, for
they are not allowed a Riall a day, which is but sixpence, and with
that they are to find themselves, but for six daies worke and diet they
are to have five Rials, which is halfe a crowne. This same order is
observed in the City of _Guatemala_, and Townes of _Spaniards_, where
to every family that wants the service of an _Indian_ or _Indians_,
though it be but to fetch water and wood on their backs, or to goe
of arrants, is allowed the like service from the neerest _Indian_
Townes. It would grieve a Christians heart to see how by some cruell
_Spaniards_ in that weeks service, those poor wretches are wronged and
abused; some visiting their wives at home, whilst their poore husbands
are digging and delving; others whipping them for their slow working,
others wounding them with their swords, or breaking their heads for
some reasonable and well grounded answer in their own behalfe, others
stealing from them their tooles, others cheating them of halfe, others
of all their wages, alleadging that their service cost them halfe a
Riall, and yet their worke not well performed. I knew some who made
a common practice of this, when their wheat was sowne, and they had
little to do for the _Indians_; yet they would have home as many as
were due unto their farme, and on Monday and Tuesday would make them
cut and bring them on their backes as much wood as they needed all
that week, and then on Wednesday at noon (knowing the great desire of
the _Indians_ to goe home to their wives, for the which they would
give any thing) would say unto them, What will you give me now, if I
let you goe home to doe your own worke? whereunto the _Indians_ would
joyfully reply and answer, some that they would give a Riall, others
two Rials, which they would take and send them home, and so would have
much worke done, wood to serve their house a week, and mony as much
as would buy them meat, and Cacao for Chocolatte two weeks together;
and thus from the poor _Indians_ doe those unconscionable _Spaniards_
practice a cheap and lazy way of living. Others will sell them away for
that week unto a neighbour that hath present need of worke, demanding
Rials a piece for every _Indian_, which he that buyeth them, will be
sure to defray out of their wages. So likewise are they in a slavish
bondage and readinesse for all passengers and travellers, who in any
Towne may demand unto the next Towne as many _Indians_ do goe with his
Mules, or to carry on their backes a heavy burthen as he shall need,
who at the journeys end will pick some quarrell with them, and so send
them back with blowes and stripes without any pay at all. A Petaca, or
leatherne Trunke, and chest of above a hundred weight, they will make
those wretches to carry on their backs a whole day, nay some two or
three daies together, which they doe by tying the chest on each side
with ropes, having a broad leather in the middle, which they crosse
over the forepart of their head, or over their forehead, hanging thus
the waight upon their heads and browes, which at their journeys end
hath made the blood stick in the foreheads of some, galling and pulling
off the skin, and marking them in the fore-top of their heads, who as
they are called _Tamemez_, so are easily known in a Towne by their
baldnesse, that leather girt having worn off all their hair. With these
hard usages, yet do those poor people make a shift to live amongst
the _Spaniards_, but so that with anguish of heart they are still
crying out to God for justice, and for liberty, whose only comfort is
in their Preists and Friers, who many times doe quiet them when they
would rise up in mutiny, and for their owne ends doe often prevaile
over them with fair and cunning perswasions, to bear and suffer for
Gods sake, and for the good of the Common-wealth that hard task and
service which is laid upon them. And though in all seasons, wet and
dry, cold and hot, and in all wayes plain and mountainous, green and
dirty, dusty and stony, they must performe this hard service to their
commanding Masters, their apparell and cloathing is but such as may
cover the nakednesse of their body, nay in some it is such torne rags
as will not cover halfe their nakednesse. Their ordinary cloathing
is a paire of linnen or woollen drawers broad and open at the knees,
without shooes (though in their journeys some will put on leatherne
sandals to keep the soles of their feet) or stockins, without any
doublet, a short course shirt, which reacheth a little below their
waste, and serves more for a doublet then for a shirt, and for a cloake
a woollen or linnen mantle, (called Aiate) tied with a knot over one
shoulder, hanging down on the other side almost to the ground, with a
twelve penny or two shilling hat, which after one good shower of raine
like paper falls about their necks and eies; their bed they carry
sometimes about them, which is that woollen mantle wherewith they wrap
themselves about at night, taking off their shirt and drawers, which
they lay under their head for a pillow; some will carry with them a
short, slight, and light Mat to lie, but those that carry it not with
them, if they cannot borrow one of a neighbour, lie as willingly in
their mantle upon the bare ground, as a Gentleman in _England_ upon a
soft down-bed, and thus doe they soundly sleep, and lowdly snort after
a daies worke, or after a daies journey with a hundred weight upon
their backs. Those that are of the better sort, and richer, and who
are not employed as _Tamemez_ to carry burthens, or as Labourers to
work for _Spaniards_, but keep at home following their own farmes, or
following their owne Mules about the Country, or following their trades
and callings in their shops, or governing the Townes, as Alcaldes, or
Alguaziles, officers of justice, may goe a little better apparelled,
but after the same manner. For some will have their drawers with a
lace at the bottom, or wrought with some coloured Silke or Crewel; so
likewise the mantle about them, shall have either a lace, or some work
of birds on it, some will wear a cut linnen doublet, others shooes,
but very few stockins or bands about their neckes; and for their beds,
the best _Indian_ Governour, or the richest, who may be worth four or
five thousand Duckats, will have little more then the poor _Tamemez_;
for they lie upon boards, or Canes bound together, and raised from the
ground, whereon they lay a broad and handsome Mat, and at their heads
for man and wife two little stumps of wood for bolsters, whereon they
lay their shirts and mantles and other cloaths for pillowes, covering
themselves with a broader blanket then is their mantle, and thus hardly
would _Don Bernabe de Guzman_ the Governour of _Petapa_ lie, and so
doe all the best of them. The womens attire is cheap and soon put on;
for most of them also go barefoot, the richer and better sort wear
shooes, with broad ribbons for shooe-strings, and for a petticote, they
tie about their waste a woollen mantle, which in the better sort is
wrought with divers colours, but not sowed at all, pleated or gathered
in, but as they tie it with a list about them; they wear no shift
next their body, but cover their nakednesse with a kind of surplice
(which they call _Guaipil_) which hangs loose from their shoulders
down a little below their waste, with open short sleeves, which cover
halfe their armes; this Guaipil is curiously wrought, especially in
the bosome, with Cotton, or feathers. The richer sort of them wear
bracelets and bobs about their wrists and necks; their hair is gathered
up with fillets, without any quaife or covering, except it be the
better sort. When they goe to Church or abroad, they put upon their
heads a vaile of linnen, which hangeth almost to the ground, and this
is that which costs them most of all their attire, for that commonly
it is of _Holland_ or some good linnen brought from _Spain_, or fine
linnen brought from _China_, which the better sort wear with a lace
about. When they are at home at work they commonly take off their
Guaipil, or surplice, discovering the nakednesse of their breasts
and body. They lie also in their beds as doe their husbands, wrapped
up only with a mantle, or with a blanket. Their houses are but poore
thatched cottages, without any upper roomes, but commonly one or two
only roomes below, in the one they dresse their meat in the middle
of it, making a compasse for fire, with two or three stones, without
any other chimney to convey the smoak away, which spreading it selfe
about the roome filleth the thatch and the rafters so with sut, that
all the roome seemeth to be a chimney. The next unto it, is not free
from smoak and blacknesse, where sometimes are four or five beds
according to the family. The poorer sort have but one room, where they
eat, dresse their meat, and sleep. Few there are that set any lockes
upon their dores, for they fear no robbing nor stealing, neither have
they in their houses much to lose, earthen pots, and pans, and dishes,
and cups to drinke their Chocolatte, being the chief commodities in
their house. There is scarce any house which hath not also in the yard
a stew, wherein they bath themselves with hot water, which is their
chief physick when they feel themselves distempered. Among themselves
they are in every Town divided into Tribes, which have one chief head,
to whom all that belong unto that Tribe, doe resort in any difficult
matters, who is bound to aid, protect, defend, counsell, and appear for
the rest of his Tribe before the officers of justice in any wrong that
is like to be done unto them. When any is to be married, the father of
the son that is to take a wife out of another Tribe, goeth unto the
head of his Tribe to give him warning of his sons marriage with such a
maid. Then that head meets with the head of the maids Tribe, and they
conferre about it. The businesse commonly is in debate a quarter of a
yeer; all which time the parents of the youth or man are with gifts to
buy the maid; they are to be at the charges of all that is spent in
eating and drinking, when the heads of the two Tribes doe meet with
the rest of the kindred of each side, who sometimes sit in conference
a whole day, or most part of a night. After many dayes and nights
thus spent, and a full triall being made of the one and other sides
affection, if they chance to disagree about the marriage, then is the
Tribe and parents of the maid to restore back all that the other side
hath spent and given. They give no portions with their daughters, but
when they die, their goods and lands are equally divided among their
sons. If any one want a house to live in, or will repair and thatch
his house anew, notice is given to the heads of the Tribes, who warn
all the Town to come to help in the work, and every one is to bring
a bundle of straw, and other materials, so that in one day with the
helpe of many they finish a house, without any charges more then of
Chocolatte, which they minister in great cups as big as will hold above
a pint, not putting in any costly materials, as doe the _Spaniards_,
but only a little Anniseed, and Chile, or _Indian_ pepper; or else they
halfe fill the cup with Attolle, and powre upon it as much Chocolatte
as will fill the cup and colour it. In their diet the poorer sort are
limited many times to a dish of Frixoles, or Turkey beanes, either
black or white (which are there in very great abundance, and are kept
dry for all the yeer) boyled with Chile; and if they can have this,
they hold themselves well satisfied; with these beanes, they make
also dumplins, first boyling the bean a little, and then mingling it
with a masse of Maiz, as we do mingle Currants in our cakes, and so
boile again the frixoles with the dumplin of Maiz masse, and so eat it
hot, or keep it cold; but this and all whatsoever else they eat, they
either eat it with green biting Chile, or else they dip it in water
and salt, wherein is bruised some of that Chile. But if their means
will not reach to frixoles, their ordinary fare and diet is, their
Tortilla's (so they call thin round cakes made of the dow and Masse of
Maiz) which they eat hot from an earthen pan, whereon they are soon
baked with one turning over the fire; and these they eat alone either
with Chile and salt, and dipping them in water and salt with a little
bruised Chile. When their Maiz is green and tender, they boil some of
those whole stalkes or clusters, whereon the Maiz groweth with the
leaf about, and so casting a little salt about it, they eat it. I have
often eate of this, and found it as dainty as our young green pease,
and very nourishing, but it much increaseth the blood. Also of this
green and tender Maiz they make a Furmity, boiling the Maiz in some of
the milke which they have first taken out of it by bruising it. The
poorest _Indian_ never wants this diet, and is well satisfied, as long
as his belly is thorowly filled. But the poorest that live in such
Townes where flesh meat is sold, will make a hard shift, but that when
they come from worke on Saturday night, they will buy one halfe Riall,
or a Riall worth of fresh meat to eat on the Lords day. Some will buy
a good deal at once, and keep it long by dressing it into Tassajo's,
which are bundles of flesh, rowled up and tied fast; which they doe,
when for examples sake they have from a leg of beefe sliced off from
the bone all the flesh with the knife, after the length, forme, and
thinnesse of a line, or rope. Then they take the flesh and salt it,
(which being sliced and thinly cut, soon takes salt) and hang it up in
their yards like a line from post to post, or from tree to tree, to
the wind for a whole week, and then they hang it in the smoak another
week, and after rowle it up in small bundles, which become as hard as
a stone, and so as they need it, they wash it, boyl it and eat it.
This is _America's_ powdered beef, which they call Tassajo, whereof I
have often eaten, and the _Spaniards_ eat much of it, especially those
that trade about the Countrey with Mules; nay this Tassajo is a great
commodity, and hath made many a _Spaniard_ rich, who carry a Mule or
two loaden with these Tassajo's in small parcels and bundles to those
Townes where is no flesh at all sold, and there they exchange them for
other commodities among the _Indians_, receiving peradventure for one
Tassajo or bundle, (which cost them but the halfe part of a farthing)
as much Cacao, as in other places they sell for a Riall or sixpence.
The richer sort of people will fare better, for if there be fish or
flesh to bee had, they will have it, and eat most greedily of it; and
will not spare their fowls and Turkeys from their own bellies. These
also will now and then get a wild Dear, shooting it with their bows
and arrows. And when they have killed it, they let it lie in the wood
in some hole or bottom covered with leaves for the space of about a
week, untill it stinke and begin to be full of wormes; then they bring
it home, cut it out into joynts, and parboil it with an herbe which
groweth there somewhat like unto our Tanzy, which they say sweetneth
it again, and maketh the flesh eat tender, and as white as a peice of
Turkey. Thus parboiled, they hang up the joynts in the smoke for a
while, and then boyle it again, when they eat it, which is commonly
dressed with red _Indian_ pepper; and this is the Venison of _America_,
whereof I have sometimes eaten, and found it white and short, but never
durst be too bold with it, not that I found any evill taste in it, but
that the apprehension of the wormes and maggots which formerly had
been in it, troubled much my stomack. These _Indians_ that have little
to doe at home, and are not employed in the weekly service under the
_Spaniards_ in their hunting, will looke seriously for Hedge-hogs,
which are just like unto ours, though certainly ours are not meat for
any Christian. They are full of pricks and brisles like ours, and are
found in woods and fields, living in holes, and as they say feed upon
nothing but Amits and their egs, and upon dry rotten sticks, herbes,
and roots; of these they eat much, the flesh being as white and sweet
as a Rabbit, and as fat as is a _January_ hen kept up and fatted in
a Coope. Of this meat I have also eaten, and confesse it is a dainty
dish there, though I will not say the same of a Hedge-hog here; for
what here may be poyson, there may be good and lawfull meate, by some
accidentall difference in the creature it selfe, and in that which it
feeds upon, or in the temper of the air and climate. This meat not
only the _Indians_ but the best of the _Spaniards_ feed on it; and it
is so much esteemed of, that because in Lent they are commonly found,
the _Spaniards_ will not be deprived of it, but do eat it also then,
alleadging that it is no flesh (though in the eating it be in fatnesse
and in taste, and in all like unto flesh) for that it feeds not upon
any thing that is very nourishing, but chiefly upon Amits egs, and dry
sticks. It is a great point of controversie amongst their Divines, some
hold it lawfull, others unlawfull for that time; it seems the pricks
and brisles of the _Indian_ Hedge-hog prick their consciences with a
foolish scruple. Another kind of meat they feed much on which is called
_Iguana_; of these some are found in the waters, others upon the land.
They are longer then a Rabbit, and like unto a Scorpion, with some
green, some black scales on their backes. Those upon the land will
run very fast, like Lizards, and will climbe up trees like Squerrils,
and breed in the roots of trees or in stone walls. The sight of them
is enough to affright one; and yet when they are dressed and stewed
in broth with a little spice, they make a dainty broth, and eat also
as white as a Rabbit, nay the middle bone is made just like the backe
bone of a Rabbit. They are dangerous meat, if not throughly boiled,
and they had almost cost mee my life for eating too much of them, not
being stewed enough. There are also many water and land Tortoi's, which
the _Indians_ find out for themselves, and also relish exceeding well
unto the _Spaniards_ palate. As for drinking, the _Indians_ generally
are much given unto it; and drinke if they have nothing else, of their
poore and simple Chocolatte, without Sugar or many compounds, or of
Atolle, untill their bellies bee ready to burst. But if they can get
any drink that will make them mad drunk, they will not give it over as
long as a drop is left, or a penny remaines in their purse to purchase
it. Among themselves they use to make such drinks as are in operation
far stronger then wine, and these they confection in such great Jarres
as come from _Spain_; wherein they put some little quantity of water,
and fill up the Jar with some Melasso's, or juyce of the Sugar Cane,
or some hony for to sweeten it; then for the strengthning of it, they
put roots and leaves of Tobacco, with other kinde of roots which grow
there, and they know to bee strong in operation, nay in some places I
have known where they have put in a live Toad, and so closed up the
Jarre for a fortnight, or moneths space, till all that they have put
in him, be throughly steeped and the toad consumed, and the drink well
strengthned, then they open it, and call their friends to the drinking
of it, (which commonly they doe in the night time, lest their Preist
in the Towne should have notice of them in the day) which they never
leave off, untill they bee mad, and raging drunke. This drink they call
Chicha, which stinketh most filthily, and certainly is the cause of
many _Indians_ death, especially where they use the toads poyson with
it. Once I was informed living in _Mixco_, of a great meeting that
was appointed in an _Indians_ house; and I took with mee the Officers
of Justice of the Town, to search that _Indians_ house, where I found
foure Jarres of _Chicha_ not yet opened, I caused them to be taken
out, and broken in the street before his doore, and the filthy Chicha
to be poured out, which left such a stinking sent in my nostrils, that
with the smell of it, or apprehension of its loathsomenesse, I fell to
vomiting, and continued sick almost a whole week after.
Now the _Spaniards_ knowing this inclination of the _Indians_ unto
drunkennesse, doe herein much abuse and wrong them; though true it
is, there is a strict order, even to the forfeiting of the wine of
anyone who shall presume to sell wine in a Towne of _Indians_, with
a mony mulct besides. Yet for all this the baser and poorer sort of
_Spaniards_ for their lucre and gaine contemning authority, will goe
out from _Guatemala_, to the Towns of _Indians_ about, and carry such
wine to sell and inebriate the Natives as may bee very advantagious
to themselves; for of one Jarre of wine, they will make two at least,
confectioning it with hony and water, and other strong drugs which are
cheap to them, and strongly operative upon the poore and weak _Indians_
heads, and this they will sell for currant _Spanish_ wine, with such
pint and quart measures, as never were allowed by Justice Order, but
by themselves invented. With such wine they soone intoxicate the poore
_Indians_, and when they have made them drunk, then they will cheat
them more, making them pay double for their quart measure; and when
they see they can drinke no more, then they will cause them to ly
down and sleep, and in the meane while will pick their pockets. This
is a common sinne among those _Spaniards_ of _Guatemala_, and much
practised in the City upon the _Indians_, when they come thither to buy
or sell. Those that keep the Bodegones (so are called the houses that
sell wine, which are no better then a Chandlers shop, for besides wine
they sell Candles, Fish, Salt, Cheese and Bacon) will commonly intice
in the _Indians_, and make them drunk, and then pick their pockets,
and turne them out of doores with blowes and stripes, if they will
not fairly depart. There was in _Guatemala_ in my time one of these
Bodegoners, or shopkeeper of wine and small ware, named _Joan Ramos_,
who by thus cheating and tipling poore _Indians_ (as it was generally
reported) was worth two hundred thousand duckates, and in my time gave
with a daughter that was married, eight thousand Duckats. No _Indian_
should passe by his doore, but he would call him in, and play upon him
as aforesaid. In my time a _Spanish_ Farmer, neighbour of mine in the
Valley of _Mixco_, chanced to send to _Guatemala_ his _Indian_ servants
with half a dozen mules loaden with wheat to a Merchant, with whom hee
had agreed before for the price, and ordered the money to bee sent
unto him by his servant (whom hee had kept six yeers, and ever found
him trusty) the wheat being delivered, and the money received (the
which mounted to ten pound, sixteen shillings, every mule carrying
six bushels, at twelve Rials a bushel, as was then the price) the
_Indian_ with another Mate of his walking along the streets to buy
some small commodities, passed by _John Ramos_ his shop, or Bodegon,
who enticing him and his Mate in, soone tripped up their heals with
a little confectioned wine for that purpose, and tooke away all his
mony from the intruded _Indian_, and beat them out of his house; who
thus drunk being forced to ride home, the _Indian_ that had received
the money, fell from his mule, and broke his neck; the other got home
without his Mate, or money. The Farmer prosecuted _John Ramos_ in the
Court for his money, but _Ramos_ being rich and abler to bribe, then
the Farmer, got off very well, and so had done formerly in almost the
like cases. These are but peccadillo's among those _Spaniards_, to make
drunke, rob, and occasion the poor _Indians_ death; whose death with
them is no more regarded nor vindicated, then the death of a sheep or
bullock, that falls into a pit. And thus having spoken of apparrell,
houses, eating and drinking, it remaines that I say somewhat of their
civility, and Religion of those who lived under the Government of the
_Spaniards_. From the _Spaniards_ they have borrowed their Civill
Government, and in all Townes they have one, or two _Alcaldes_, with
more or lesse _Regidores_, (who are as Aldermen or Jurates amongst us)
and some _Alguaziles_, more or lesse, who are as Constables, to execute
the orders of the _Alcalde_, (who is a Maior) with his Brethren. In
Towns of three or four hundred Families, or upwards, there are commonly
two Alcaldes, six Regidores, two Alguaziles Maiors, and six under,
or petty Alguaziles. And some Towns are priviledged with an _Indian_
Governour, who is above the Alcaldes, and all the rest of the Officers.
These are changed every yeer by new election, and are chosen by the
_Indians_ themselves, who take their turnes by the tribes or kindreds,
whereby they are divided. Their offices begin on New-Yeers day, and
after that day their election is carryed to the City of _Guatemala_
(if in that district it bee made) or else to the heads of Justice,
or _Spanish_ Governours of the severall Provinces, who confirm the
new Election, and take account of the last yeers expences made by the
other Officers, who carry with them their Town-Book of accounts; and
therefore for this purpose every Town hath a Clerk, or Scrivener,
called Escrivano, who commonly continueth many yeers in his office, by
reason of the paucity and unfitnesse of _Indian_ Scriveners, who are
able to bears such a charge. This Clerk hath many fees for his writings
and informations, and accounts, as have the _Spaniards_, though not so
much money or bribes, but a small matter, according to the poverty of
the _Indians_. The Governour is also commonly continued many yeers,
being some chief man among the _Indians_, except for his misdemeanours
hee bee complained of, or the _Indians_ in generall doe all stomack him.
Thus they being setled in a civill way of government, they may execute
justice upon all such _Indians_ of their Town as doe notoriously
and scandalously offend. They may imprison, fine, whip, and banish,
but hang and quarter they may not; but must remit such cases to the
_Spanish_ Governour. So likewise if a _Spaniard_ passing by the Town,
or living in it, doe trouble the peace, and misdemean himself, they
may lay hold on him, and send him to the next _Spanish_ Justice,
with a full information of his offence, but fine him, or keep him
about one night in Prison they may not. This order they have against
_Spaniards_, but they dare not execute it, for a whole Town standeth in
awe of one _Spaniard_, and though hee never so hainously offend, and
bee unruly, with oathes, threatnings, and drawing of his sword, hee
maketh them quake and tremble, and not presume to touch him; for they
know if they doe, they shall have the worst, either by blowes, or by
some mis-information, which hee will give against them. And this hath
been very often tried, for where _Indians_ have by virtue of their
order indeavoured to curbe an unruly _Spaniard_ in their Town, some of
them have been wounded, others beaten, and when they have carried the
_Spaniard_ before a _Spanish_ Justice and Governour, hee hath pleaded
for what hee hath done, saying it was in his owne defence, or for his
King and Sovereign, and that the _Indians_ would have killed him, and
began to mutiny all together against the _Spanish_ Authority, and
Government, denying to serve him with what hee needed for his way and
journey; that they would not bee slaves to give him or any _Spaniard_
any attendance; and that they would make an end of him, and of all the
_Spaniards_. With these and such like false and lying mis-informations,
the unruly _Spaniards_ have often been beleeved, and too much upheld
in their rude and uncivill misdemeanors, and the _Indians_ bitterly
curbed, and punished, and answer made them in such cases, that if they
had been killed for their mutiny and rebellion against the King, and
his best subjects they had beene served well enough; and that if they
gave not attendance unto the _Spaniard_, that passed by their Town,
their houses should bee fired, and they and their children utterly
consumed. With such like answers from the Justices, and credency to
what any base _Spaniard_ shall inform against them, the poore _Indians_
are fain to put up all wrongs done unto them, not daring to meddle
with any _Spaniard_, bee hee never so unruly, by virtue of that Order,
which they have against them. Amongst themselves, if any complaint
be made against any _Indian_, they dare not meddle with him untill
they call all his kindred, and especially the head of that Tribe, to
which hee belongeth; who if hee and the rest together, find him to
deserve imprisonment, or whipping, or any other punishment, then the
Officers of Justice, the Alcaldes or Maiors, and their Brethren the
Jurates inflict upon him that punishment; which all shall agree upon.
But yet after judgment and sentence given, they have another, which
is their last appeale, if they please, and that is to their Priest,
and Fryer, who liveth in their Town, by whom they will sometimes bee
judged, and undergoe what punishment hee shall think fittest. To the
Church therefore they often resort in points of Justice, thinking the
Preist knoweth more of Law and equity, then themselves; who sometimes
reverseth what judgement hath been given in the Town house, blaming
the Officers for their partiality and passion against their poore
Brother, and setting free the party judged by them; which the Preist
does oftentimes, if such an _Indian_ doe belong to the Church, or
to the service of their house, or have any other relation to them,
peradventure for their wives sake, whom either they affect, or imploy
in washing, or making their Chocolatte. Such, and their husbands may
live lawlesse as long as the Preist is in the Town. And if when the
Preist is absent, they call them to triall for any misdemeanor, and
whip, fine, or imprison, (which occasion they will sometimes pick out
on purpose) when the Preist returnes, they shall bee sure to heare of
it, and smart for it, yea, and the Officers themselves peradventure bee
whipped in the Church, by the Preists order and appointment; against
whom they dare not speake, but willingly accept what stripes and
punishment hee layeth upon them, judging his wisdome, sentence, and
punishing hand, the wisdome, sentence and hand of God; whom as they
have been taught to be over all Princes, Judges, worldly Officers,
so likewise they beleeve, (and have been so taught) that his Preists
and Ministers are above theirs, and all worldly power and authority.
It happened unto mee living in the Town of _Mixco_, that an _Indian_
being judged to bee whipped for some disorders, which hee committed,
would not yeeld to the sentence, but apealed to mee, saying hee would
have his stripes in the Church, and by my order, for so hee said his
whipping would doe him good, as comming from the hand of God. When
hee was brought unto mee, I could not reverse the _Indians_ judgment,
for it was just, and so caused him to be whipped, which hee tooke
very patiently and merrily, and after kissed my hands and gave mee an
offering of mony for the good hee said, I had done unto his soule.
Besides this civility of justice amongst them, they live as in other
Civill and Politick and well governed Common-wealths; for in most of
their Townes, there are some that professe such trades as are practised
among _Spaniards_. There are amongst them Smiths, Taylors, Carpenters,
Masons, Shoomakers, and the like. It was my fortune to set upon a hard
and difficult building in a Church of _Mixco_, where I desired to make
a very broad and capacious vault over the Chappell, which was the
harder to bee finished in a round circumference, because it depended
upon a triangle, yet for this work I sought none but _Indians_, some
of the Town, some from other places, who made it so compleat, that the
best & skilfullest workmen among the _Spaniards_ had enough to wonder
at it. So are most of their Churches vaulted on the top, and all by
_Indians_; they onely in my time built a new Cloister in the Town of
_Amatitlan_, which they finished with many Arches of stone both in
the lower walks and in the upper galleries, with as much perfection
as the best Cloister of _Guatemala_, had before beene built by the
_Spaniard_. Were they more incouraged by the _Spaniards_, and taught
better principles both for soule and body, doubtlesse they would among
themselves make a very good Common-wealth. For painting they are much
inclined to it, and most of the pictures, and Altars of the Country
Townes are their workmanship. In most of their Townes they have a
Schoole, where they are taught to read, to sing, and some to write. To
the Church there doe belong according as the Town is in bignesse, so
many Singers, and Trumpeters, and Waits, over whom the Preist hath
one Officer, who is called _Fiscal_; he goeth with a white Staffe with
a little Silver Crosse on the top to represent the Church, and shew
that he is the Preists Clerk and Officer. When any case is brought to
be examined by the Preist, this Fiscall or Clerk executeth Justice
by the Preists Order. He must be one that can read & write, and is
commonly the Master of Musick. He is bound upon the Lords Day and other
Saints dayes, to gather to the Church before and after Service all the
yong youths, and maids, and to teach them the Prayers, Sacraments,
Commandements, and other points of Catechisme allowed by the Church
of Rome. In the morning hee and the other Musicians at the sound of
the Bell, are bound to come to Church to sing and officiate at Masse,
which in many Townes they performe with Organs and other musicall
Instruments, (as hath beene observed before) as well as _Spaniards_.
So likewise at Evening at five of the clock they are again to resort
to the Church, when the Bell calleth, to sing Prayers, which they
call Completa's, or Completory, with _Salve Regina_, a prayer to the
Virgin Mary. This Fiscal is a great man in the Town, and beares more
sway then the Majors, Jurates, and other Officers of Justice, and
when the Preist is pleased, giveth attendance to him, goeth about his
arrants, appointeth such as are to wait on him, when hee rideth out of
Town. Both hee and all that doth belong unto the Church, are exempted
from the common weekely service of the _Spaniards_, and from giving
attendance to Travellers, and from other Officers of Justice. But
they are to attend with their Waits, Trumpets, and Musick, upon any
great man or Preist that cometh to their Town, and to make Arches with
boughes and flowers in the streets for their entertainment. Besides
these, those also that doe belong unto the service of the Preists
house, are priviledged from the _Spaniards_ service. Now the Preist
hath change of servants by the week, who take their turnes so, that
they may have a weeke or two to spare to doe their work. If it bee a
great Town, hee hath three Cookes allowed him, (if a small Town, but
two) men Cookes who change their turnes, except hee have any occasion
of feasting, then they all come. So likewise hee hath two or three more
(whom they call Chahal) as Butlers, who keepe whatsoever Provision is
in the house under lock and Key; and give to the Cooke what the Preist
appointeth to bee dressed for his dinner, or supper; these keep the
Table Clothes, Napkins, Dishes, and Trenchers, and lay the Cloth, and
take away, and wait at the Table; hee hath besides three or foure,
and in great Towns half a dozen of boyes to doe his arrants, wait at
the Table, and sleep in the house all the week by their turnes, who
with the Cookes and Butlers dine and sup constantly in the Preists
house, and at his charges. Hee hath also at dinner and supper times the
attendance of some old women (who also take their turnes) to oversee
half a dozen yong maids, who next to the Priests house doe meet to
make him, and his family Tortilla's or Cakes of Maiz, which the boyes
doe bring hot to the Table by halfe a dozen at a time. Besides these
servants, if hee have a Garden hee is allowed two or three gardeners;
and for his stable, at least half a dozen _Indians_, who morning and
evening are to bring him Sacate (as there they call it) or herb and
grasse for his Mules or Horses, these diet not in the house; but the
groome of the stable, who is to come at morning, noone, and Evening,
(and therefore are three or foure to change) or at any time that the
Preist will ride out; these I say and the Gardners (when they are at
work) dine and sup at the Priests charges; who sometimes in great
Townes hath above a dozen to feed and provide for. There are besides
belonging to the Church priviledged from the weekly attendance upon the
_Spaniards_ two or three _Indians_, called Sacristanes, who have care
of the Vestry and Copes, and Altar Clothes, and every day make ready
the Altar or Altars for Masse; also to every Company or Sodality of the
Saints, or Virgin, there are two or three, whom they call Mayordomo's,
who gather about the Towne Almes for the maintaining of the Sodality;
these also gather Egges about the Town for the Preist every week, and
give him an account of their gatherings, and allow him every moneth, or
fortnight, two Crownes for a Masse to bee sung to the Saint.
If there be any fishing place neer the Town, then the Preist also
is allowed for to seek him fish three or foure, and in some places
half a dozen _Indians_, besides the offerings in the Church, and
many other offerings which they bring whensoever they come to speak
unto the Preist, or to confesse with him, or for a Saints feast to
bee celebrated, and besides their Tithes of every thing, there is a
monethly maintenance in money allowed unto the Preist, and brought unto
him by the Alcaldes, or Maiors, and Jurates, which he setteth his hand
unto in a book of the Townes expences. This maintenance (though it be
allowed by the _Spanish_ magistrate, and paid in the Kings name for the
preaching of the Gospel) yet it comes out of the poor _Indians_ purses
and labour, and is either gathered about the Town, or taken out of the
Tribute, which they pay unto the King, or from a common plat of ground
which with the help of all is sowed and gathered in and sold for that
purpose. All the Townes in _America_, which are civilized and under the
_Spanish_ government, belong either to the Crowne, or to some other
Lords, whom they cal Encomendero's, and pay a yeerly tribute unto them.
Those that are tenants to their Lords or Encomendero's (who commonly
are such as descend from the first conquerors) pay yet unto the King
some small tribute in mony, besides what they pay in other kind of
commodities unto their owne Encomendero, and in mony also. There is no
Town so poor, where every married _Indian_ doth not pay at the least in
mony four Rials a yeer for tribute to the _King_, besides other four
Rials to his Lord, or Encomendero. And if the Town pay only to the
King, they pay at least six, and in some places eight Rials by statute,
besides what other commodities are common to the Town or Country
where they live, as Maiz, (that is paid in all Townes) hony, Turkeys,
fowles, salt, Cacao, Mantles of Cotton-wool; and the like commodities
they pay who are subject to an Encomendero; but such pay only mony,
not commodities to the King. The Mantles of tribute are much esteemed
of, for they are choise ones, and of a bigger size, then others, so
likewise is the tribute _Cacao, Achiotte, Cochinil_, where it is
paid; for the best is set apart for the tribute; and if the _Indians_
bring that which is not prime good, they shall surely be lashed, and
sent backe for better. The heads of the severall Tribes have care to
gather it, and to deliver it to the Alcaldes and Regidores, Maiors
and Jurates, who carry it either to the Kings Exchequer in the City,
or to the neerest _Spanish_ Justice (if it belong to the King) or to
the Lord, or Encomendero of the Towne. In nothing I ever perceived the
_Spaniards_ mercifull and indulgent unto the _Indians_, but in this,
that if an _Indian_ bee very weak, poore, and sickly and not able to
work, or threescore and ten yeers of age, he is freed from paying
any tribute. There be also some Towns priviledged from this tribute;
which are those that can prove themselves to have descended from
_Tlaxcallan_, or from certaine Tribes or families of or about _Mexico_,
who helped the first _Spaniards_ in the conquest of that Country. As
for their carriage and behaviour, the _Indians_ are very courteous and
loving, and of a timorous nature, and willing to serve and to obey,
and to doe good, if they be drawn by love; but where they are too much
tyrannized, they are dogged, unwilling to please, or to worke, and will
choose rather strangling and death then life. They are very trusty,
and never were known to commit any robbery of importance; so that the
_Spaniards_ dare trust to abide with them in a wildernesse all night,
though they have bags of gold about them. So for secrecy they are very
close; and will not reveal any thing against their own Natives, or a
_Spaniards_ credit and reputation, if they be any way affected to him.
But above all unto their Preist they are very respective unto him; and
when they come to speak unto him; put on their best clothes, study
their complements and words to please him. They are very abundant in
their expressions, and full of circumloquutions adorned with parables
and simile's to expresse their mind and intention. I have often sate
still for the space of an houre, onely hearing some old women make
their speeches unto me, with so many elegancies in their tongue (which
in _English_ would be non-sense, or barbarous expressions) as would
make me wonder, and learne by their speeches more of their language,
then by any other endeavour or study of mine owne. And if I could
reply unto them in the like phrases and expressions (which I would
often endeavour) I should be sure to win their hearts, and get any
thing from them. As for their Religion, they are outwardly such as the
_Spaniards_, but inwardly hard to beleeve that which is above sense,
nature, and the visible sight of the eye; and many of them to this day
doe incline to worship Idols of stocks and stones, and are given to
much superstition, and to observe crosse waies, and meeting of beasts
in them, the flying of birds, their appearing and singing neer their
houses at such and such times. Many are given to witchcraft, and are
deluded by the devill to beleeve that their life dependeth upon the
life of such and such a beast (which they take unto them as their
familiar spirit) and think that when that beast dieth they must die;
when he is chased, their hearts pant, when he is faint they are faint;
nay it happeneth that by the devils delusion they appear in the shape
of that Beast, (which commonly by their choice is a Buck, or Doe, a
Lion, or Tigre, or Dog, or Eagle) and in that shape have been shot
at and wounded, as I shall shew in the Chapter following. And for
this reason (as I came to understand by some of them) they yeeld unto
the Popish Religion, especially to the worshiping of Saints Images,
because they looke upon them as much like unto their forefathers Idols;
and secondly, because they see some of them painted with Beasts; as
_Hierom_ with a Lion, _Anthony_ with an Asse, and other wild Beasts,
_Dominick_ with a Dog, _Blas_ with a Hog, _Mark_ with a Bull, and
_John_ with an Eagle, they are more confirmed in their delusions,
and thinke verily those Saints were of their opinion, and that those
beasts were their familiar spirits, in whose shape they also were
transformed when they lived, and with whom they died. All _Indians_ are
much affected unto these Popish Saints, but especially those which are
given to witchcraft, and out of the smalnesse of their means they will
be sure to buy some of these Saints and bring them to the Church, that
there they may stand and be worshipped by them and others. The Churches
are full of them, and they are placed upon standers gilded or painted,
to be carried in procession upon mens shoulders, upon their proper day.
And from hence cometh no little profit to the Preists; for upon such
Saints daies, the owner of the Saint maketh a great feast in the Towne,
and presenteth unto the Preist sometimes two or three, sometimes four
or five crownes for his Masse and Sermon, besides a Turkey and three
or four fowls, with as much Cacao as will serve to make him Chocolatte
for all the whole _Octave_ or eight daies following. So that in some
Churches, where there are at least fourty of these Saints Statues and
Images, they bring unto the Preist at least fourty pounds a yeer.
The Preist therefore is very watchfull over those Saints daies, and
sendeth warning before hand unto the _Indians_ of the day of their
Saint, that they may provide themselves for the better celebrating it
both at home and in the Church. If they contribute not bountifully,
then the Preist will chide, and threaten that he will not preach. Some
_Indians_ through poverty have been unwilling to contribute any thing
at all, or to solemnize in the Church and at his house his Saints
day, but then the Preist hath threatned to cast his Saints image out
of the Church, saying, that the Church ought not to be filled with
such Saints as are unprofitable to soul and body, and that in such a
statues room one may stand, which may doe more good by occasioning a
solemn celebration of one day more in the yeer. So likewise if the
_Indian_ that owned one of those images die and leave children, they
are to take care of that Saint as part of their inheritance, and to
provide that his day be kept; but if no son, or heirs be left, then
the Preist calleth for the heads of the severall Tribes, and for the
chief officers of justice, and maketh a speech unto them, wherein he
declareth that part of the Church ground is taken up in vain by such
an image, and his stander, without any profit either to the Preist,
the Church, or the town, no heir or owner being left alive to provide
for that orphan Saint, to owne it; and that in case they will not seek
out who may take charge of him, and of his day, the Preist will not
suffer him to stand idle in his Church, like those whom our Saviour in
the Gospel rebuked, _quid hic statis tota die otiosi?_ for that they
stood idle in the market all the day (these very expressions have I
heard there from some Friers) and therefore that he must banish such
a Saints picture out of the Church, and must deliver him up before
them into the Justices hands to be kept by them in the Town-house,
untill such time as he may be bought and owned by some good Christian.
The _Indians_ when they hear these expressions, begin to feare, lest
some judgement may befall their Town for suffering a Saint to be
excommunicated and cast out of their Church, and therefore present unto
the Preist some offering for his prayers unto the Saint, that he may
doe them no harme, and desire him to limit them a time to bring him
an answer for the disposing of that Saint (thinking it will prove a
disparagement and affront unto their Town, if what once hath belonged
to the Church, be now out, and delivered up to the secular power) and
that in the mean time, they will find out some good Christian, either
of the neerest friends and kindred to him or them who first owned the
Saint, or else some stranger, who may buy that Saint of the Preist (if
he continue in the Church) or of the secular power (if he be cast out
of the Church and delivered up unto them, which they are unwilling
to yeeld to, having been taught of judgements in such a case like to
befall them) and may by some speedy feast and solemnity appease the
Saints anger towards them, for having been so sleighted by the Town.
Alas poore _Indians_, what will they not be brought unto by those
Friers and Preists, who study nothing more than their own ends, and to
enrich themselves from the Church and Altar! their policies (who are
the wise and prudent children of this world spoken of in the Gospel)
can easily overtop and master the simplicity of the poor _Indians_;
who rather then they will bring an affront upon their Towne, by
suffering any of their Saints to be cast out of their Church, or to
be with mony redeemed out of the secular powers hands, will make hast
to present unto him an owner of that orphan Saint, who for him shall
give to the Preist not only what he may be prized to be worth in a
Painters shop for the workmanship, gold and colours belonging to him;
but besides shall present him what before hath been observed, for the
solemnizing of his Feast. These feasts bring yet unto the Saints more
profit then hitherto hath been spoken of; for the _Indians_ have been
taught that upon such daies they ought to offer up somewhat unto the
Saints; and therefore they prepare either mony (some a Riall, some
two, some more) or else commonly about _Guatemala_ white wax-candles,
and in other places Cacao, or fruits, which they lay before the image
of the Saint, whilst the Masse is celebrating. Some _Indians_ will
bring a bundle of candles of a dozen tied together of Rials a peice
some, some of three or four for a Riall, and will if they be let alone
light them all together and burne them out, so that the Preist at the
end of the Masse will find nothing but the ends. Therefore (knowing
well of the waies of policy and covetousnesse) he chargeth the Church
officers, whom I said before were called _Mayordomo's_ to looke to the
offerings, and not to suffer the _Indians_ who bring candles to light
more then one before the Saint, and to leave the other before him
unlighted (having formerly taught them, that the Saints are as well
pleased with their whole candles as with their burnt candles) that so
hee may have the more to sell and make mony of. After Masse the Preist
and the _Mayordomo's_ take and sweep away from the Saint whatsoever
they find hath been offered unto him; so that sometimes in a great
Towne upon such a Saints day the Preist may have in mony twelve or
twenty Rials, and fifty or a hundred candles, which may be worth unto
him twenty or thirty shillings, besides some ends and pieces. Most of
the Friers about _Guatemala_ are with these offerings as wel stored
with candles, as is any Wax-chandlers shop in the City. And the same
candles, which thus they have received by offerings they need not care
to sell them away to _Spaniards_, who come about to buy them (though
some will rather sell them together to such though cheaper, that their
mony might come in all at once) for the _Indians_ themselves when they
want again any candles for the like feast, or for a Christening, and
for a womans Churching (at which times they also offer candles) will
buy their own againe of the Preist, who sometimes receiveth the same
candles and mony for them again five or six times. And because they
find that the _Indians_ incline very much to this kind of offerings,
and that they are so profitable unto them, the Friers doe much presse
upon the _Indians_ in their preaching this point of their Religion, and
devotion. But if you demand of these ignorant, but zealous offerers the
_Indians_ an account of any point of faith, they will give you little
or none. The mystery of the Trinity, and of the incarnation of Christ,
and our redemption by him is too hard for them; they will only answer
what they have been taught in a Catechisme of questions and answers;
but if you ask them if they beleeve such a point of Christianity, they
will never answer affirmatively, but only thus, Perhaps it may be so.
They are taught there the doctrin of _Rome_, that Christs body is
truely and really present in the Sacrament, and no bread in substance,
but only the accidents; if the wisest _Indian_ be asked, whether he
beleeve this, he will answer, Perhaps it may be so. Once an old woman,
who was held to be very religious, in the Town of _Mixco_, came to me
about receiving the Sacrament, and whilst I was instructing of her, I
asked her if she beleeved that Christ body was in the Sacrament, she
answered, Peradventure it may be so. A little while after to try her
and get her out of this strain and common answer, I asked her what &
who was in the Sacrament which she received from the Preists hand at
the Altar; she answered nothing for a while, and at last I pressed upon
her for an affirmative answer; and then she began to looke about to the
Saints in the Church, (which was dedicated to a Saint which they call
_St. Dominick_) and, as it seemed, being troubled and doubtful what
to say, at last she cast her eyes upon the high Altar, but I seeing
she delayed the time, asked her again who was in the Sacrament? to
which she replyed _S. Dominick_ who was the Patron of that Church and
Town. At this I smiled, and would yet further try her simplicity with
a simple question. I told her she saw _S. Dominick_ was painted with
a dog by him holding a torch in his mouth, and the globe of the world
at his feet; I asked her, whether all this were with _St. Dominick_ in
the Sacrament? To which she answered, Perhaps it might be so; wherewith
I began to chide her, and to instruct her. But mine instruction, nor
all the teaching and preaching of those _Spanish_ Preists hath not
yet well grounded them in principles of faith; they are dull and
heavie to beleeve or apprehend of God, or of heaven, more then with
sense or reason they can conceive. Yet they goe and run that way they
see the _Spaniards_ run, and as they are taught by their idolatrous
Preists. Who have taught them much formality, and so they are (as our
Formalists formerly in _England_) very formall, but little substantiall
in Religion. They have been taught that when they come to confession,
they must offer somewhat to the Preist, and that by their gifts and
almes, their sins shall be sooner forgiven; this they doe so formally
observe, that, whensoever they come to confession, but especially in
Lent, none of them dareth to come with empty hands; some bring mony,
some honey, some egs, some fowls, some fish, some Cacao, some one
thing, some another, so that the Preist hath a plentifull harvest in
Lent for his pains in hearing their Confessions. They have been taught
that also when they receive the Communion, they must surely every
one give at least a Riall to the Preist, (surely _England_ was never
taught in _America_ to buy the Sacrament with a two pence offering,
and yet this custome too much practised and pressed upon the people)
which they performe so, that I have known some poor _Indians_, who
have for a week or two forborne from coming to the Communion untill
they could get a Riall offering. It is to be wondred what the Preists
doe get from those poore wretches in great Towns by Confession and
Communion Rials in great Townes, where they denie the Sacrament to none
that will receive it, (and in some Townes I have knowne a thousand
Communicants) and force all above twelve or thirteen yeers of age to
come to Confession in the Lent. They are very formall also in observing
_Romes_ Monday, Thursday, and good-Friday, and then they make their
monuments and sepulchres, wherein they set their Sacrament, and watch
it all day and night, placing before it a Crucifix on the ground, with
two basins on each side to hold the single or double Rials, which every
one must offer when he cometh creeping upon his knees, and bare-footed
to kisse Christs hands, feet, and side. The candles which for that
day and night and next morning are burned at the sepulchre are bought
with another Contribution-Riall, which is gathered from house to house
from every _Indian_ for that purpose. Their Religion is a dear and
lick-penny religion for such poor _Indians_, and yet they are carried
along in it formally and perceive it not. They are taught that they
must remember the souls in Purgatory, and therefore that they must cast
their almes into a chest, which standeth for that purpose in their
Churches, whereof the Preist keepeth the key, and openeth it when he
wanteth mony, or when he pleaseth. I have often opened some of those
chests; and have found in them many single Rials, some halfe pieces
of eight, and some whole pieces of eight. And because what is lost
and found in the high-waies, must belong to some body, if the true
owner be not knowne, they have been taught that such monies or goods
belong also to the soules departed; wherefore the _Indians_ (surely
more for fear or vanities sake that they may be well thought on by the
Preist) if they find any thing lost will bestow it upon the soules
surer then the _Spaniards_ themselves (who if they find a purse lost
will keep it,) and will bring it either to the Preist or cast it into
the chest. An _Indian_ of _Mixco_ had found a patacon or peece of
eight in a high-way, and when he came to Confession, he gave it unto
me telling me he durst not keep it, lest the soules should appear unto
him, and demand it. So upon the second day of _November_ which they
call All soules day, they are extraordinary foolish and superstitious
in offering monies, fowles, egs and Maiz, and other commodities for
the soules good, but it proves for the profit of the Preist, who after
Masse wipes away to his chamber all that which the poore gulled and
deluded _Indians_ had offered unto those soules, which needed neither
mony, food, nor any other provision, and he fills his purse, and
pampers his belly with it. A Frier that lived in _Petapa_ boasted unto
me once that upon their All Soules day, his offerings had been about a
hundred Rials, two hundred Chickens and fowls, half a dozen Turkeyes,
eight bushels of Maiz, three hundred egs, four sontles of Cacao, (every
sontle being four hundred granes) twenty clusters of plantins, above a
hundred wax candles, besides some loaves of bread, and other trifles
of fruits. All which being summed up according to the price of the
things there, and with consideration of the coyn of mony there (halfe a
Ryall or three pence being there the least coyn) mounts to above eight
pounds of our money, a faire and goodly stipend for a Masse, brave
wages for halfe an houres work; a politick ground for that Error of
Purgatory, if the dead bring to the living Preist such wealth in one
day onely. Christmas day with the rest of those holy daies is no lesse
superstitiously observed by these _Indians_; for against that time they
frame and set in some corner of their Church a little thatched house
like a stall, which they call _Bethlehem_, with a blazing Starre over,
pointing it unto the three Sage wise men from the East; within this
stall they lay in a Crib, a child made of wood, painted and guilded
(who represents Christ new borne unto them) by him stands _Mary_ on
the one side, and _Joseph_ on the other, and an Asse likewise on the
one side and an oxe on the other, made by hands, the three wise men of
the East kneel before the Crib offering gold, Frankincense and Myrrhe,
the shepheards stand aloof off offering their Country gifts, some a
Kid, some a Lambe, some Milk, some Cheese, and Curds, some fruits, the
fields are also there represented with flocks of Sheep and Goats; the
Angels they hang about the stall some with Vialls, some with Lutes,
some with Harps, a goodly mumming and silent stage play, to draw those
simple souls to look about, and to delight their senses and fantasies
in the Church.
There is not an _Indian_ that cometh to see that supposed _Bethlehem_
(and there is not any in the Town but doth come to see it) who bringeth
not either money or somewhat else for his offering. Nay the policy of
the Preists hath been such, that (to stirre up the _Indians_ with their
Saints example) they have taught them to bring their Saints upon all
the holy dayes, untill Twelfth day in Procession unto this _Bethlehem_
to offer their gifts, according to the number of the Saints that stand
in the Church, some daies there come five, some daies eight, some
daies ten, dividing them into such order, that by Twelfth day all may
have come and offered, some money, some one thing, some another; The
owner of the Saint, hee cometh before the Saint with his friends and
kindred (if there bee no sodality or company belonging unto that Saint)
and being very well apparelled for that purpose, he bowes himselfe
and kneels to the Crib, and then rising takes from the Saint what
hee bringeth and leaveth it there, and so departs. But if there be a
sodality belonging to the Saint, then the Mayordomo's or chief Officers
of that company they come before the Saint, and doe homage, and offer
as before hath been said. But upon Twelfth day the Alcaldes, Maiors,
Jurates, and other Officers of Justice, must offer after the example
of the Saints, and the three Wise men of the East (whom the Church of
_Rome_ teacheth to have been Kings) because they represent the Kings
power and authority. And all these daies they have about the Town and
in the Church a dance of Shepheards, who at Christmas Eve at midnight
begin before this _Bethlehem_, and then they must offer a Sheep amongst
them. Others dance clothed like Angels and with wings, and all to
draw the people more to see sights in the Church, then to worship God
in Spirit and in Truth. Candlemas day is no lesse superstitiously
observed; for then the picture of _Mary_ comes in procession to the
Altar, and offereth up her Candles and Pigeons, or Turtle-Doves unto
the Preist, and all the Town must imitate her example, and bring their
Candles to be blessed and hallowed; of foure or five, or as many as
they bring, one onely shall bee restored back unto them, because they
are blessed, all the rest are for the Preist, to whom the _Indians_
resort after to buy them, and give more then ordinary, because they
are hallowed Candles. At Whitsontide they have another sight, and that
is in the Church also, whilst a Hymne is sung of the Holy Ghost, the
Preist standing before the Altar with his face turned to the people,
they have a device to let fall a Dove from above over his head well
dressed with flowers, and for above half an houre, from holes made
for that purpose, they drop down flowers about the Preist shewing the
gifts of the holy Ghost to him, which example the ignorant and simple
_Indians_ are willing to imitate, offering also their gifts unto him.
Thus all the yeer are those Preists and Fryers deluding the poore
people for their ends, enriching themselves with their gifts, placing
Religion in meer Policy; and thus doth the _Indians_ Religion consist
more in sights, shewes and formalities, then in any true substance. But
as sweet meat must have sowre sawce; so this sweetnesse and pleasing
delight of shewes in the Church hath its sowre sawce once a yeer
(besides the sowrenesse of poverty which followeth to them by giving
so many gifts unto the Preist) for, to shew that in their Religion
there is some bitterness, & sowrenesse, they make the _Indians_ whip
themselves the weeke before Easter, like the _Spaniards_, which those
simples both men and women perform with such cruelty to their owne
flesh, that they butcher it, mangle and teare their backs, till some
swound, nay some (as I have known) have died under their own whipping,
and have selfe murthered themselves, which the Preists regard not,
because their death is sure to bring them at least three or foure
Crownes for a Masse for their soules, and other offerings of their
friends.
Thus in Religion they are superstitiously led on, and blinded in the
observance of what they have been taught more for the good and profit
of their Preists, then for any good of their soules, not perceiving
that their Religion is a Policy to inrich their teachers. But not onely
doe the Fryers and Preists live by them and eat the sweat of their
browes; but also all the _Spaniards_, who not onely with their worke
and service (being themselves many given to idlenesse) grow wealthy
and rich; but with needlesse offices, and authority are still fleecing
them, and taking from them that little which they gaine with much
hardnesse and severity.
The President of _Guatemala_, the Judges of that Chancery, the
Governours and High Justices of other parts of the Country, that they
may advance and inrich their meniall servants, make the poor _Indians_
the subject of their bountifulnesse towards such. Some have offices
to visit as often as they please their Towns, and to see what every
_Indian_ hath sowed of Maiz, for the maintenance of his wife and
children; Others visit them to see what fowles they keepe for the
good and store of the County; others have order to see whether their
houses bee decently kept and their beds orderly placed according to
their Families; others have power to call them out to mend and repaire
the high wayes, and others have Commission to number the Families and
Inhabitants of the severall Townes, to see how they increase that
their Tribute may not decrease, but still bee raised. And all this,
those officers doe never perform but so, that for their pains they
must have from every _Indian_ an allowance to bear their charges,
(which indeed are none at all) for as long as they stay in the Town,
they may call for what fowles and provision they please without paying
for it. When they come to number the Townes, they call by list every
_Indian_ and cause his children, sonnes and daughters to be brought
before them, to see if they bee fit to be married; and if they be of
growth and age, and bee not married, the fathers are threatned for
keeping them unmarried, and as idle livers in the Towne without paying
tribute; and according to the number of the sonnes and daughters that
are marriageable, the fathers tribute is raised and increased, untill
they provide husbands and wives for their sons and daughters, who as
soone as they are married, are charged with tribute; which that it
may increase, they will suffer none above fifteen yeers of age to
live unmarried; Nay the set time of age of marriage appointed for the
_Indians_, is at fourteen yeers for the man, and thirteene for the
woman, alleadging that they are sooner ripe for the fruit of Wedlock,
and sooner ripe in knowledge and malice, and strength for worke and
service, then are any other people. Nay sometimes they force them to
marry who are scarce twelve and thirteene yeeres of age, if they find
them well limbed, and strong in body, explicating a point of one of
_Romes_ Canons, which alloweth fourteene and fifteen yeers, _nisi
malitia suppleat ætatem_. When I my selfe lived in _Pinola_, that Town
by order of _Don Juan de Guzman_, (a great Gentleman of _Guatemala_, to
whom it belonged) was numbred, and an increase of tributary _Indians_
was added unto it by this meanes. The numbring it lasted a full week,
and in that space I was commanded to joyne in marriage neer twenty
couple, which, with those that before had been married since the last
numbring of it, made up to the Encomendero or Lord of it an increase
of about fifty Families. But it was a shame to see how young some
were that at that time were forced to marriage, neither could al my
striving and reasoning prevail to the contrary, nor the producing of
the Register Book to shew their age, but that some were married of
between twelve and thirteene yeers of age, and one especially who in
the Register booke was found to bee not fully of twelve yeers, whose
knowledge and strength of body was judged to supply the want of age.
In this manner even in the most free act of the will, (which ought to
bee in marriage) are those poore _Indians_, forced and made slaves
by the _Spaniards_, to supply with tribute the want of their purses,
and the meannesse of their Estates. Yet under this yoke and burden
they are cheerfull, and much given to feasting, sporting and dancing,
as they particularly shew in the chief feasts of their Townes, which
are kept upon that Saints day to whom their Town is dedicated. And
certainly this superstition hath continued also in _England_ from the
Popish times, to keep Faires in many of our Towns upon Saints dayes
(which is the intent of the Papists to draw in the people and country
by way of commerce and trading one with another, to honor, worship,
and pray to that Saint, to whom the Town is dedicated) or else why are
our Faires commonly kept upon _John Baptist, James, Peter, Matthew,
Bartholomew, Holy Rood, Lady_ dayes, and the like, and not as well a
day or two before, or a day or two after, which would bee as good and
fit dayes to buy and sell, as the other? True it is, our Reformation
alloweth not the worshipping of Saints, yet that solemne meeting of
the people to Fairs and mirth, and sport upon those daies it hath kept
and continued, that so the Saints and their dayes may bee and continue
still in our remembrance. There is no Town in the _India's_ great or
small (though it be but of twenty Families) which is not dedicated thus
unto our Lady or unto some Saint, and the remembrance of that Saint is
continued in the mindes not onely of them that live in the Towne, but
of all that live farre and neere by commercing, trading, sporting, and
dancing, offering unto the Saint, and bowing, kneeling, and praying
before him. Before this day day cometh, the _Indians_ of the Town two
or three Moneths have their meetings at night, and prepare themselves
for such dances as are most commonly used amongst them; and in these
their meetings they drinke much both of Chocolatte and Chicha. For
every kind of dance they have severall houses appointed, and masters
of that dance, who teach the rest that they may bee perfected in it
against the Saints day. For the most part of these two or three moneths
the silence of the night is unquieted, what with their singing, what
with their hollowing, what with their beating upon the shels of fishes,
what with their Waits, and what with their piping. And when the feast
cometh, then they act publikely, and for the space of eight dayes, what
privately they had practised before. They are that day well apparelled
with silkes, fine linnen, ribbands and feathers according to the dance;
which first they begin in the Church before the Saint, or in the
Church yard, and from thence all the _Octave_, or eight dayes they goe
from house to house dancing, where they have Chocolatte or some heady
drink or Chicha given them. All those eight daies the Towne is sure to
bee full of drunkards; and if they bee reprehended for it; they will
answer, that their heart doth rejoyce with their Saint in heaven, and
that they must drinke unto him, that hee may remember them. The chief
dance used amongst them is called Toncontin, which hath been danced
before the King of _Spain_, in the Court of _Madrid_ by _Spaniards_,
who have lived in the _India's_ to shew unto the King somewhat of the
_Indians_ fashions; and it was reported to have pleased the King very
much. This dance is thus performed. The _Indians_ commonly that dance
it (if it bee a great Towne) are thirty or forty, or fewer, if it be
a small Town. They are clothed in white, both their dublets, linnen
drawers, and Aiates, or towels, which on the one side hang almost to
the ground. Their drawers and Aiates are wrought with some workes of
Silk, or with birds, or bordered with some Lace. Others procure dublets
and drawers and Aiates of Silk, all which are hired for that purpose.
On their backs they hang long tuffes of feathers of all colours, which
with glew are fastned into a little frame made for the purpose, and
guilded on the outside; this frame with Ribbands they tie about their
shoulders fast that it fall not, nor slacken with the motion of their
bodies. Upon their heads they wear another lesse tuffe of Feathers
either in their hats, or in some guilded or painted head-peece, or
helmet. In their hands also they carry a fan of feathers, and on their
feet most will use feathers also bound together like short wings of
birds; some weare shooes, some not. And thus from top to toe they are
almost covered with curious and coloured feathers. Their Musick and
tune to this dance is onely what is made with a hollow stock of a tree,
being rounded, and well pared within and without, very smooth and
shining, some foure times thicker then our viols, with two or three
long clefts on the upper side and some holes at the end which they call
_Tepanabaz_. On this stock (which is placed upon a stool or fourm in
the middle of the _Indians_) the Master of the dance beates with two
sticks, covered with wooll at the ends, and a pitched leather over the
wooll that it fall not away. With this Instrument and blowes upon it
(which soundeth but dull and heavy, but somewhat loud) hee giveth the
dancers their severall tunes, and changes, and signes of the mothion of
their bodies either straight or bowing, and giveth them warning what
and when they are to sing. Thus they dance in compasse and circle
round about that instrument, one following another sometimes straight,
sometimes turning about, sometimes turning half way, sometimes bending
their bodies and with the feathers in their hands almost touching the
ground, and singing the life of that their Saint, or of some other. All
this dancing is but a kind of walking round, which they will continue
two or three whole houres together in one place, and from thence goe
and perform the same at another house.
This Toncontin the chief and principall onely of the Towne doe dance
it; It was the old dance which they used before they knew Christianity,
except that then in stead of singing the Saints lives, they did sing
the praises of their heathenish Gods. They have another dance much
used, which is a kind of hunting out some wild Beast (which formerly
in time of Heathenisme was to bee sacrificed to their Gods) to bee
offered up unto the Saint. This dance hath much variety of tunes, with
a small Tepanabaz, and many shels of Tortoi's, or in stead of them
with pots covered with leather, on which they strike as on Tepanabaz,
and with the sound of pipes; in this dance they use much hollowing
and noise and calling one unto another, and speaking by way of Stage
play, some relating one thing, some another concerning the Beast they
hunt after; these dancers are all cloathed like Beasts, with painted
skins of Lions, Tigers, Wolves, and on their heads such headpieces as
may represent the head of such Beasts, and other weare painted heads
of Eagles or Fowles of rapine, and in their hands they have painted
Staves, Bils, Swords and Axes, wherewith they threaten to kill that
Beast they hunt after. Others in stead of hunting after a Beast, hunt
after a man, as Beasts in a wildernesse should hunt a man to kill him.
This man that is thus hunted after must bee very nimble and agil, as
one flying for his life, and striking here and there at the Beasts
for his defence, whom at last they catch and make a prey of. As the
Toncontin consists most of walking and turning and leasurely bending
their bodies, so this dance doth wholly consist in action, running in
a circle round, sometimes out of circle, and leaping and striking with
those tooles and instruments which they have in their hand. This is a
very rude sport, and full of scrieking and hideous noise, wherein I
never delighted. Another _Mexican_ dance they use, some clothed like
men, others like women, which in Heathenish times they did use with
singing praises unto their King or Emperour; but now they apply their
songs unto the King of Glory, or unto the Sacrament, using these or
commonly the like words with very little difference, and some variety
of praise,
_Salid Mexicanas, bailad Toncontin.
Cansalas galanas en cuerpo gentil._ And againe,
_Salid Mexicanas bailad Toncontin.
Al Rey de la gloria tenemos aqui._
Thus they goe round dancing, playing in some places very well upon
their Guitarres, repeating now and then all together a verse or two,
and calling the _Mexican_ Dames to come out to them with their gallant
Mantles to sing praise unto their King of Glory. Besides these they
have, and use our Morris dances, and Blackmore dances with Sonajas
in their hands, which are a round set of small Morris dancing bells,
wherewith they make variety of sounds to their nimble feet. But the
dance which doth draw to it the peoples wondering is a Tragedy acted by
way of dance, as the death of St. _Peter_, or the beheading of _John_
the _Baptist_. In these dances there is an Emperour, or a King _Herod_
with their Queens clothed, another cloathed with a long loose Coat who
represents St. _Peter_, or _John_ the _Baptist_, who whilst the rest
danceth, walketh amongst them with a book in his hands, as if hee were
saying his prayers, all the rest of the Dancers are apparelled like
Captaines and souldiers with Swords, Daggers, or Holbards in their
hands. They dance at the sound of a small drum and pipes, sometimes
round, sometimes in length forward, and have and use many speeches to
the Emperour or King, and among themselves concerning the apprehending
and executing the Saint. The King and Queen sit sometimes down to hear
their pleading against the Saint, and his pleading for himselfe; and
sometimes they dance with the rest; and the end of their dance is to
crucifie St. _Peter_ downwards with his head upon a Crosse, or behead
_John_ the _Baptist_, having in readinesse a painted head in a dish,
which they present unto the King and Queen, for joy whereof they all
again dance merrily and so conclude, taking down him that acted _Peter_
from the Crosse. The _Indians_ that dance this dance most of them are
superstitious for what they do, judging as if it were indeed really
acted and performed what onely is by way of dance represented. When
I lived amongst them, it was an ordinary thing for him who in the
dance was to act St. _Peter_ or _John_ the _Baptist_, to come first to
Confession, saying they must bee holy and pure like that Saint, whom
they represent, and must prepare themselves to die. So likewise hee
that acted _Herod_ or _Herodias_, and some of the Souldiers that in the
dance were to speak and to accuse the Saints, would afterwards come to
confesse of that sinne, and desire absolution as from bloodguiltinesse.
More particular passages of the _Indians_ according to my experience of
them, I shall in the Chapter following truly relate unto my Reader.
CHAP. XX.
_Shewing how and why I departed out of_ Guatemala _to learne the
Poconchi language, and to live among the_ Indians, _and of some
particular passages and accidents whilst I lived there._
Having read in the University of _Guatemala_ for three years space a
whole course of Arts, and having begun to read part of Divinity, the
more I studied and grew in knowledge, and the more I controverted by
way of Arguments some Truths and points of Religion, the more I found
the spirit of Truth inlightening me, and discovering unto me the
lies, errors, falsities and superstitions of the Church of _Rome_. My
conscience was much perplexed, and wavering, and I desirous of some
good and full satisfaction: Which I knew might not bee had there; and
that to professe and continue in any opinion contrary to the Doctrine
of _Rome_, would bring mee to the Inquisition, that Rack of tender
Consciences, and from thence to no lesse then burning alive, in case
I would not recant of what the true Spirit had inspired into mee. The
point of Transubstantiation, of Purgatory, of the Popes power and
authority, of the merit of mans workes, of his free will to choose
all soul-saving wayes, the sacrifice of the Masse, the halving the
Sacrament of the Lords Supper unto the Lay people, the Preists power to
absolve from sinne, the worshipping of Saints though with δουλεία, as
they call it, and not with λατρεία, and the Virgin _Mary_ with a higher
degree of worship then that of the Saints, which they call ὑπερδουεία;
the strange lies and blasphemies which they call miracles recorded in
the Legend and lives of their Saints, the infallibility of the Pope,
and councell in defining for truth and point of Faith, what in it selfe
is false and erroneous; these points especially, with many more of
_Romes_ policies, and the lewd lives of the Preists, Fryers, Nuns, and
those in authority, did much trouble and perplex my conscience, which
I knew would bee better satisfied if I could returne againe to my owne
Countrey of _England_, where I knew many things were held contrary
to the Church of _Rome_, but what particulars they were, I could not
tell, not having been brought up in the Protestant Church, and having
been sent young over to _St. Omers_. Wherefore I earnestly addressed
my selfe to the Provincial; and to the President of _Guatemala_, for
a licence to come home, but neither of them would yeeld unto it,
because there was a strict order of the King and Councell, that no
Preist sent by his Majesty to any of the parts of the _India's_ to
Preach the Gospell, should return againe to _Spain_ till ten yeers were
expired. Hereupon I seeing my self a Prisoner, and without hopes for
the present of seeing _England_ in many yeers, resolved to stay no more
in _Guatemala_, but to goe out to learne some _Indian_ tongue, and to
preach in some of their Townes, where I knew more money might bee got
to help mee home, when the time should come, then if I did continue to
live in the Cloister of _Guatemala_. Yet in the mean time I thought it
not unfit to write to _Spain_ to a friend of mine an _English_ Fryer in
_San Lucar_, called Fryer _Pablo de Londres_ to desire him to obtain
for mee a License from the Court, and from the Generall of the Order
at _Rome_, that I might return unto my Country. In this season there
was in _Guatemala_, Fryer _Francisco de Moran_, the Prior of _Coban_
in the Province of _Vera Paz_, who was informing the President and
whole Chancery, how necessary it was that some _Spaniards_ should bee
ayding and assisting him for the discovery of a way from that Country
unto _Jucatan_, and for the suppressing of such barbarous people and
Heathens, as stopped his passage, and did often invade some _Indian_
Towns of Christians. This _Moran_ (being my speciall friend, and
having been brought up in _Spaine_ in the Cloister of _San Pablo de
Valladolid_, where my selfe was first entred Frier,) was very desirous
of my company along with him, for the better bringing into Christianity
those Heathens, and Idolaters, telling me that doubtlesse in a new
Countrey new treasure and great riches was like to be found, whereof
no small share and portion should befall him and me for our pains and
adventure. I was not hard to be perswaded, being above all desirous
to convert to Christianity a people that had never heard of Christ;
and so purposed to forsake that honour which I had in the Universitie,
for to make Christ knowne unto that Heathenish people. The Provinciall
was glad to see this my courage, and so with some gifts and mony in my
purse, sent me with _Moran_ to the _Vera Paz_ in the company of 50.
_Spaniards_, who were appointed by the President to aid and assist us.
When we came to _Coban_ we were well refreshed and provided for a hard
and dangerous enterprize. From _Coban_ we marched to two great Townes
of Christians called _St. Peter_, and _St. John_, where were added unto
us a hundred _Indians_ for our further assistance. From these Towns
two daies journey we could travail on Mules safely among Christians
and some small villages; but after the two daies we drew neer unto the
Heathens Frontiers, where there was no more open way for Mules, but we
must trust unto our feet. We went up and down mountaines amongst woods
for the space of two daies, being much discouraged with the thickets
and hardnesse of the way, and having no hope of finding out the
Heathens. In the night we kept watch and guard for feare of enemies,
and resolved yet the third day to goe forward. In the mountaines we
found many sorts of fruits and in the bottomes springs and brookes with
many trees of Cacao and Achiotte. The third day we went on, and came to
a low valley, in the midst whereof ran a shallow river, where we found
some _Milpa's_ or plantations of Maiz. These were a testimony unto us
of some _Indians_ not far off, and therefore made us keep together
and be in readinesse, if any assault or onset should be made upon us
by the Heathens. Whilst we thus travelled on, we suddenly fell upon
halfe a dozen poore cottages, covered with boughes and plantin leaves,
and in them wee found three _Indian_ women, two men and five young
children, all naked, who faine would have escaped, but they could not.
We refreshed our selves in their poore cottages and gave them of our
provision, which at the first they refused to eat, howling and crying
and pulling, till _Moran_ had better incouraged and comforted them,
whose language they partly understood. We clothed them and tooke them
along with us, hoping to make them discover unto us some treasure or
some bigger plantation. But that day they were so sullen that we could
get nothing out of them. Thus we went on, following some tracks which
here and there we found of _Indians_, till it was almost evening,
and then we did light upon above a dozen cottages more, and in them
a matter of twenty men, women, and children, from whom we tooke some
bows and arrowes, and found there store of plantins, some fish, and
wild Venison, wherewith we refreshed our selves. These told us of a
great Towne two daies journey off, which made us be very watchfull that
night. Here I began with some more of our company to be sick and weary,
so that the next day I was not able to goe any further; whereupon we
resolved to set up our quarters there, and to send out some scouts of
_Indians_ and _Spaniards_ to discover the country, who found further
more cottages and plantations of Maiz, of Chile, of Turkey beans, and
Cotton-wooll, but no _Indians_ at all, for they were all fled. Our
scouts returned, and gave us some incouragement from the pleasantnesse
of the Country; but withall wished us to be watchfull and carefull,
for that certainly the flight of those _Indians_ was a signe that our
coming was noised about the Country. The next day we purposed to move
forward to that plantation which our scouts had discovered, being (as
we were informed) safer and more open to foresee any danger ready to
befall us. All these plantations lay along by the river, where the sun
was exceeding hot, which had caused feavers and a flux in some of us.
With much wearinesse and faintnesse I got that day to our journeys end,
beginning now to repent mee of what I was ingaged in and on foot, and
fearing some suddain danger, by reason our coming was now known by the
_Indians_. The prisoners we had with us began to tell us of some gold
that they did sometimes find in that river, and of a great lake yet
forward, about which did inhabit many thousand _Indians_, who were very
warlike, and skilfull in their bows and arrows. The one incouraged
some, the other much discouraged the rest, who wished themselves out of
those woods and unknown places, and began to murmur against _Moran_,
who had been the cause of their ingagement in that great danger. Our
night was set, and I and the rest of the sick _Spaniards_ went to rest,
some upon the bare ground, but my self and others in hamacca's, which
are of net work tied at two posts or trees, and hanging in the aire,
which with the least stirring of the body, rocke one asleep as in a
Cradle. Thus I tooke my rest till about midnight; at which time our
watches gave an alarm against our approaching enemies, who were thought
to be about a thousand. They came desperately towards us, and when they
saw they were discovered, and our drums beat up, and our fowling peeces
and muskets began to shoot, they hollowed and cried out with a hideous
noise, which uproar and suddain affrightment, added sweat and fear to
my feaver. But _Moran_ (who came to confesse with mee, and to prepare
himselfe for death or for some deadly wound) comforted me, wishing me
to fear nothing, and to lie still, for that I could doe them no good,
and that lesse was my danger then I apprehended, because our Souldiers
had compassed me about, so that on no side the Heathens could come in,
and flie we could not without the losse of all our lives. The skirmish
lasted not above an hour, and then our enemies began to flie back. We
tooke ten of them, and in the morning found thirteen dead upon the
ground, and of ours five onely were wounded, whereof one died the next
day.
In the morning our Souldiers began to mutiny and to talke of returning
back, fearing a worse and more violent onset that day or the night
following, for some of the _Indians_ who were taken, told them plainly
that if they went not away there would come six or seven thousand
against them. They told us further, that they knew well that the
_Spaniards_ had all the country about, except that little portion of
theirs, which they desired to enjoy quietly and peaceably, and not
to meddle with us, but rather if we would see their countrey and goe
through it as friends, they would let us without doing us any hurt;
but if we came in a warlike manner to fight and to bring them into
slavery, as we had done their neighbours, they were all resolved to
die fighting rather then to yeeld. With these words our Souldiers
were divided, some with _Moran_ were of opinion to try the _Indians_,
and to go peaceably through their Country til they could come to some
Towne of _Jucatan_; others were of opinion to fight, others to return
back again, considering their weakenesse against so many thousands of
_Indians_ as were in the Country. But that day nothing was agreed upon,
for that we could not stir by reason of the sick and wounded. So we
continued there that night, and as the night before much about the same
time the enemies came againe upon us, but finding us ready and watching
for them, they soone fled. In the morning we resolved to returne back,
and _Moran_ sent the Heathens word, that if they would let him goe
through their country quietly to discover some land of _Jucatan_, he
would after a few monthes come peaceably unto them with halfe a dozen
_Indians_, no more, trusting his life upon them; whom he knew if they
wronged, all the _Spaniards_ in the country would rise up against them,
and not leave one alive. They answered that they would entertaine him,
and any few _Indians_ well and willingly; all which _Moran_ and they
performed according to their agreement the next yeer following.
Thus we returned that day backe the same way that we had come, and I
began to find my self better, and my feaver to leave me. We carried
with us some of those young children which we had taken, to present
them unto the President of _Guatemala_. And in _Coban_ the Prior
_Moran_ thought he might first do God good service if he christened
those yong children, saying that they might become Saints, and that
afterwards their prayers might prevaile with God for the conversion
of their parents and of all that country to Christianity. I could not
but oppose this his ignorance, which seemed much like unto that of
the Friers who entred _America_ with _Cortez_, and increased after
the conquest daily more in number, who boasted to the Emperour, that
they had some of them made above thirty thousand _Indians_ Christians
by baptizing them; which truely they did as sheep are forced to the
waters and driven to be washed; so were those first _Indians_ by
thousands sprinkled (or if I may use their word, baptized) for they
were driven by compulsion & force to the rivers, neither were they
first principled in any grounds of belief and Christianity, neither
themselves beleevers, nor children of of beleeving and faithfull
parents. So would _Moran_ christen these children, though I told him
that they ought not to partake of that sacrament and Ordinance of
Christ, unlesse they were grounded in articles of Christianity and
beleeved, or were children of beleeving parents. But as he had been
brought up in errours, whereof that Church of _Rome_ is a wide and
spatious nest, so he would be obstinate in this point against me and
the truth, sprinkling with water those children, and naming them with
names of Christians. After this he sent them well apparelled to the
President of _Guatemala_, who commanded them to be kept, and brought up
in the Cloister of the Dominican Friers.
I remained after this for a while in _Coban_, and in the Townes about,
untill such time as the ships came to the Gulfe; whither I went with
_Moran_ to buy wines, oyle, iron, cloth and such things as the Cloister
wanted for the present. At which time there being a frigate ready to
depart to _Truxillo_ (some occasions drawing _Moran_ thither) I tooke
ship with him. We staied not much above a week in that Port (which is a
weak one, as the _English_ and _Hollanders_ taking of it can witnesse)
but presently we thought of returning back to _Guatemala_ by land
through the countrey of _Comayagua_, commonly called _Honduras_. This
is a woody and mountainous countrey, very bad and inconvenient for
Travellers, and besides very poore; there the commodities are Hides,
_Canna fistula_, and _Zarzaparilla_, and such want of bread, that
about _Truxillo_ they make use of what they call _Cassave_, which is
a dry root, that being eaten dry doth choak, and therefore is soaked
in broth, water, wine or Chocolatte, that so it may go down. Within
the Countrey, and especially about the City of _Comayagua_ (which is
a Bishops seat, though a small place of some five hundred inhabitants
at the most) there is more store of Maiz by reason of some _Indians_,
which are gathered to Townes, few and small. I found this Countrey
one of the poorest in all _America_. The chief place in it for health
and good living is the valley which is called _Gracias a Dios_, there
are some rich farms of Cattle and Wheat; but because it lieth as
neer to the Countrey of _Guatemala_ as to _Comayagua_, and on this
side the waies are better then on that, therefore more of that Wheat
is transported to _Guatemala_ and to the Townes about it, then to
_Comayagua_ or _Truxillo_. From _Truxillo_ to _Guatemala_ there are
between fourescore and a hundred leagues, which we travelled by land,
not wanting in a barren Countrey neither guides nor provision, for the
poore _Indians_ thought neither their personall attendance, nor any
thing that they enjoyed too good for us.
Thus we came again to _Guatemala_, and were by the Friers joyfully
entertained, and by the President highly rewarded, and by the City
called true Apostles, because we had ventured our lives for the
discovery of Heathens, and opened a way for their conversion, and
found out the chief place of their residence, and sent before us those
children to the City, who witnessed with being in the Cloister our
pains and indeavours. _Moran_ was so puffed up with the Presidents
favour, and the popular applause, that he resolved in _Guatemala_
to venture again his life, and, according to that message which he
had sent before to the Heathen _Indians_, to enter amongst them in a
peaceable way with halfe a dozen _Indians_. He would fain have had me
gone with him; but I considered the hardnesse of the journey, which I
thought I should not be able to perform on foot; and also I feared that
the _Barbarians_ might mutiny against us for those children which we
had brought; and lastly I liked not the Countrey, which seemed poore
and not for my purpose, to get meanes sufficient to bring me home
to _England_, which was the chiefest thought and desire of my heart
for the satisfaction of my conscience, which I found still unquiet.
Wherefore I resolved to forsake the company of my friend _Moran_,
and to desist from new discoveries of Heathens, and such difficult
undertakings, which might endanger my health and life, and at last
bring no profit, but only a little vain glory, fame and credit in that
Countrey. I thought I might better employ my time, if I learned some
_Indian_ tongue neerer to _Guatemala_, where I considered the riches
of the Townes, the readinesse of the _Indians_, and their willingnesse
to further their Preists wants; and lastly, their ignorance in some
points of Religion, which I thought I might help and clear with some
sound doctrin, and with preaching Christ crucified unto them, and
bringing them unto that rock of eternall blisse and salvation. I
trusted in my friends so much, that I knew it would not be hard for me
to take my choice of any place about _Guatemala_; from whence I might
facilitate my returne to _England_, and write to _Spain_, and have
every yeer an answer easier then any where else. I opened my mind
unto the Provinciall (who was then at _Guatemala_) and he presently
and willingly condescended to my request, and counselled me to learn
the _Poconchi_ language, (whereof I had already got some grounds in
the _Vera Paz_) which is most used about _Guatemala_, and also is
much practised in _Vera Paz_, and in the Countrey of _San Salvador_.
He promised to send me to the Town of _Petapa_, to learne there the
language, with a speciall friend of his named Frier _Peter Molina_, who
was very old, and wanted the help and company of some younger person
to ease him in the charge that lay upon him, of so great a Towne, and
many Travellers that passed that way. The Provinciall as if he had
knowne my mind, pitched upon my very hearts desire; and thus two weeks
before _Midsummer_ day I departed from _Guatemala_ to _Petapa_, which
is six leagues from thence, and there setled my selfe to learn that
_Indian_ tongue. The Friers of those parts that are any way skilful in
the _Indian_ languages, have composed Grammars & Dictionaries for the
better furthering of others who may supply their places after their
decease; but whilst they live are unwilling to teach the languages unto
others, lest their schollers should after a good and well grounded
knowledge of the tongues, supplant their own Masters, and be means of
taking from them that great profit which they have by living as Curates
in the _Indian_ Townes. Yet this old _Molina_ considering himselfe in
yeers, and for his good friends sake the Provinciall, was not unwilling
to accept of my company, and to impart unto me what knowledge he
had got by many yeers practice of the _Poconchi_ tongue. He gave me
therefore a short abstract of all the rudiments belonging unto it,
which did consist chiefely of declining Nounes, and conjugating Verbs,
(which I easily learned in the first fortnight that I had been with
him) and then a Dictionary of _Indian_ words, which was all the rest of
my study to get without book, untill I was able of my selfe to preach
unto the _Indians_, which with much easinesse I obtained by discoursing
and conferring with them, what with my private study I had learned.