FIRST MILITARY ADVENTURES OF GUSTAVUS; A PRISONER IN DENMARK. 1514-1519.
Description of Stockholm.--Christina Gyllenstjerna.--Hemming
Gad.--Christiern II.--Gustaf Trolle.--Dissension between Sten Sture
and Gustaf Trolle.--Siege of Staeket.--First Expedition of Christiern
II. against Sweden.--Trial of the Archbishop.--Arcimboldo.--Second
Expedition of Christiern II. against Sweden.--Capture of Gustavus
Vasa.--Resignation of the Archbishop.--Hostilities of Christiern
II.--Farewell of Arcimboldo.
The old town of Stockholm was beyond all doubt the most picturesque
capital in Europe. Perched on an isle of rock at the eastern extremity
of Lake Maelar, it stood forth like a sentinel guarding the entrance to
the heart of Sweden. Around its base on north and south dashed the
foaming waters of the Maelar, seeking their outlet through a narrow
winding channel to the Baltic. Across this channel on the south, and
connected with the city by a bridge, the towering cliffs of Soedermalm
gazed calmly down upon the busy traffic of the city's streets; and far
away beyond the channel on the north stretched an undulating plain,
dotted with little patches of green shrubbery and forest. On the west
the city commanded a wide view over an enchanting lake studded with
darkly wooded isles, above whose trees peeped here and there some grim
turret or lofty spire. Finally, in the east, the burgher standing on
the city's walls could trace for several miles the current of a silver
stream, glittering in the sunlight, and twisting in and out among the
islands along the coast until at last it lost itself in the mighty
waters of the Baltic.
The town itself was small. The main isle, on which "the city," so
called, was built, stretched scarce a quarter of a mile from east to
west and but little more from north to south. Nestling under the shadow
of the main isle were two smaller isles, Riddarholm on the west and
Helgeandsholm on the north, both severed from the city by a channel
about fifty feet in width. Through the centre of the main isle ran a
huge backbone of rock, beginning at the south and rising steadily till
within a few feet of the northern shore. The summit of this ridge was
crowned by the royal citadel, a massive edifice of stone, the northern
wall of which ran close along the shore, so that the soldier on patrol
could hear the ripple of the water on the rocks below. From either side
of the citadel the town walls ran south at a distance of perhaps a
hundred feet from the shore, meeting at a point about the same distance
from the southern channel. Within the triangle thus formed, not over
twenty-five acres all told, lived and moved five thousand human beings.
The streets, it need scarce be said, were narrow, dark, and damp. The
houses were lofty, generally with high pitch-roofs to prevent the snow
from gathering on them. The doors and windows were high, but narrow to
keep out the cold, and were built in the sides of the house, not in
front, owing to the darkness and narrowness of the streets. To economize
space, most of the houses were built in blocks of five or six, wholly
separated from their neighbors and forming a sort of castle by
themselves. The only church inside the walls was the so-called Great
Church on the summit of the hill. Adjoining this church on the south was
the old town-hall. As to public squares, there were but two,--the Grand
Square, on the summit of the hill immediately south of the town-hall;
and the so-called Iron Market, a smaller square just inside the southern
gate. These squares, the largest not more than eighty yards in length,
served at once as the market, the promenade, and the place of execution
for the town. The town-walls were fortified at several points by towers,
and were entered by gateways at the northwest corner and at the southern
point, as well as by several small gateways along the sides. The city
was connected with the mainland north and south by turreted bridges, the
north bridge passing across the island of Helgeandsholm. All around the
main island, some fifty feet from the shore, ran a long bridge on piles,
built as a safeguard against hostile ships. Protected thus by nature and
by art from foreign intrusion, the burghers of Stockholm learned to rely
on their own industry and skill for every need. They formed themselves
into various trades or guilds, each under the surveillance of a master.
To be admitted to a guild it was necessary to pass a severe examination
in the particular trade. These guilds were marked by an intense _esprit
de corps_, each striving to excel the others in display of wealth. Some
guilds were composed wholly of tradespeople, others wholly of artisans;
and there were still others formed for social or religious purposes,
comprising members of various trades. Of these latter guilds the most
aristocratic and influential was the Guild of the Sacred Body. Inside a
guild the members were bound together by the warmest bonds of
friendship. They ordinarily lived in the same quarter of the town; they
cared for their brothers in sickness or poverty, and said Mass in common
for the souls of their deceased. Each guild held meetings at stated
intervals to vote on various matters concerning its affairs. In case of
war the different guilds enlisted in separate companies. Over and above
all the guilds were a burgomaster and council elected by their
fellow-townsmen, their duties being to regulate the relations of the
various guilds to one another, and provide for the general welfare of
the city. Thus the inhabitants of Stockholm formed a miniature republic
by themselves. They governed themselves in nearly all local matters.
They bought, sold, and exchanged according to their own laws and
regulations. They married and gave in marriage after their own caprice.
Industrious, skilful, with little ambition, they bustled about their
narrow streets, jostling those at their elbow and uttering slander
against those out of hearing. In short, they led the humdrum life
incident to all small towns in time of peace, and were ever eager to
vary this monotony at the first sound of war.[14]
Into this community Gustavus was ushered in the year 1514. He was then
but eighteen, and was summoned by the regent to the royal court to
complete his education.[15] He found himself at once in clover. Three
years before, his mother's half-sister, Christina Gyllenstjerna, had
married the young regent; and the youth on coming to Stockholm was
received as one of the family in the royal palace.
Among all the personages then at court, the most interesting, by all
odds, was the regent's wife, Christina. This woman is one of the most
puzzling characters in Swedish history. On her father's side of royal
lineage, and on her mother's descended from one of the oldest families
in Sweden, she inherited at the same time a burning desire for personal
advancement and an enthusiasm for the glory of her native land. Wedded
to a handsome, daring, impetuous youth of twenty-one, the nation's
favorite, she entered with her whole heart into all his projects, and
was among his most valuable counsellors whether in peace or war. In
force of character and in personal bravery she was scarce inferior to
her heroic husband, and yet she lacked not discretion or even
shrewdness. She was the idol of the Swedish people, and before many
years were passed was to have an opportunity to test their love.
Another personage at court, with whom we have already become acquainted,
was Hemming Gad. Although of humble birth, this man had received a
careful education, and during twenty years of his early life had held
the post of Swedish ambassador at the court of Rome. On his return to
Sweden he had been elected bishop of the diocese of Linkoeping, but had
never entered on his duties owing to the opposition of the pope. He was
not indeed a priest. Diplomacy was above all else the field in which he
shone. A warm supporter of the Stures, he had more than once averted
trouble by his powers of conciliation, and was regarded as an
indispensable servant of the people's cause. Fearless, eloquent,
untiring, conciliatory, persuasive, perhaps not too conscientious, he
was the most influential person in the Cabinet and one of the very
foremost statesmen of his time. It was to this man, then seventy-four
years of age, that the care of the young Gustavus was intrusted when he
came to court.
Affairs at this time were in a state of great confusion. King Hans of
Denmark had died a year before, and after several months of hostile
demonstration had been succeeded by his son. This person, known as
Christiern II., was as vile a monster as ever occupied a throne. Gifted
by nature with a powerful frame, tall, burly, with large head and short
thick neck, broad forehead and high cheek-bones, prominent nose, firmly
compressed lips, a plentiful supply of shaggy hair on his head and face,
heavy overhanging eyebrows, his eyes small, deep-set, and fierce,--his
appearance furnished an excellent index to his character. Firm,
courageous, by no means wanting in intellect or executive ability, he
was sensual, gross, and cruel. Though often full of hilarity and hearty
animal spirits, there was ever hanging over him a cloud of melancholy,
which occasionally settled on him with such weight as to rob him wholly
of his reason. At such times he seemed transformed into some fierce
monster with an insatiable thirst for blood. When a mere boy in the
royal palace at Copenhagen, he is said to have amused himself by
midnight orgies about the city's streets.[16] He was well educated,
however, and early became a useful adjunct to his father. At twenty-one
he displayed much bravery in an assault which Hans then made on
Stockholm; and a few years later he became his father's deputy in the
government of Norway. While there, his secretary one day came to him and
portrayed in glowing terms the beauty of a maiden who had dazzled him in
Bergen. The sensitive heart of Christiern at once was fired. He left his
castle at Opslo without a moment's waiting, and, crossing hill and vale
without a murmur, hastened to feast his eyes on the fair Dyveke. Being
of a romantic turn of mind, he resolved to see her first amidst all the
fashion of the town. A splendid ball was therefore held, to which the
aristocracy were bidden with their daughters. Among the guests was the
renowned Dyveke, who outshone all in beauty. No sooner did Christiern
see her, than his whole soul burned within him. He seized her hand, and
led off the dance in company with his fair enchanter. Rapture filled his
soul; and when the ball was over, Dyveke was secretly detained and
brought to Christiern's bed. This incident had a far-reaching influence
on Christiern's later life. Though already betrothed to the sister of
Charles V., his passion for Dyveke did not pass away. He erected a
palace at Opslo, and lived there with his mistress until recalled to
Copenhagen, when he took her with him. The most singular feature in this
whole intrigue is that the royal voluptuary was from the outset under
the absolute sway, not of the fair Dyveke, but of her mother, Sigbrit, a
low, cunning, intriguing woman of Dutch origin, who followed the couple
to the royal palace at Opslo, and afterwards accompanied them to
Stockholm, the complete ruler of her daughter's royal slave. On the
accession of Christiern to the throne, he resolved, at the instance of
this woman, to add the Swedish kingdom to his dominions. In order to
comprehend the measures which he adopted, it will be necessary to trace
events in Sweden since the death of Hans.
The Danish party, in no way daunted by their futile effort to secure the
regency of Sweden, had kept up continuous negotiations with their
friends in Denmark, with the object ultimately to place the king of
Denmark on the throne. Owing, however, to the manifest and growing
popularity of the young Sture, they deemed it wise to wait for a more
auspicious moment before making open demonstration, and for the time
being yielded to the regent with the best grace they could command. The
thing which they most needed, in order to counteract the influence of
the chivalric young Sture, was the infusion of new life among their
ranks. The archbishop and Erik Trolle both were old, and, though in the
full vigor of their intellectual ability, lacked the energy and
endurance required to carry on a policy of active war. It was resolved,
therefore, to throw the burden of leadership on younger shoulders. There
was at this time in Rome a man who seemed to possess more qualifications
than any other for the post. This was Gustaf Trolle. He was young,
highly educated, energetic, and above all a son of Erik Trolle, the
powerful leader of the Danish faction. He had seen much of the world,
and had lived on terms of familiarity with some of the greatest men in
Europe. But his whole power of usefulness was lost through his
inordinate personal and family pride. Weighted down by the sense of his
own importance, with haughty overbearing manners, and a dogged obstinacy
in dealing with his inferiors, he was the last man in the world to be
successful as a party leader. Yet it was on this man that the Danish
party fixed its hopes. The matter first took shape on the 31st of
August, 1514, when the archbishop in conversation with Sture suggested
that old age was now coming on so fast that he desired to resign his
office, and asked whom Sture deemed most fit to serve as his successor.
To this the courteous regent answered that he knew no one better fitted
for the post than the archbishop himself. With this the conversation
ended. On the 12th of October following, the crafty archbishop, not
averse to feathering his own nest, formed a compact with Erik Trolle by
which Ulfsson was to commend the latter's son for the archbishopric, and
in return Erik promised to support Ulfsson to the utmost of his power
and to see that Gustaf Trolle did not deprive Ulfsson of the
archiepiscopal rents during the latter's life.[17] This done, Erik
Trolle went to the regent and asked him to recommend Gustaf Trolle for
the post of archdeacon of Upsala. This request was complied with. But
when, soon after, Erik appeared again before the regent with a letter
from the archbishop informing him that the Chapter of Upsala had decided
on Gustaf Trolle as the new archbishop, Sture was so startled that he
wrote to Upsala to say that he had never consented to such a
proposition, but nevertheless if God wished it he would raise no
opposition. The pope having already declared that no one should be
appointed without the regent's consent, no effort was spared to dispose
Sture well towards the new candidate, and with so good result that when
the archbishop's messengers went to Rome to secure the confirmation,
they carried with them a letter from Sture to his legate in Rome,
instructing him to do all he could before the pope in favor of Gustaf
Trolle.[18]
In May, 1515, the young man was consecrated archbishop of Upsala by the
pope,[19] and started in the following summer for the North. Passing
through Lubeck, where he is rumored to have had an audience of
Christiern,[20] he pursued his journey by water, and at last cast anchor
off the Swedish coast about twelve miles from Stockholm. Here he was met
by certain of the Danish party, who urged him to give the cold shoulder
to the regent. Instead, therefore, of proceeding to the capital, he
drove direct to Upsala, and was installed in his new office: all this in
spite of the fact that the old archbishop had assured the regent, before
he wrote to Rome, that he would not hand over Upsala nor Staeket to
Trolle till the latter had sworn allegiance to Sture.[21] The immediate
effect of his investiture was to augment the haughtiness of the young
archbishop. Scarcely had he become domiciled in Upsala, when he wrote a
letter to the regent warning him that he, the archbishop, was about to
visit with punishment all who had wronged his father or grandfather, or
his predecessor in the archiepiscopal chair. To this the regent, wishing
if possible to avert trouble, answered that if any persons had done the
wrong complained of, he would see to it that they should be punished.
But the archbishop was in no mood for compromise. The breach now opened,
he resolved to make it wider; and he had no difficulty in finding
pretext. The fief of Staeket had long been a bone of contention between
the Church and State. Though for many years in the hands of the
archbishops, it had never been clearly settled whether they held it as a
right or merely by courtesy of the crown; and at the resignation of
Archbishop Ulfsson the fief was claimed by his successor, Trolle, as
well as by the regent. In order to put an end to this vexed question,
the regent wrote to Ulfsson asking him to produce the title-deeds on
which his claim was based. After considerable correspondence, in which,
however, the deeds were not produced, Sture, deeming it unwise to leave
the fief any longer without a steward, entered into possession, and
applied the incomes to the royal treasury, at the same time assuring
Ulfsson that if he or the Chapter at Upsala could prove a title to the
fief, they should enjoy it. This only added fuel to the flame. Trolle,
unable as it seems to prove his title, assumed the posture of one who
had been wronged, and scorned the urgent invitation of the regent to
come to Stockholm and discuss the matter. Indeed, there were rumors in
the air to the effect that Trolle was engaged in a conspiracy against
the throne.[22]
In this way matters continued till February of the following year, 1516,
when Sture resolved to attend the annual Upsala fair and have a
conference with Trolle. The conference took place in presence of some of
the leading men of Sweden, in the sacristy of the cathedral. But it led
to no result. Trolle charged the regent with unfair dealing, which the
latter denied, at the same time demanding proof. None was furnished; and
the regent withdrew, feeling more than ever convinced that the conduct
of the archbishop boded ill. In this juncture he summoned a Cabinet
meeting, to be held at Telge in July following, to arrange the
differences between himself and Trolle, and to resolve on the stand to
be taken by Sweden in the congress of the three realms to be held at
Halmstad in the February following. The archbishop, by virtue of his
office, was a member of the Cabinet; but when that body met, it was
discovered that Trolle was not present. He was in Upsala, nursing his
wrath to keep it warm. The regent therefore wrote and begged him to
appear. "Whatever," he wrote, "the Cabinet here assembled shall decide
as right between us, I will do." But the proud archbishop would not
listen. He and his father kept away, together with one or two of their
adherents; and the Cabinet parted, having accomplished little.[23]
Meantime the archbishop was not idle. Shortly before the Cabinet met, he
with some of his adherents had held a conference at Staeket, where he had
persuaded them to renounce the regent and form an alliance with the king
of Denmark. While the Cabinet was in session, he despatched a messenger
to King Christiern, urging him to break the truce with Sweden, and
informing him that the Castle of Nykoeping, now in the hands of one of
the archbishop's satellites, should be thrown open to him if he would
draw thither with his army. At the same time the archbishop began to
fortify himself in Staeket. Learning this, the regent saw that the hour
for compromise was past. He dissolved the Cabinet, and, advancing with
all speed to Nykoeping, stormed the castle. So rapid had been his
action, that he took the archbishop's officers all unprepared, and at
the first assault the garrison surrendered. This was on the 15th of
August. After taking the officer in command of the garrison to
Stockholm, where he was consigned to prison, the energetic young regent
proceeded to Vesteras, where, on the 8th of September, in an address to
the populace, he rendered an account of his actions, and informed the
people that the archbishop and others were engaged in a plot to yield
the kingdom into the hands of Christiern. Thence he proceeded to an
island some six miles from Staeket, and remained there through the
autumn, keeping an eye on the archbishop's castle and preparing, if
necessary, to besiege it. The Danish party by this time saw that they
were dealing with a man of mettle, and began to change their tactics.
Hoping to gain time, they gave out that they would be glad to have the
burgomaster and Council of Stockholm act as mediators in the dispute;
and on the 20th of October Ulfsson wrote to Sture to appoint a time for
conference. The regent, however, was not so easily deceived. Trolle was
still adding to his strength in Staeket, and looking forward to aid from
Denmark. The regent therefore replied to Ulfsson that Trolle had brought
on the dispute, and he must answer for it. "As to a conference with
you," adds the regent, "my time is now so fully occupied that I can
appoint no day before the Cabinet meeting to be held shortly at Arboga."
About the same time he wrote to the Chapter at Upsala, insisting on an
answer to a former letter, in which he had called on them to declare
whether they proposed to side with him or the archbishop. In this letter
he informs them: "As to your question whether I intend to obey the
ordinances of the Church, I answer that I shall defend the Holy Church
and respect the persons of the clergy as becomes a Christian nobleman,
provided you will allow me so to do; and I have never purposed
otherwise." Still, however, the Chapter prevaricated, and gave no
answer; till finally the regent sent them his ultimatum, closed, like
all his letters, with the modest signature, "Sten Sture, soldier."[24]
On New Year's day, 1517, the Cabinet met at Arboga, where a general diet
of the kingdom was gathering to discuss the state of affairs concerning
Denmark. At this meeting, as at the one preceding, none of the
archbishop's followers were present. So soon as the Cabinet had
separated, the regent, in compliance with their suggestion, sent envoys
once more to Trolle, urging him to renounce his allegiance to the Danish
king and to surrender Staeket. To this the stubborn archbishop answered
that he would not yield Staeket so long as his heart beat within him. He
then turned his guns upon the regent's envoys, and fired on them as they
withdrew. A few days later the regent learned from one of Trolle's
officers whom he had taken prisoner that the archbishop had received a
letter from King Christiern promising all who gave their aid in
establishing him on the throne a double recompense for any loss incurred
in the attempt. No time was, therefore, to be lost. Collecting a force
with all haste from different parts of Sweden, the regent advanced on
Staeket to besiege the castle. Immediately on their arrival, Trolle sent
out word that he desired a parley. This was granted, and the archbishop
came outside the walls to a spot before the Swedish camp. In the course
of the discussion, Trolle, perhaps with a view to intimidate the regent,
declared that he had within the castle a letter from King Christiern
announcing that he would come to the relief before the 1st of May. But
the young regent was not so easily to be intimidated. His terms were
that Trolle and his men might withdraw unharmed from Staeket, and that
the archbishop might continue in possession of the Cathedral of Upsala
and all the privileges of his office; but that the Castle of Staeket,
long a prolific source of discord, should remain in the hands of Sture
till a tribunal composed of clergy as well as laity could determine
whether it should belong to Church or State, or be demolished as a
source of discord. These terms were not accepted, and the siege
continued. All through the winter and spring the Swedish army bivouacked
outside the walls; and Trolle, ever looking for aid from Denmark,
refused to yield. At last, at midsummer, having received tidings that
rescue was near at hand, his heart grew bold within him, and he resolved
to make a dupe of Sture. The latter not being at the time at Staeket, the
archbishop sent a messenger to say that he was ready for a parley. The
regent, daily fearing the approach of Christiern, received the messenger
with joy. He called together the burgomaster and Council of Stockholm,
and instructed them to select delegates to act in behalf of Stockholm.
With these delegates and a few advisers on his own account he proceeded
to Staeket, and after consultation as to the terms which they should
offer, signalled the guard on the castle walls that he was ready to
treat with Trolle. After standing some time in the midst of a pouring
rain, and without any prospect of an answer, the regent grew impatient,
and sent word to Trolle that he could offer no other terms than those
already offered. The charlatan then threw off the mask. He replied that
he placed implicit confidence in Christiern, and was in no hurry for a
parley. Any time within six weeks would do. At this announcement the
regent had nothing for it but to withdraw. Drenched to the skin, and
burning at the insult offered him, he returned to Stockholm.[25]
He did so none too soon. The Danish forces, four thousand strong, were
already off the Swedish coast. This was by no means the first proof of
actual hostilities on the part of Christiern. Six months before, while
the truce between the kingdoms was still in force, Christiern had seized
a Swedish vessel while lying in the roads outside Lubeck, and at the
general diet held at New Year's in Arboga, it had been voted to resist
the tyrant till the dying breath. As a result, the congress of the three
realms which was to have been held in February had never met. A
broadside was issued by the regent to all the men of Sweden, calling on
them to prepare for war. Throughout the spring and summer the advent of
the tyrant was expected, and the announcement that his army had at
length arrived was a surprise to none.[26]
It was early in the month of August, 1517, when the Danish fleet was
sighted off the coast twelve miles from Stockholm. Sture proceeded at
once to the point at which it was expected they would land, and thus
prevented them. The fleet hovered about the coast for several days,
sending out pillaging parties in small boats to the shore. One of these
parties was intercepted; and from a prisoner who was taken, Sture
learned definitely that the object of the expedition was to go to the
relief of Staeket. On this news Sture sent some members of the Cabinet to
Staeket to inform the archbishop that the Danish force was now off
Stockholm, and to urge him in behalf of the town of Stockholm to send
word to the Danish force that it could count on no aid from him, as he
was resolved to remain true to his native land. But this final appeal to
the archbishop's honor met with no response. The fleet meantime had
approached the capital, and was riding at anchor about two miles down
the stream. There the whole force landed, intending to march direct to
Staeket. But the young regent was again ahead of them. Scarce had they
set foot on shore when he fell upon them with his army. The conflict was
sharp and bitter, but at last the regent came off victorious. The Danes
were driven headlong to their ships, leaving many of their number dead
upon the shore, while others fell captives into the hand of Sture. This
was a red-letter day in the calendar of the regent, and is specially
memorable as being the first occasion on which the young Gustavus drew
sword in behalf of his native land.[27]
Elated by his victory, the regent now opened communications once more
with Trolle. With a view to frighten him into submission, he sent some
of the Danish captives to Staeket, that the archbishop might hear from
his own allies the story of their disaster. Even at this the proud
spirit of the archbishop was not humbled. He still persisted in his
determination not to yield, and it was only when his own officers began
to leave him that he signified his willingness to withdraw from Staeket
and retire to the duties of his cathedral. But now it was Sture's turn
to dictate. He answered curtly that a murderer could no longer be
archbishop, and proceeded at once to summon a general diet of the
kingdom. This diet met at Stockholm in the last days of November. It was
a notable gathering. Among those present were four of the six
bishops,--all except the bishops of Vexioe and Skara,--of laymen, Hemming
Gad and the father of young Gustavus, besides some ten other knights and
armigers, the burgomaster and Council of Stockholm, and a large number
of delegates from the peasantry. Before this assembly the archbishop
appeared, under safe-conduct from the regent, to plead his cause. Among
the witnesses produced in favor of the crown was a Danish officer
captured in the battle outside Stockholm. This man testified, among
other things, that before the Danish fleet set forth, a messenger from
Trolle had appeared before King Christiern to solicit aid for Staeket.
Indeed, the charge of conspiracy was proved beyond the shadow of a
doubt. The whole house rose with one accord in denunciation of the
traitor. Without a dissenting voice it was decreed that Staeket, "the
rebel stronghold," should be levelled to the ground; that Trolle should
nevermore be recognized as archbishop; that, though by the terms of his
safe-conduct he might return to Staeket, he should not come forth
therefrom till he had given pledge to do no further injury to the
kingdom; and, finally, that if Trolle or any other in his behalf should
solicit excommunication on any of those present for this resolve or for
besieging or destroying Staeket, or should otherwise molest them, they
all should stand firm by one another. This resolve, before the diet
parted, was put into writing, and to it every member attached his
seal.[28]
The archbishop, as had been promised him, was permitted to return to
Staeket, which was again put into a state of siege. The siege, however,
was of short duration. Deserted by the largest portion of his officers,
and with no immediate prospect of further aid from Denmark, the
archbishop had nothing for it but to yield. Staeket thus fell into the
hands of Sture; and the archbishop was placed in the monastery of
Vesteras, to remain there captive till further disposition should be
made of his archbishopric.[29]
The whole country was by this time overrun with rebels. Particularly
along the southern frontier the Danish party, in close alliance with the
king of Denmark, kept the inhabitants in a state of terror; and their
hostile demonstrations became at last so marked that the regent found it
necessary, in the autumn of 1517, to despatch his army thither to
repress them. This news was brought to Christiern's ears, still tingling
with the report of the disaster of his fleet. The monarch, having no
stomach for a winter campaign among the snows of Sweden, bethought him
of a truce until the coming spring. There chanced to be in Denmark at
the time a smooth-mouthed scoundrel with the unsavory name of
Arcimboldo. He was by trade a dealer in indulgences, having been
commissioned by Leo X. to vend his wares throughout the northern parts
of Europe. He had already spent some time in Lubeck, where he had reaped
a splendid harvest; and had now been carrying on his business about two
years in Denmark. On every church he had affixed a chest with notice
that all who would contribute to the sacred cause should receive full
absolution from their sins. It certainly was a tempting offer, and one
which the unwary believers in the papal authority were not slow to
seize. They poured in their contributions with a lavish hand, and the
legate soon amassed a princely fortune. At last, however, his goods
began to be a drug upon the market, and he prepared to transfer his
headquarters to another land. It was about this time, early in the
winter of 1518, that Christiern made up his mind to suggest a truce with
Sweden, and the grand idea occurred to him of enlisting the papal legate
in his service. He summoned the pardon-monger without delay, and
suggested that he should mediate with Sture. To this suggestion
Arcimboldo, by no means averse to turning an honest penny, gave his
assent. He sat down at once and wrote a letter to the regent,
instructing him that the pope desired to see peace made between the
kingdoms. He therefore, as ambassador from his Holiness, suggested that
Sture should observe a truce by land with Denmark till the 23d of April
next, and in the mean time should send delegates to the town of Lund
with full power to make a lasting peace between the kingdoms. To this
proposal the legate added that Christiern had given his consent. This
document was handed to the regent about the middle of February. He sent
back a despatch at once, thanking the legate for his efforts in behalf
of peace, and expressing a wish to accede in general to the proposition.
It would not be possible, however, to send delegates to a congress on so
short a notice. Before doing so it would be necessary to hold a general
diet, so that the people of Sweden might vote upon the matter; and as
some of the members would have to come from Finland, the diet could not
be held unless the truce was extended so as to embrace the sea. But he
should be pleased if Arcimboldo would effect a lasting treaty between
the kingdoms, or even a truce by sea and land to continue for the life
of Christiern. He, on his part, would summon a general diet as soon as
possible, with a view to bring about a lasting peace. Thus the peace
negotiations came to naught. Christiern had no intention of consenting
to a lasting peace, and Sture was not to be inveigled into a truce which
had no other object than to give the king of Denmark an opportunity to
recruit.[30]
And thus the winter wore away, and spring came, and both parties were
gathering up their forces to renew the war. In the little town of
Stockholm a spirit of patriotism was growing fast. It was felt on every
hand that the coming summer would forever settle the question of slavery
or freedom, and all were fixed in purpose to resist the tyrant till
their dying breath. Children, from fifteen upwards, were in arms,
momentarily expecting the arrival of the Danish fleet. But the agony was
prolonged day after day till the sturdy patriots were eager to have it
close. Excitement had been wrought up to a fever heat, when, in the
month of June, the news was shouted through the narrow streets that the
enemy's vessels were at hand. The report was true. There in the stream
below the town were visible the white sails of the Danish
squadron,--eighty ships in all,--slowly forging their way against the
current towards the town. It was a sight to make even the stout heart of
a Stockholm burgher quail. The fleet approached within a short distance,
and the troops were landed on the southern shore, separated from the
city only by a narrow channel. The Danish king himself was in command.
His forces consisted of five thousand Germans, besides a thousand
light-armed soldiers chiefly Danes, a hundred horse, and a vast
multitude of laborers for building dikes and trenches. Proceeding to the
west, he took up his position, June 29, on the hill opposite the city on
the north. But he soon discovered that this point was too far from the
town. He therefore crossed over to the southern shore, and pitched his
camp on the cliffs of Soedermalm. From this point he began to bombard the
tower at the southern corner of the town. After battering this tower
near a month, he sent a force across the bridge with orders to burst
through the wall at the point which his guns had shaken. The effort,
however, was of no avail. His force was driven back and compelled to
seek safety beyond the bridge. At this juncture news arrived that a
detachment of the Swedish army was coming against him on the south.
Fearing a simultaneous attack on both sides, he hastily advanced in the
direction of the expected onslaught, and threw up a fortification at
Braennkyrka, about three miles south of Stockholm. On his right the land
was boggy and overgrown with brushwood, while on his left it was
somewhat higher and wooded. In these woods the Swedish army gathered. It
is reported that they were twelve thousand strong, but they consisted
chiefly of ill-trained and ill-armed peasants. The regent had joined
them, and was leading them in person. The royal banners of the first
battalion were in charge of Gustavus Vasa. After a few days'
skirmishing, in which the patriots were twice driven into the covert of
their woods, the Danes made a final charge upon them, and put them once
more to flight. This time, however, the Danish soldiers lost their
heads, and followed in hot haste through the forest. In this way they
lost all advantage from their superior arms and training. The Swedes,
nearly twice as numerous as their opponents, surrounded them, and closed
in upon them on every side. The forest was soon red with blood. The
patriots fought with vigor and determination; and at length, though
sixteen hundred of their companions were stretched upon the ground, the
day was theirs. Sture collected his men as quickly as possible and
returned to Stockholm, while Christiern took up his quarters again in
Soedermalm. A few days later Christiern, his powder and provisions
failing him, ordered a retreat; but before his men were all embarked the
Swedes were on them, and killed or captured some two hundred on the
shore. After proceeding down the stream about twelve miles, the fleet
cast anchor near the northern shore, and a foraging party was sent out
towards Upsala for provisions. Some of these were captured, but the
majority returned with a rich booty to their ships. Nearly two months
had now elapsed since the arrival of the Danish fleet, and the cold
weather was approaching. Christiern, worsted at every point, was eager
to return to Denmark. But the equinoctial storm would soon be coming,
and he was afraid to venture out in rough weather on short rations. His
men too, suffering for food and clamoring for their pay, began to leave
him. He therefore resolved to play upon another string. On the 28th of
August he despatched envoys to the regent with the preposterous
proposition that he should be received as king, or that in lieu thereof
he should receive from the regent and Cabinet of Sweden a yearly
stipend, and that the losses which he and the Danish party in Sweden had
suffered should be repaid them. This ridiculous offer was of course
rejected. Christiern then came down from his high horse, and proposed a
cessation of hostilities till the difficulty could be settled. After
some bickering on both sides it was agreed that a congress of the three
realms should meet on the 10th of the following July, to determine
Christiern's right to the crown of Sweden or to tribute; and until that
day there should be peace between the realms. This agreement was put
into writing and signed and sealed by Christiern and the regent a few
days before September 8. The regent then ordered provisions sent out to
the Danish soldiers to relieve their want. And still the fleet continued
to hang about the coast, waiting, so it was given out, for fair weather.
In reality, the Danish monarch was dallying with the hope of putting
into effect a diabolical scheme which he had concocted. There being now
a truce between the kingdoms, he ventured to despatch a messenger to
Sture with hostages, to beg the regent to come out to the fleet and hold
a conference. After consultation with his Cabinet, the regent answered
that he could not accede to this request, and the hostages were
returned. Christiern then sent again to say that he would gladly meet
him at an appointed spot on land, provided six persons named--among them
Hemming Gad and the regent's nephew, Gustavus--should first be placed on
board the Danish fleet as hostages. A day was set and the hostages set
forth. All unconscious, the rope was already tightening around their
necks. On the 25th of September, as had been agreed, the regent rode to
the appointed place of meeting. But the Danish king was nowhere to be
seen. Two whole days the regent waited, and on the third discovered that
he had been entrapped. The fleet was on its way to Denmark, and the
Swedish hostages were prisoners on board. Before putting out to sea, the
monarch touched land once more to despatch a couple of letters,--one to
the burghers of Stockholm, the other to all the inhabitants of Sweden.
These letters are dated October 2. Their purpose was to make his
treachery seem less brutal. He declared that the regent had violated the
terms of the truce by ill-treating the Danish prisoners in his hands,
and not surrendering them as had been stipulated in the treaty. "On this
ground," said the tyrant, some four days after seizing the hostages, "I
declare the treaty off."[31]
Repairing with his captives to Copenhagen, the tyrant placed them in
confinement in different parts of Denmark. Gustavus was placed in Kaloe
Castle, under the charge of the commandant, who was a distant relative
of the young man's mother. The commandant was under bonds for the
safe-keeping of his prisoner; but being a man of tender feelings, he
imposed little restraint upon Gustavus, merely exacting from him a
promise that he would make no effort to escape. His life therefore was,
to outward appearance, not devoid of pleasure. The castle was situated
on a promontory in Jutland, at the northern end of Kaloe Bay. Its wall
ran close along the cliffs, a hundred feet above the sea. At either end
of the castle was a gray stone tower, and from the windows in the towers
was a charming prospect on every side. The promontory was connected with
the mainland by a low and narrow strip of land, and along the main shore
ran a dense forest belonging to the castle and plentifully stocked with
game. All these pleasures were at the free disposal of the captive. But
there was a canker ever gnawing at his heart. No matter which way he
turned, he heard only rumors of fresh preparations to conquer Sweden.
When guests visited the castle, they talked from morn till night of the
splendid armaments of Christiern. On one occasion he heard them declare
that so soon as Sweden fell, her aristocracy were to be put to the sword
and their wives and daughters parted out among the peasantry of Denmark.
The Swedish peasants, they said, would soon learn to drive the plough
with one arm and a wooden leg. Such jests made the young prisoner burn
with indignation. He felt it necessary to conceal his passion, and yet
he longed perpetually for a chance to burst his fetters and fly to the
rescue of his native land.[32]
Before tracing his adventures further, let us return once more to
Sweden. The dastardly escape of Christiern with the Swedish hostages had
stung the whole country to the quick. Even the Chapter of Upsala, which
had up to this time clung to the hope of restoring Trolle to his post,
began to yield to the oft-repeated exhortations of the regent, and
prepared to nominate a new archbishop. The man whom Sture urged for the
position was the bishop of Strengnaes, one of those who had voted in
favor of demolishing Staeket; and so early as the preceding February the
chapter had practically assented to this choice. Nothing further,
however, was done about it; and when, in the autumn of 1518, the papal
legate with his proclamations of pardon appeared in Sweden, the chapter
began to look toward him for help. Arcimboldo was not the man to let
slip an opportunity to aggrandize himself. He therefore was prepared to
listen impartially to the arguments on every side, and as papal legate
to use his authority in favor of the highest bidder. Now, it required
little sagacity to see that Trolle, whose cause the king of Denmark had
commissioned him to urge, but who was at this time stripped of his
prerogatives and in prison, could offer small reward; and from the king
of Denmark he had already received quite as much as he had reason to
expect. Moreover, it appeared from the experience of the last two years
that Christiern's hopes of Sweden were likely to result in air. Sture
was to all appearances the rising star, and on him the crafty legate
resolved to fix his hopes. There seemed no valid reason, however, for
deserting Christiern. It would be better so to trim his sails as to
receive any emoluments that might be forthcoming from either party. He
therefore approached the regent under the guise of mediator. The regent
received him kindly, and covered him with honors and rewards. In the
winter of 1518-1519 a meeting was held at Arboga at which the case of
Trolle was laid before the legate. The outcome of it was that Trolle
formally resigned his archbishopric and was restored to freedom. Shortly
after, on the 5th of February, we find the legate reappointing the old
archbishop, Ulfsson, to the post. Just why this course was taken it is
impossible to state with certainty. But the reasons which led to it may
easily be surmised. Ulfsson was a man of wealth, with few enemies and
many friends. He was, next to Trolle, the choice of the Upsala Chapter
and of Christiern, and he had already some time before been asked by
Sture to reassume the post. To one of Arcimboldo's compromising temper
it is not strange that Ulfsson should have seemed a person whose favor
it was desirable to win.[33]
Meantime the king of Denmark was not idle. He still clung to the strange
infatuation that the people of Sweden might be persuaded to accept him
as their king, and almost while in the act of seizing the Swedish
hostages instructed Arcimboldo to beg the regent for a friendly
conference. This wild proposal Sture treated with the contempt which it
deserved. He wrote to Christiern a straightforward letter in which he
refused to deal further with him, and demanded that the hostages be
immediately returned. Christiern of course did not comply. On the
contrary, he continued his warlike preparations, and throughout the
whole of the next year, 1519, his fleet was busy in making incursions
along the Swedish coast. These incursions, though they caused the regent
great annoyance, had little permanent effect. The king was still
smarting under his recent defeat, and did not venture at once to
undertake another campaign on an extensive scale.[34]
One thing the year 1519 did for Sweden. It ridded her of that consummate
scoundrel Arcimboldo. After he had fleeced the regent and his people of
every penny that they had to give, he set forth with his ill-gotten
gains for Denmark. He soon learned, however, that he had been serving
too many masters. Christiern had got wind of his ambassador's
familiarity with the regent, and had sent out spies to seize him on his
return. But the Italian proved more slippery than his royal master had
supposed. Scarce had he set foot on shore when he perceived that Denmark
was not the place for him. He embarked once more for Sweden, whence he
soon crossed over to Germany on his way to more congenial climes. The
last thing we hear of him is that the pope rewarded him with the
Archbishopric of Milan.[35]
FOOTNOTES:
[14] Olaus Magni, _Hist. de gent. Sept._, pp. 409-410. This curious
book, written by a contemporary of Gustavus, gives an invaluable picture
of the details of Swedish life.
[15] Svart, _Gust. I.'s kroen._, p. 3, and _Aehrapred._, p. 51; and Tegel,
_Then stoormecht._, p. 3. All authorities agree that this event took
place in 1514; but they differ as to the boy's age at the time. Svart,
who places his birth in 1495, says he was eighteen, which would be
equally true after May 12, 1514, even though the birth was in 1496.
Tegel says he was twenty-four, as he would be if born in 1490; but as
Tegel says in the very next sentence that he was sent to court to be
educated, it is clear he could not have been so old as twenty-four, and
hence could not have been born so early as 1490.
[16] Svaning, _Christ. II._, pp. 20-23.
[17] _Hist. handl._, vol. viii. p. 64. This is a deed to the effect
stated above, signed by Erik Trolle, and dated Oct. 12, 1514.
[18] _Svenska medeltid. rim-kroen._, vol. iii. p. 203; Olaus Petri,
_Svenska kroen._, pp. 305-306; Johannes Magni, _Hist. pont._, p. 72; and
_Handl. roer. Skand. hist._, vol. xxiv. pp. 45-47.
[19] _Svenska medeltid. rim-kroen._, vol. iii. p. 203; and _Hist.
handl._, vol. viii. pp. 68-70.
[20] Olaus Petri, _Svenska kroen._, p. 306; and Laurent. Petri, _Then
Svenska chroen._, p. 141.
[21] _Handl. roer. Skand. hist._, vol. xxiv. pp. 51 and 74-75.
[22] _Svenska medeltid. rim-kroen._, vol. iii. p. 204; Olaus Petri,
_Svenska kroen._, pp. 306-307; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chroen._, p.
141; and _Handl. roer. Skand. hist._, vol. xxiv. pp. 48-49 and 76.
[23] Olaus Petri, _Svenska kroen._, p. 307; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska
chroen._, p. 141; and _Handl. roer. Skand. hist._, vol. xxiv. pp. 39-40
and 76-77.
[24] _Svenska medeltid. rim-kroen._, vol. iii. p. 205; Olaus Petri,
_Svenska kroen._, pp. 307-309; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chroen._, pp.
141-142; and _Handl. roer. Skand. hist._, vol. xxiv. pp. 52-58, 62-71 and
77-81.
[25] Olaus Petri, _Svenska kroen._, pp. 309-310; Johannes Magni, _De omn.
Goth._, pp. 778-779; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chroen._, p. 142; and
_Handl. roer. Skand. hist._, vol. xxiv. pp. 81-87.
[26] Olaus Petri, _Svenska kroen._, p. 310; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska
chroen._, p. 142; and _Kongl. och furstl. foerlijkn._, pp. 434-435.
[27] _Svenska medeltid. rim-kroen._, vol. iii. pp. 205-206; Olaus Petri,
_Svenska kroen._, pp. 310-311; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chroen._, pp.
142-143; Svart, _Aehrapred._, pp. 52-53; and _Handl. roer. Skand. hist._,
vol. xxiv. pp. 87-88.
[28] Olaus Petri, _Svenska kroen._, pp. 311-312; Laurent. Petri, _Then
Svenska chroen._, p. 143; _Handl. roer. Skand. hist._, vol. xxiv. pp.
94-105; and _Kongl. och furstl. foerlijkn._, pp. 435-437.
[29] Olaus Petri, _Svenska kroen._, p. 313; Johannes Magni, _De omn.
Goth._, p. 779; and Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chroen._, p. 143.
[30] Svaning, _Christ. II._, pp. 106-107; and _Handl. roer. Skand.
hist._, vol. xxiv. pp. 112-117, 127-128, and 130-145.
[31] _Svenska medeltid. rim-kroen._, vol. iii. pp. 207-209 and 232; Olaus
Petri, _Svenska kroen._, pp. 313-314; Rensel, _Beraettelse_, p. 15; _Maerk.
haendl._, p. 91; Johannes Magni, _De omn. Goth._, p. 780; Laurent. Petri,
_Then Svenska chroen._, pp. 143-144; Svart, _Aehrapred._, p. 53, and
_Gust. I.'s kroen._, pp. 4-5; Ludvigsson, _Collect._, p. 86; _Acta hist.
Reg. Christ. II._, p. 1; _Danske Mag._, 3d ser., vol. ii. pp. 237-248;
and _Handl. roer. Skand. hist._, vol. xxxii. pp. 58-63.
[32] Svaning, _Christ. II._, pp. 385-387, and Svart, _Gust. I.'s kroen._,
pp. 6-8.
[33] Olaus Petri, _Svenska kroen._, p. 313; Johannes Magni, _Hist.
pont._, pp. 71 and 73; Laurent. Petri, _Then Svenska chroen._, p. 143;
_Handl. roer. Skand. hist._, vol. xxiv, pp. 110-112, 117-130; and
_Skrift. och handl._, vol. i. pp. 363-364.
[34] Olaus Petri, _Svenska kroen._, pp. 315-316; and _Handl. roer. Skand.
hist._, vol. xxiv. pp. 245-247.
[35] Eliesen, _Chron. Skib._, p. 567.