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THE
SWEDISH REVOLUTION
UNDER
GUSTAVUS VASA
BY
PAUL BARRON WATSON
AUTHOR OF "MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS" AND MEMBER OF
AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
BOSTON
LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY
_Copyright, 1889_,
BY PAUL BARRON WATSON.
UNIVERSITY PRESS:
JOHN WILSON AND SON, CAMBRIDGE.
Transcriber's Note
Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note.
Original spellings have been retained.
The carat symbol [^] has been used to note 'superscript', whilst the
following less common characters have been transcribed as follows:
[oe] oe ligature
[=a] a with macron
[=e] e with macron
[=n] n with macron
[=o] o with macron
PREFACE.
No name in history lies deeper in Swedish hearts than the name Gustavus
Vasa. Liberator of Sweden from the yoke of Denmark, and founder of one
of the foremost dynasties of Europe, his people during more than three
centuries have looked back fondly to the figure of their great ruler,
and cherished with tender reverence every incident in his romantic
history. This enthusiasm for Gustavus Vasa is more than sentiment; it
belongs to him as leader in a vast political upheaval. When Gustavus
came upon the stage, the Swedish people had long been groaning under a
foreign despotism. During more than a century their political existence
had been ignored, their rights as freemen trampled in the dust. They had
at last been goaded into a spirit of rebellion, and were already
struggling to be free. What they most needed was a leader with courage
to summon them to arms, and with perseverance to keep them in the
field. Possessing these traits beyond all others, Gustavus called his
people forth to war, and finally brought them through the war to
victory. This revolution extended over a period of seven years,--from
the uprising of the Dalesmen in 1521 to the coronation of Gustavus in
1528. It is a period that should be of interest, not only to the student
of history, but also to the lover of romance. In order to render the
exact nature of the struggle clear, I have begun the narrative at a time
considerably before the revolution, though I have not entered deeply
into details till the beginning of the war in 1521. By the middle of the
year 1523, when Gustavus was elected king, actual warfare had nearly
ceased, and the scenes of the drama change from the battle-field to the
legislative chamber. In this period occurred the crowning act of the
revolution; namely, the banishment of the Romish Church and clergy.
The history of the Swedish Revolution has never before been written in
the English language. Even Gustavus Vasa is but little known outside his
native land. Doubtless this is due in large measure to the difficulties
which beset a study of the period. It is not a period to which the
student of literature can turn with joy. One who would know Gustavus
well must traverse a vast desert of dreary reading, and pore over many
volumes of verbose despatches before he can find a drop of moisture to
relieve the arid soil. Sweden in the early part of the sixteenth century
was not fertile in literary men. Gustavus himself, judged by any
rational standard, was an abominable writer. His despatches are in
number almost endless and in length appalling. Page after page he runs
on, seemingly with no other object than to use up time. Often a document
covers four folios, which might easily have been compressed into a
single sentence. Such was the habit of the age. A simple letter from a
man to his wife consisted mainly of a mass of stereotyped expressions of
respect. Language was used apparently to conceal vacuity of mind. Toward
the close of the monarch's reign there was a marked improvement in
literary style, and some few works of that period possess real worth.
These have recently been printed, and as a rule have been edited with
considerable care. The king's despatches are also being systematically
printed by the authorities of the Royal Archives at Stockholm, and the
cloud of ignorance which has hitherto hung over the head of Sweden's
early monarch is lifting fast. The tenth volume of the king's
despatches, known as _Gustaf I.'s registratur_ has now been published,
carrying this contemporary transcript of the king's letters down to the
summer of 1535. The only documents bearing on the Swedish Revolution and
not yet published, are the MSS. known as _Gustaf I.'s radslagar_,
_Gustaf I.'s acta historica_, and _Gustaf I.'s bref med bilagor_,--all
to be found in the Royal Archives at Stockholm,--and the MSS. known as
the _Palmskioeld samlingar_ in the Upsala Library. All these I have
carefully examined. I have also browsed during several months among the
libraries of Sweden, and have spared no pains to get at everything,
written or printed, contemporary or subsequent, that might throw light
upon the subject. The most important of these materials are mentioned in
the bibliography inserted immediately before the Index to this work. In
order to add vividness as well as accuracy to the narrative, I have
visited personally nearly all the battle-fields and other spots
connected with this history. My descriptions of the leading
contemporaries of Gustavus are based on a careful study of the portraits
in the Gripsholm gallery, most of which were painted from life.
Finally, a word of thanks is due to the libraries and archives from
which I have derived most aid. Of these the chief are the British
Museum, the University Library at Upsala, and above all, the Royal
Library and the Royal Archives at Stockholm. To the last two
institutions I owe more than I can express. They are the storehouses of
Swedish history, and their doors were thrown open to me with a
generosity and freedom beyond all that I could hope. I wish here to
thank my many friends, the custodians of these treasures, for the
personal encouragement and assistance they have lent me in the
prosecution of this work.
_August 15, 1889._
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH OF GUSTAVUS VASA. 1496-1513.
PAGE
Birth of Gustavus.--His Ancestors.--Anarchy in Sweden.--Its
Causes: Former Independence of the People; Growth of
Christianity; Growth of the Aristocracy; the Cabinet;
Enslavement of Sweden; Revolt of the People against
Denmark.--Christiern I.--Sten Sture.--Hans.--Svante
Sture.--Sten Sture the Younger.--Childhood of
Gustavus.--His Education at Upsala 1
CHAPTER II.
FIRST MILITARY ADVENTURES OF GUSTAVUS;
A PRISONER IN DENMARK. 1514-1519.
Description of Stockholm.--Christina Gyllenstjerna.--Hemming
Gad.--Christiern II.--Gustaf Trolle.--Dissension between
Sten Sture and Gustaf Trolle.--Siege of Staeket.--First
Expedition of Christiern II. against Sweden.--Trial of the
Archbishop.--Arcimboldo.--Second Expedition of Christiern
II. against Sweden.--Capture of Gustavus Vasa.--Resignation
of the Archbishop.--Hostilities of Christiern II.--Farewell
of Arcimboldo. 28
CHAPTER III.
FLIGHT OF GUSTAVUS; UPRISING OF THE
DALESMEN. 1519-1521.
Escape of Gustavus from Denmark.--Lubeck.--Return of Gustavus
to Sweden.--Excommunication of Sture.--Invasion of
Sweden.--Death of Sture.--Dissolution of the Swedish
Army.--Heroism of Christina.--Battle of Upsala.--Gustavus
at Kalmar.--Fall of Stockholm.--Coronation of Christiern
II.--Slaughter of the Swedes.--Flight of Gustavus to
Dalarne.--Efforts to rouse the Dalesmen.--Gustavus chosen
Leader. 59
CHAPTER IV.
WAR OF INDEPENDENCE; ELECTION OF GUSTAVUS
TO THE THRONE. 1521-1523.
Causes of the War.--Character of the Dalesmen.--Growth of
the Patriot Army.--Didrik Slagheck.--Battle of
Koeping.--Capture of Vesteras; of Upsala.--Skirmish with
Trolle.--Skirmishes near Stockholm.--Siege of
Stegeborg.--Norby.--Rensel.--Brask.--Progress of the
War.--Coinage of Gustavus.--Christiern's Troubles in
Denmark.--Siege of Stockholm.--Fall of Kalmar.--Diet of
Strengnaes.--Fall of Stockholm.--Retrospect of the War. 90
CHAPTER V.
BEGINNINGS OF THE REFORMATION. 1523-1524.
Nature of the Reformation in Europe.--Cause of the
Reformation in Sweden.--The Debt to Lubeck.--Riches
of the Church.--Relations of Gustavus to the
Pope.--Johannes Magni.--New Taxation.--Dissension
among the People.--Opposition of Gustavus to the
Pope.--Trial of Peder Sunnanvaeder.--Expedition against
Gotland.--Repudiation of the "Klippings."--Berent
von Mehlen.--Negotiations between Fredrik and
Norby.--Congress of Malmoe.--Efforts to appease the
People.--Lutheranism.--Olaus Petri.--Laurentius
Andreae.--Brask's Efforts to repress Heresy.--Religious
Tendencies of Gustavus.--Character of Brask. 118
CHAPTER VI.
RELIGIOUS DISCORD AND CIVIL WAR. 1524-1525.
Riot of the Anabaptists.--Contest between Olaus Petri and
Peder Galle.--Marriage of Petri.--Conspiracy of Norby; of
Christina Gyllenstjerna; of Mehlen; of Sunnanvaeder.--Attitude
of Fredrik to Gustavus.--Proposition of Gustavus to resign
the Crown.--Norby's Incursion into Bleking.--Surrender of
Visby.--Flight of Mehlen.--Fall of Kalmar. 165
CHAPTER VII.
DEALINGS WITH FOREIGN POWERS. 1525-1527.
Negotiations between Fredrik and Gustavus.--Treachery of
Norby.--Sunnanvaeder and the Cabinet of Norway.--Overthrow
and Death of Norby.--Trial and Execution of Knut and
Sunnanvaeder.--Debt to Lubeck.--Treaty with Russia; with
the Netherlands.--Dalarne and the Lubeck Envoys.--Swedish
Property in Denmark.--Province of Viken.--Refugees in
Norway. 190
CHAPTER VIII.
INTERNAL ADMINISTRATION. 1525-1527.
Nature of the Period.--Translation of the Bible.--Quarrel
between the King and Brask.--Opposition to the
Monasteries.--High-handed Measures of the King.--Second
Disputation between Petri and Galle.--Opposition to Luther's
Teaching.--Banishment of Magni.--Further Opposition to the
Monasteries.--Revolt of the Dalesmen.--Diet of
Vesteras.--"Vesteras Recess."--"Vesteras Ordinantia."--Fall
of Brask; his Flight; his Character. 220
CHAPTER IX.
CORONATION OF THE KING. 1528.
Reasons for Delay of the Coronation.--Preparations for the
Ceremony.--Consecration of the Bishops.--Coronation
Festival.--Retrospect of the Revolution.--Character
of Gustavus. 268
BIBLIOGRAPHY 277
INDEX 293
ILLUSTRATIONS.
PAGE
Seal of Bishop Brask. Bears the inscription: S[IGILLVM]
IOH[ANN]IS DEI GRA[CIA] EPI[SCOPI] LINCOPENSIS 103
"Klipping" issued by Gustavus Vasa in 1521 or 1522. On one
side, the bust of a man in armor. On the other, crowns and
arrows, with the inscription: ERI[KS]SO[N] 107
Medal struck in commemoration of the deliverance of Sweden
in 1522. On one side, a half-length figure of Gustavus
Vasa, with the date 1522 and the inscription: GVSTAF
ERICSEN G[VBERNATOR] R[EGNI] S[VECIAE]. On the other,
crowns and arrows, with the inscription: PROTEGE NOS IESV 116
Coin issued in Stockholm in 1522. On one side, the
inscription: GOSTA[F] ERI[KS] SO[N] 1522, and in the
centre, G[VBERNATOR]. On the other, a crown, with the
inscription: MONET[A] STO[C]KHOLM[ENSIS] 122
Coin issued in Stockholm in 1522. On one side, a full-length
figure, with the inscription: S[ANCTVS] ERICVS REX
SWECIEI. On the other, crowns and arrows, with the
inscription: MONE[TA] STO[C]KHOLM[ENSIS] 1522 122
Coin issued in Stockholm in 1522 or 1523. On one side, three
crowns, with the inscription: S[ANCTVS] ERICVS REX
SVE[CIAE]. On the other, the inscription: MONETA
STOC[K]HO[LMENSIS] 122
Coin issued in Upsala in 1523. On one side, a bust with
arrows and sheaves of corn, and the inscription: S[ANCTVS]
ERICVS REX SWECIE. On the other, three crowns, with the
inscription: MONE[TA] NOVA VPSAL[ENSIS] 1523 123
Coin issued in Vesteras in 1523. On one side, a crown, with
the inscription: GOST[AF] REX SWECIE. On the other, three
crowns, with the inscription: MONE[TA] NOVA
WESTAR[OSIENSIS] 123
Coin issued at the coronation of Gustavus Vasa in 1528. On
one side, a full-length figure of the king, with crown,
sword, and sceptre, and the inscription: GOSTAVS D[EI]
G[RACIA] SVECORVM REX. On the other, the inscription:
MONET[A] NOVA STO[C]K[H]OL[MENSIS] 1528 272
THE SWEDISH REVOLUTION.
CHAPTER I.
CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH OF GUSTAVUS VASA. 1496-1513.
Birth of Gustavus.--His Ancestors.--Anarchy in Sweden.--Its Causes:
Former Independence of the People; Growth of Christianity; Growth of
the Aristocracy; the Cabinet; Enslavement of Sweden; Revolt of the
People against Denmark.--Christiern I.--Sten Sture.--Hans.--Svante
Sture.--Sten Sture the Younger.--Childhood of Gustavus.--His
Education at Upsala.
The manor of Lindholm lies in the centre of a smiling district about
twenty miles north of the capital of Sweden. Placed on a height between
two fairy lakes, it commands a wide and varied prospect over the
surrounding country. The summit of this height was crowned, at the close
of the fifteenth century, by a celebrated mansion. Time and the ravages
of man have long since thrown this mansion to the ground; but its
foundation, overgrown with moss and fast crumbling to decay, still marks
the site of the ancient structure, and from the midst of the ruins rises
a rough-hewn stone bearing the name Gustavus Vasa. On this spot he was
born, May 12, 1496.[1] The estate was then the property of his
grandmother, Sigrid Baner, with whom his mother was temporarily
residing, and there is no reason to think it continued long the home of
the young Gustavus.
The family from which Gustavus sprang had been, during nearly a hundred
years, one of the foremost families of Sweden. Its coat-of-arms
consisted of a simple _vase_, or bundle of sticks; and the Vasa estate,
at one time the residence of his ancestors, lay only about ten miles to
the north of Lindholm.[2] The first Vasa of whom anything is definitely
known is Kristiern Nilsson, the great-grandfather of Gustavus. This man
became noted in the early part of the fifteenth century as an ardent
monarchist, and under Erik held the post of chancellor. After the fall
of his master, in 1436, his office was taken from him, but he continued
to battle for the cause of royalty until his death. Of the chancellor's
three sons, the two eldest followed zealously in the footsteps of their
father. The other, Johan Kristersson, though in early life a stanch
supporter of King Christiern, and one of the members of his Cabinet,
later married a sister of Sten Sture, and eventually embraced the
Swedish cause. Birgitta, the wife of Johan Kristersson, is said to have
been descended from the ancient Swedish kings.[3] The youngest son of
Johan and Birgitta was Erik Johansson, the father of Gustavus. Of Erik's
early history we know little more than that he married Cecilia, daughter
of Magnus Karlsson and Sigrid Baner, and settled at Rydboholm, an estate
which he inherited from his father. To this place, beautifully situated
on an arm of the Baltic, about ten miles northeast of the capital,
Cecilia returned with her little boy from Lindholm; and here Gustavus
spent the first years of his childhood.
Sweden at this period was in a state of anarchy. In order to appreciate
the exact condition of affairs, it will be necessary to cast a glance at
some political developments that had gone before. Sweden was originally
a confederation of provinces united solely for purposes of defence. Each
province was divided into several counties, which were constituted in
the main alike. Every inhabitant--if we except the class of slaves,
which was soon abolished--was either a landowner or a tenant. The
tenants were freemen who owned no land of their own, and hence rented
the land of others. All landowners possessed the same rights, though
among them were certain men of high birth, who through their large
inheritances were much more influential than the rest. Matters
concerning the inhabitants of one county only were regulated by the
county assemblies, to which all landowners in the county, and none
others, were admitted. These assemblies were called and presided over by
the county magistrate, elected by general vote at some previous
assembly. All law cases arising in the county were tried before the
assembly, judgment being passed, with consent of the assembly, by the
county magistrate, who was expected to know and expound the traditional
law of his county. Questions concerning the inhabitants of more than one
county were regulated by the provincial assemblies, composed of all
landowners in the province, and presided over by the provincial
magistrate, elected by all the landowners in his province. The power of
the provincial magistrate in the province was similar to that of the
county magistrate in the county; and to his judgment, with consent of
the assembly, lay an appeal from every decision of the county
magistrates. Above all the provinces was a king, elected originally by
the provincial assembly of Upland, though in order to gain the
allegiance of the other provinces he was bound to appear before their
individual assemblies and be confirmed by them. His duty was expressed
in the old formula, "landom rada, rike styre, lag styrke, och frid
halla," which meant nothing more than that he was to protect the
provinces from one another and from foreign powers. In order to defray
the expense of strengthening the kingdom, he was entitled to certain
definite taxes from every landowner, and half as much from every tenant,
in the land. These taxes he collected through his courtiers, who in the
early days were men of a very inferior class,--mere servants of the
king. They lived on the crown estates, which we find in the very
earliest times scattered through the land. Besides his right to collect
taxes, the king, as general peacemaker, was chief-justice of the realm,
and to him lay an appeal from every decision rendered by a provincial
magistrate. Such, in brief, was the constitution of Sweden when first
known in history.
Christianity, first preached in Sweden about the year 830, brought with
it a diminution of the people's rights. When the episcopal dioceses were
first marked out, the people naturally kept in their own hands the
right to choose their spiritual rulers, who were designated
_lydbiskopar_, or the people's bishops. But in 1164 the Court of Rome
succeeded in establishing, under its own authority, an archbishopric at
Upsala; and by a papal bull of 1250 the choice of Swedish bishops was
taken from the people and confided to the cathedral chapters under the
supervision of the pope. As soon as the whole country became converted,
the piety of the people induced them to submit to gross impositions at
the hands of those whom they were taught to regard as God's
representatives on earth. In 1152 the so-called "Peter's Penning" was
established, an annual tax of one penning from every individual to the
pope. Besides this, it became the law, soon after, that all persons must
pay a tenth of their annual income to the Church, and in addition there
were special taxes to the various bishops, deans, and pastors. A still
more productive source of revenue to the Church was death-bed piety,
through which means a vast amount of land passed from kings or wealthy
individuals to the Church. By a law of the year 1200 the clergy were
declared no longer subject to be tried for crime in temporal courts; and
by the end of the thirteenth century the Church had practically ceased
to be liable for crown taxation. It requires but a moment's thought to
perceive how heavy a burden all these changes threw on the body of the
nation.
Simultaneously with the spread of Christianity still another power began
to trample on the liberties of the people. This was the power of the
sword. In early times, before civilization had advanced enough to give
everybody continuous employment, most people spent their leisure moments
in making war. Hence the Swedish kings, whose duty it was to keep the
peace, could accomplish that result only by having a large retinue of
armed warriors at their command. The expense which this entailed was
great. Meantime the crown estates had continually increased in number
through merger of private estates of different kings, through crown
succession to estates of foreigners dying without descendants in the
realm, and through other sources. Some of the kings, therefore, devised
the scheme of enlisting the influential aristocracy in their service by
granting them fiefs in the crown estates, with right to all the crown
incomes from the fief. This plan was eagerly caught at by the
aristocrats, and before long nearly all the influential people in the
realm were in the service of the king. Thus the position of royal
courtier, which had formerly been a mark of servitude, was now counted
an honor, the courtiers being now commonly known as magnates. About the
year 1200 castles were first erected on some of the crown estates, and
the magnates who held these castles as fiefs were not slow to take
advantage of their power. Being already the most influential men in
their provinces, and generally the county or provincial magistrates,
they gradually usurped the right to govern the surrounding territory,
not as magistrates of the people, but as grantees of the crown estates.
Since these fiefs were not hereditary, the rights usurped by the holders
of them passed, on the death of the grantees, to the crown, and in 1276
we find a king granting not only one of his royal castles, but also
right of administration over the surrounding land. Thus, by continual
enlargement of the royal fiefs, the authority of the provincial
assemblies, and even of the county assemblies, was practically
destroyed. Still, these assemblies continued to exist, and in them the
poor landowners claimed the same rights as the more influential
magnates. The magnates, as such, possessed no privileges, and were only
powerful because of their wealth, which enabled them to become courtiers
or warriors of the king. In 1280, however, a law was passed exempting
all mounted courtiers from crown taxation. This law was the foundation
of the nobility of Sweden. It divided the old landowners, formerly all
equal, into two distinct classes,--the knights, who were the mounted
warriors of the king; and the poorer landowners, on whom, together with
the class of tenants, was cast the whole burden of taxation. With the
progress of time, exemption from crown taxation was extended to the sons
of knights unless, on reaching manhood, they failed to serve the king
with horse. The knights were thus a privileged and hereditary class.
Those of the old magnates who did not become knights were known as
armigers, or armor-clad foot-soldiers. The armigers also became an
hereditary class, and before long they too were exempted from crown
taxation. In many cases the armigers were raised to the rank of knights.
Thus the wealthy landowners increased in power, while the poor, who
constituted the great body of the nation, grew ever poorer. Many, to
escape the taxes shifted to their shoulders from the shoulders of the
magnates, sank into the class of tenants, with whom, indeed, they now
had much in common. The sword had raised the strong into a privileged
aristocracy, and degraded the weak into a down-trodden peasantry.
The aristocracy and the Church,--these were the thorns that sprang up to
check the nation's growth. Each had had the same source,--a power
granted by the people. But no sooner were they independent of their
benefactors, than they made common cause in oppressing the peasantry who
had given them birth. They found their point of union in the Cabinet.
This was originally a body of men whom the king summoned whenever he
needed counsel or support. Naturally he sought support among the chief
men of his realm. As the power of the Church and aristocracy increased,
the king was practically forced to summon the chief persons in these
classes to his Cabinet, and furthermore, in most cases, to follow their
advice; so that by the close of the thirteenth century the Cabinet had
become a regular institution, whose members, known as Cabinet lords,
governed rather than advised the king. In the early part of the
fourteenth century this institution succeeded in passing a law that each
new king must summon his Cabinet immediately after his election. The
same law provided that no foreigner could be a member of the Cabinet;
that the archbishop should be _ex officio_ a member; that twelve laymen
should be summoned, but no more; and that, in addition, the king might
summon as many of the bishops and clergy as he wished. As a matter of
fact this law was never followed. The Cabinet lords practically formed
themselves into a close corporation, appointing their own successors or
compelling the king to appoint whom they desired. Generally the members
were succeeded by their sons, and in very many instances we find fathers
and sons sitting in the Cabinet together. A person once a Cabinet lord
was such for life. The law providing that the archbishop should have a
seat in the Cabinet was strictly followed, and in practice the bishops
were also always members. The other clergy seem never to have been
summoned except in certain instances to aid their bishops or represent
them when they could not come. The provincial magistrates were generally
members, though not always. As to the number of temporal lords, it was
almost invariably more than twelve, sometimes double as many. From the
very first, this self-appointed oligarchy saw that in unity was
strength; and while the different members of the royal family were
squabbling among themselves, the Cabinet seized the opportunity to
increase its power. Though not entitled to a definite salary, it was
regularly understood that Cabinet lords were to be paid by grants of the
chief fiefs; and when these fiefs were extended so as to embrace the
whole, or nearly the whole, of a province, the grant of such a fief
ordinarily carried with it the office of provincial magistrate. Thus the
Cabinet became the centre of administration for the kingdom. From this
it gradually usurped the right to legislate for the whole realm, to lay
new taxes on the people, and to negotiate treaties with foreign powers.
Lastly, it robbed the people of their ancient right to nominate and
confirm their kings. These prerogatives, however, were not exercised
without strong opposition. Throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries the peasantry battled with vigor against the arrogant
assumptions of the Cabinet, never relinquishing their claim to be
governed as of yore. This struggle against the encroachments of the
oligarchy at last resulted in the revolution under Gustavus Vasa. Hence
we may with profit trace the relation between the Cabinet and the people
from the start.
The first case in which the Cabinet distinctly asserted an authority
over the whole land occurred in 1319, when the king, after a long and
bitter struggle with different members of the royal house, had finally
been driven from the throne. The Cabinet then resolved to place the
crown on the head of the former monarch's grandson, a child but three
years old. With this in view, they called all the magnates in the realm
and four peasants from every county to a general diet, where the
chancellor of the Cabinet stepped forward with the infant in his arms,
and moved that this infant be elected king. "Courtiers, peasantry, and
all with one accord responded, 'Amen.'" This was the first general diet
held in Sweden, and it showed a marked decline in the people's rights.
From beginning to end the proceedings of this diet were regulated by the
Cabinet, and the people were practically forced to acquiesce. Even had
the people possessed a real voice in the election, their influence would
have been far less than formerly, since here they had but four
representatives from each county against the entire class of magnates,
whereas originally every landowner, whether magnate or peasant, had an
equal vote. During the minority of this king the power of the Cabinet
made rapid strides. He was forced to borrow from them enormous sums of
money, for which he mortgaged nearly all the royal castles; so that when
he came of age he was thoroughly under the dominion of the Cabinet. He
struggled hard, however, to shake off his shackles, and with some
success. Among other things, he passed a law which was intended to
restore to the people at large their ancient right to choose their
kings. This law provided that whenever a king was to be chosen, each
provincial magistrate, with the assent of all landowners in his
province, should select twelve men, who on a day appointed were to meet
in general diet with all the magistrates, and choose the king. Unhappily
this law was never followed, though the king by whom it was enacted
struggled hard to maintain the people's rights. In 1359, after a series
of internal disorders, his Cabinet compelled him to call a meeting of
all the magnates in the realm; but in addition to the magnates he
summoned also delegates from the peasantry and burghers, evidently with
a view to gain their aid in curbing the insolence of the Cabinet. This
was the second general diet. From this time forth the king did all he
could to strengthen the people, until at last he banished a number of
his chief opponents. They thereupon, in 1363, offered the crown to
Albert of Mecklenburg, who by their aid succeeded in overthrowing the
king and getting possession of the throne. For a time now the Cabinet
had things nearly as they wished. In 1371 they forced the king to grant
them all the royal estates as fiefs, and to declare that on the death of
any one of them his successor should be chosen by the survivors. This
astounding grant the Cabinet owed chiefly to the influence of their
chancellor, Bo Jonsson, who had done more than any other to set Albert
on the throne; and to him were granted as fiefs all the royal castles.
In 1386 he died, leaving all his fiefs, by will, to the chief magnates
of the land. Against this Albert ventured to protest. He called in a
large number of his German countrymen, and by their aid recovered a
large portion of his power. He then began distributing royal favors
among them with a lavish hand, to the detriment of the Swedish magnates.
These magnates therefore turned, in 1388, to Margaret, regent of Denmark
and Norway, and offered her the regency of Sweden, promising to
recognize as king whomever she should choose. In 1389 she entered Sweden
with her army, overthrew King Albert, and got possession of the throne.
In 1396 the Swedish Cabinet, at her desire, elected her nephew, Erik of
Pomerania, already king of Denmark and Norway, to be king of Sweden; and
on the 17th of June, 1397, he was crowned at Kalmar.[4] Thus began the
celebrated Kalmar Union, one of the greatest political blunders that a
nation ever made. It was the voluntary enslavement of a whole people to
suit the whims of a few disgruntled magnates.
The century following this catastrophe was marked by violence and
bloodshed. In all the setting up and pulling down of kings which ended
in the Kalmar Union, the Swedish peasantry, now the body of the nation,
had had no part. They had long watched in silence the overpowering
growth of the magnates and of the Church; they had seen their own rights
gradually, but surely, undermined; and they now beheld the whole nation
given into the hand of a foreign king. All this tyranny was beginning to
produce its natural effect. A spirit of rebellion was spreading fast.
However, open insurrection was for the moment averted by the prudence of
the regent; so long as she lived the people were tolerably content. She
ruled the Cabinet with an iron hand, and refused to appoint a
chancellor, the officer who had hitherto done much to bind the Cabinet
together. After her death Erik attempted to carry out a similar policy,
and introduced a number of foreigners into the Swedish Cabinet. But his
continual absence from the realm weakened his administration, and gave
great license to his officers, who by their cruelty won the hatred of
the people. At last, in 1433, the peasantry of Dalarne rebelled against
the tyranny of the steward whom their Danish ruler had put over them,
and in 1435, under the leadership of a courageous warrior, Engelbrekt
Engelbrektsson, compelled the king to call a general diet, the first
since 1359, consisting of all the people in the realm who cared to take
part. This diet, under the enthusiasm of the moment, elected Engelbrekt
commander of the kingdom. But the hopes of the peasantry were soon
blasted. In the next year Engelbrekt was murdered by a Swedish magnate,
and by a general diet Karl Knutsson, another magnate, was chosen to fill
his place. King Erik was now tottering to his fall. He was no longer
king in anything but name. His fall, however, benefited only the
magnates of the realm. By a general diet of 1438, to which all people in
the realm were called, Knutsson was elected regent. But his reign came
in the next year to an untimely end. His fellow-magnates, jealous of his
power, forced him to lay it down; and in 1440 the Cabinet called Erik's
nephew, Christopher of Bavaria, already king of Denmark, to the Swedish
throne. Thus ended the first effort of the Swedish peasantry to throw
off the Danish yoke. It had begun with high promises for the people, but
had ended in the restoration of the Cabinet to all its former power.
From this time forth the Cabinet was again practically the governing
body in the realm. But it was no longer at unity with itself. One party,
led by the great house of Oxenstjerna, was for preserving the Union. The
other consisted of the adherents of Karl Knutsson, who hoped to put the
crown on his own head. In 1448 King Christopher died, and, in the
difference of feeling which reigned, the Cabinet called a general diet
of all the magnates with representatives from the peasantry and
burghers, that the people at large might choose of the two evils that
which pleased them best. The result was that Karl Knutsson was elected
king. From this time till his death, in 1470, he was in perpetual
warfare with the king of Denmark, with the Swedish priesthood, who had
now grown fat under Danish rule and wished to continue so, and with the
hostile party among the magnates. Twice he was forced to lay down the
crown only to take it up again. Throughout his reign, though in some
regards a despot, he was, at all events, the champion of the Swedish
magnates as opposed to those who favored the continuance of foreign
rule. In 1470 he died, after having intrusted Stockholm Castle to his
nephew, Sten Sture. The dissension that now reigned throughout the land
was great. On one side were the powerful Vasa and Oxenstjerna families,
striving to put Christiern I. of Denmark on the throne. On the other
side was Sten Sture, the Tott, Gyllenstjerna, Bonde, Bjelke, and Natt
och Dag families, supported by the burgher element in Stockholm and the
peasantry of Dalarne. With such odds on their side the issue could not
long be doubtful. At a general diet held in 1471, Sten Sture was chosen
regent of the kingdom. It is impossible to overrate the significance of
this event. This was the first time that the burgher element played an
important part in the election of Sweden's ruler. The peasantry had once
before been prominent, but so long as the oligarchy held firmly
together, their actual influence had been slight. Now the ranks of the
oligarchy were broken. One party looked for supporters in Denmark and in
the Church; the other, now gaining the upper hand, was distinctly the
party of the people. The very name of regent, which was granted to Sten
Sture, bears witness to the popular character of the movement. And this
was destined to be the tendency of the current during the next
half-century. There were many difficulties, however, with which the
patriot party had to contend. In the first place, the Swedish party was
in lack of funds. An enormous proportion of the kingdom was exempt from
taxes, being held by magnates, who by this time claimed the right to
inherit their fathers' fiefs with all the ancient privileges, but
without the ancient duty to render military service. In this juncture
war broke out with Russia, at the same time that the kingdom was
continually harassed by Christiern, king of Denmark. It was clear that
some new mode must be discovered for raising money. The peasantry were
already groaning under a heavier load than they could bear. Sten
therefore turned to some of the magnates, and demanded of them that they
should give up a portion of their fiefs. They of course resisted, and
his whole reign was occupied with a struggle to make them yield. In 1481
Christiern, king of Denmark, died, and was succeeded by his son Hans.
The efforts of Sten Sture to curb the magnates had rendered him so
unpopular among them, that the Swedish Cabinet now opened negotiations
with the new king of Denmark. These negotiations resulted in a meeting
of the Cabinets of the three Northern kingdoms, held at Kalmar in 1483.
This body promulgated a decree, known in history as the Kalmar Recess,
accepting Hans as king of Sweden. To this decree Sten Sture reluctantly
affixed his seal. The main clauses of the decree were these: No one in
Sweden was to be held accountable for past opposition to King Hans; the
king was to live one year alternately in each kingdom; the high posts as
well as the fiefs of Sweden should be granted to none but Swedes; and
the magnates should be free to fortify their estates and refuse the king
admittance. This decree, if strictly followed, would have practically
freed Sweden from the yoke of Denmark. But as a matter of fact it was
several years before it was destined to go into operation at all. The
Swedish Cabinet were determined that no step should be taken to put the
decree into effect until certain preliminary duties were discharged;
among them, the cession of the island of Gotland to Sweden. These
preliminaries Hans was in no hurry to perform. Meantime Sten Sture
continued to act as regent. His path remained as rugged as before. Beset
on all sides by enemies, each struggling for his own aggrandizement,
Sten had all he could do to keep the kingdom from going to pieces. In
every measure to increase the income of the crown he was hampered by the
overweening power of the Cabinet, who were reluctant to give up a jot or
tittle of their ill-acquired wealth. Chief among his opponents was the
archbishop, Jacob Ulfsson,--a man of rare ability, but of high birth and
far too fond of self-advancement. Another enemy, who ought to have been
a friend, was Svante Sture, a young magnate of great talent, who first
became imbittered against his illustrious namesake because the latter,
on the death of Svante's father, in 1494, claimed that the fiefs which
he had held should be surrendered to the crown. Of Erik Trolle, another
opponent of Sten Sture, we shall see more hereafter. His strongest
supporter was one Hemming Gad, a learned, eloquent, and dauntless
gentleman, who also was to play a leading role before many years were
past. In 1493 war broke out again with Russia, and Hans resolved to
seize this opportunity to make good his claims in Sweden. He opened
negotiations once more with the disaffected members of the Cabinet,
still hoping to make compromise with Sture; they hesitated, they
promised, and then made new demands; and it was in the midst of this
elaborate trifling, while the regent was in Finland conducting the
Russian war, that Gustavus Vasa was born at Lindholm.
Affairs in Sweden were now fast coming to a crisis. The fitful struggle
of a century had at last assumed a definite and unmistakable direction.
All Sweden was now divided into two distinct and hostile camps, and to
the dullest intellect it was clear as day that Sweden was soon to be the
scene of open war. In the autumn of 1496 the Cabinet, seeing that Sture
was thoroughly determined to check their power, resolved to hesitate no
longer. They therefore despatched a messenger to Hans, inviting him to a
congress of the three realms to be held at midsummer of the following
year, when, as they gave him reason to expect, the Kalmar Recess should
be put into effect. This news being brought to Sture in Finland, he set
forth post-haste for Sweden, and called a meeting of the Cabinet. The
members failed to appear on the day appointed, and when at last they
came, they were accompanied by a large body of armed retainers. At a
session held in Stockholm on the 7th of March, the Cabinet declared
Sture deposed, assigning as reasons, first, that he had mismanaged the
war with Russia, and, secondly, that he had maltreated certain of the
Swedish magnates. The regent waited two days before making a reply, and
then informed the Cabinet that, as he had been appointed to the regency
by joint action of the Cabinet and people, he felt bound to hold it till
requested by the same powers to lay it down. The Cabinet had nothing for
it but to acquiesce, and letters were issued summoning a general diet.
That diet, however, was never held. On the very day when the Cabinet
made its armistice with Sture, Hans put forth a declaration of war, and
at once proceeded with his fleet to Kalmar. The enemies of Sture now
openly embraced the Danish cause; and the regent was forced to go to
Dalarne, to get together a force with which to defend the kingdom. Here
he was received with enthusiasm by the people, who saw in him the
defender of their rights. At the head of a detachment of Dalesmen,
reinforced by his army now recalled from Finland, he marched to Upsala,
and laid siege to the archbishop's palace. By the middle of July it
fell; and Sture advanced to Staeket, a strongly fortified castle of the
archbishop, about thirty miles south of Upsala. While beleaguering this
place, he learned that a portion of the Danish forces were advancing on
the capital. He therefore relinquished the siege of Staeket, and
proceeded to Stockholm, where he held himself in readiness to repel the
enemy. On the 29th of September, being led by a ruse outside the city,
he was surrounded by the Danes, and was able to recover the castle only
after heavy loss. This battle sealed his fate. Finding himself far
outnumbered, he deemed it wise to yield; and on the 6th of October,
1497, Hans was recognized by him as king.
The reign of Hans lasted about four years. At first he appeared desirous
to promote the welfare of Sweden and to conform to the terms of the
Kalmar Recess. But before long even the Cabinet began to grow weary of
their king. The benefits conferred upon them were not so great as they
had hoped. As for Sture, at his renunciation of the regency he had been
granted extensive fiefs both in Sweden and in Finland; but in 1499 the
king forced him to resign a large portion of these fiefs. The other
members of the Cabinet, now having less cause of jealousy, became more
friendly to Sten Sture. His old enemy, Svante Sture, was at length
reconciled to him through the mediation of their common admirer, Dr.
Hemming Gad. Even with the clergy Sten Sture was now on better terms;
and at his solicitation, in January, 1501, the Chapter of Linkoeping
elected Gad to fill their vacant see. The main ground of complaint
against Hans was that he disregarded the clause of the Recess which
forbade the granting of Swedish fiefs to Danes. Matters reached a crisis
in 1501, when Sten and Svante Sture, Gad, and three others met in
council and took oath to resist the oppression of their foreign ruler.
This step was the signal for a general explosion. On every side the
people rose in arms. Hans was in despair. He first took counsel with his
warm supporter, the archbishop, and then, on the 11th of August, 1501,
set off with his whole fleet for Denmark.
In the royal castle at Stockholm he left his wife Christina, who, with
Erik Trolle and a force of one thousand men, was determined to resist.
Gad, whose election to the bishopric of Linkoeping the pope refused to
ratify, undertook to besiege the castle. Meantime Svante Sture laid
siege to Oerebro, and Sten proceeded to Dalarne and other parts to gather
forces. On the 12th of November the Cabinet again called Sten Sture to
the regency. In February the Castle of Oerebro fell. And still Christina
with her brave followers held out. Not till the 9th of May, after a
bloody assault, could the patriots force a passage. Then they found
that, of the one thousand who had formed the original garrison, but
seventy were alive. Christina was conveyed to Vadstena, where she
remained several months pending negotiations. At the close of the year
1503 she was accompanied to the frontier by the regent, who however was
taken ill on his return journey, and died at Joenkoeping on the 13th of
December, 1503. Sten Sture had done much for Sweden. Though himself a
magnate, and ambitious to increase his power, he was zealous for the
welfare of his country, and did more than any other of his time to awake
Sweden to a sense of her existence as a nation. It was on the foundation
laid by him that a still greater leader was soon to build a mighty
edifice.
On the 21st of January, 1504, at a general diet of the magnates, with
delegates from the burghers and peasantry of Sweden, Svante Sture was
elected regent. His reign was even more warlike than that of his
predecessor. The Cabinet, it is true, had come to see the benefits
resulting from Sten Sture's rule, and the majority of them were lukewarm
adherents of the Swedish party. But Hans was more determined than ever
to seize the crown, and not only harassed Svante throughout his reign by
a long series of invasions, but did all he could to compromise him with
other foreign powers. Svante, however, succeeded in winning many
friends. In 1504 he concluded a truce of twenty years with Russia, which
was extended, by treaty of 1510, to 1564. In 1510 an alliance was also
formed between Sweden and the Vend cities. In 1506 the Dalesmen, at one
of their assemblies, issued a letter to the people of their provinces,
urging them to support Svante with life and limb. But this burst of
enthusiasm was short-lived. The war with Hans hung on. New taxes had to
be imposed, and several fiefs to which different magnates laid claim
were appropriated to the crown. Discontent spread once more, and at a
Cabinet meeting held in September, 1511, Svante was declared deposed. He
refused to yield till heard by a general diet of the kingdom, and while
negotiations were pending, on the 2d of January, 1512, he died.
Nothing could have given certain members of the Cabinet greater
pleasure. The clerical members especially, being warmly attached to the
Danish cause, thought they now saw an opportunity to set Hans on the
throne. About the middle of January the Cabinet came together and, at
the solicitation of Archbishop Ulfsson, resolved to intrust the
government for the time being to Erik Trolle. This gentleman, of whom we
have already seen something, was of high birth as well as talent,
thoroughly versed in affairs, and allied to the Danish party not only by
family connection, but also by reason of large estates in Denmark. He
was, moreover, a warm friend of the archbishop.
However, the hopes of Trolle were not destined to be realized. At the
death of Svante, the Castle of Oerebro was in command of a daring and
ambitious youth of nineteen, known to history as Sten Sture the Younger.
He was Svante's son, and in the preceding year had married Christina
Gyllenstjerna, a great-granddaughter of King Karl Knutsson. Immediately
on hearing of his father's death, he hastened to Vesteras, took
possession of the castle, and despatched a messenger to convey the news
to Stockholm. On the 8th of January the steward of Stockholm Castle
declared his readiness to yield the command to Sture, and within a day
or two the castles of Stegeborg and Kalmar were also given up. The
energy with which this chivalrous youth seized the helm is all the more
astounding when we reflect that he stood almost alone against the
Cabinet. He could not even ask the advice of Gad, his father's trusty
friend, for that doughty patriot was at the moment outside the realm.
But his zeal won him numerous friends among the younger magnates, and
the peasantry throughout the country were on his side. All winter long
the battle raged between the two factions, but meantime Sture
continually grew in favor. No general diet of the kingdom was summoned,
but it was understood on every hand that the matter would be submitted
to the people when they came together on St. Erik's day at Upsala. On
that day, May 18, the archbishop and his followers addressed the people
in the Grand Square at Upsala, and announced that the Cabinet had
resolved to raise Erik Trolle to the regency. But they were met by
shouts from the crowd, who declared that they would have no Danes.
Meantime Sture had been holding a mass-meeting on the so-called Royal
Meadow outside the town, and had been enthusiastically applauded by the
people. Even yet, however, the conflict did not cease. The Cabinet still
clamored for Erik Trolle, and it was not till the 23d of July, when
every hope was gone, that they finally gave way and recognized Sture as
regent. Sture now set forth on a journey through Sweden and Finland,
receiving everywhere the allegiance of the people. All at last seemed in
his favor, when suddenly, on the 20th of February, 1513, the face of
things was changed by the unexpected death of Hans.
Before considering the effect of this catastrophe, let us return to the
little boy whom we last saw on his father's estate at Rydboholm. Even he
was not wholly outside the conflict. His father, Erik, whom we find in
1488 subscribing his name as a knight,[5] took an active part in the
commotions of his times, and early won ill-favor with King Hans. The
young Gustavus in his fifth year, so runs the story, happened to be
playing in the hall of Stockholm Castle, when King Hans espied him,
and, attracted by his winning manners, patted him on the head and said,
"You'll be a great man in your day, if you live." But when he found out
who the child was, he wanted to carry him off to Denmark with him. To
this the boy's great-uncle, Sture, raised serious objections, and lest
the king should use some treachery, hurried Gustavus out of the way at
once.[6] In the very next year, 1501, occurred the rebellion against
Hans, which resulted in the election of Sture to the regency. Erik was
one of the supporters of his uncle throughout this strife, and in 1502
we find him signing a document as member of the Cabinet.[7] About the
same time he was made commandant of Kastelholm Castle.[8] This post,
however, he held but a short time, and then retired to his old estate at
Rydboholm.[9] Among his children, besides Gustavus, were one younger
boy, Magnus, and several girls. Gustavus, we are told, was a handsome,
attractive little fellow, and it is added that in his sports he was
always recognized as leader by his playmates.[10] In 1509, when in his
thirteenth year, he was sent by his parents to Upsala, and placed in a
preparatory school.[11] Soon after, probably in the next year, Gustavus
was admitted to the University. This institution, which had been founded
in 1477, through the persistent efforts of Archbishop Ulfsson, and of
which the archbishop was chancellor, was at this time in a semi-dormant
state. Scarce anything is known either about its professors or about the
number of its students. It is probable, however, that Peder Galle, who
was cantor of the Upsala Chapter so early as 1504,[12] and whose powers
as a theological gladiator will become known to us further on, was one
of the professors. Another was Henrik Sledorn,[13] whom Gustavus later
made his chancellor. Of the progress made by Gustavus in his studies we
know nothing. It may well be surmised, however, that the politics of his
day engrossed a large share of his attention. Upsala was not then the
peaceful town that it now is, and the chancellor of the University was
in the very vortex of the struggle. If Gustavus was still connected with
the University in 1512, we may suppose with reason that he took his part
in the great demonstration which resulted in the election of the
chivalric young Sture.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] With regard to the date of his birth our authorities are hopelessly
confused. Karl IX., whom we should expect to know something about it,
says, in his _Rim-chroen._, p. 2, that his father was seventy-three at
his death, whence we should conclude that he was born in 1487. But
Svart, who was nearer the king's age, and was also the king's confessor
and preacher to the court, says, in his _Gust. I.'s kroen._, p. 1, that
Gustavus was born in 1495, on Ascension day; which in that year, he
adds, fell on the 12th of May. Tegel, _Then stoormecht._, p. 1, agrees
that he was born on Ascension day, and also that he was born on the 12th
of May, but gives, as the year, 1490. Ludvigsson, _Collect._, p. 83,
agrees with Tegel about the year, but says nothing about the day. Now,
it is noteworthy that while the authorities name three different years,
all of them who mention the day agree that it was Ascension day, which
in the year of his birth fell on May 12. Here, then, we have a clew. In
1487 Ascension day fell on May 24, in 1490 on May 21, and in 1495 on May
29; but, singularly enough, in 1485, in 1491, and in 1496 it fell on May
12. The years 1485 and 1491 must be discarded as too early; for the
mother of Gustavus was then not old enough to have a child, her parents
not having married till 1475. This is proved by the grant of dowry from
her father to her mother, which, according to the old law of Sweden, was
made on the day following the marriage. This grant, dated Jan. 16, 1475,
with the seals of Magnus Karlsson and witnesses attached, is still
preserved among the parchment MSS. in the Royal Archives at Stockholm.
It reads thus: "Jack Magens Karlsson i Ekae aff wapn goer vitherligat och
oppenbare thet jack meth mynae frenders och neste wenners godwilge oc
samtyckae vpa rette hindersdagh haffwer wntt och giffwet ... min
elskelikae hustro Siggrid Eskelsdatter efter skrefne gotz till heder och
morgengaffwer.... Som giffwit ok giortt er pa Ekae gard mandagen nest
fore sancti Henrici Episcopi dagh anno domini MCDLXXV." Hence the only
possible date of the boy's birth is May 12, 1496; and this, as we shall
see further on, harmonizes better than any other date with his later
history.
[2] Originally the Vasa arms were black, the bundle of sticks
representing one of the old fascines used in warfare to fill up ditches.
Gustavus changed the color of his arms to gold, and altered the old
fascine into a sheaf of grain.
[3] Svart, _Aehrapred._, pp. 46-47; and Tegel, _Then stoormecht._, pp.
1-2. On this point our authorities agree. Tegel gives a table showing
Birgitta to have been a great-granddaughter of Karl Ulfsson, who,
according to the same table, was a great-grandson of King Erik X. As the
descent is traced through a line of females about whom history is
silent, we lack the means with which to disprove the assertion of our
chroniclers.
[4] Until recently, historians have asserted that Margaret, at the
coronation of her nephew, signed a document providing, among other
things, that the three kingdoms were thereafter to be governed by a
single sovereign, to be elected alternately, if his predecessor died
childless, by each kingdom; that, in case of war in one kingdom, both
the others were to come to the rescue; and that each kingdom was to be
governed strictly according to its own laws. As a matter of fact,
Margaret signed nothing of the kind. The document which gave rise to
this error is still to be seen in the Private Archives at Copenhagen. It
is dated at Kalmar, July 20, 1397, purports to be the work of sixteen of
the chief Swedish magnates, and declares that unless the terms which it
contains are drawn up in six copies, signed by the king, the regent, the
Cabinet, and others, there shall be no lawful union. These six copies,
so far as we know, were never drawn up or signed. But unhappily the
union had been already formed at the coronation a month before, and,
seven days before, these very magnates with fifty-one other persons had
attached their seals to an affidavit of allegiance to their new king.
This affidavit, dated at Kalmar, July 13, 1397, is also still preserved
in the Private Archives at Copenhagen. Both documents are printed in
full in O. S. Rydberg's _Sverges traktater med fraemmande magter_,
Stockh., 1877-1883, 2 vols. 8vo, vol. ii. pp. 560-585.
[5] _Handl. till upplysn. af Finl. haefd._, vol. i. p. 187.
[6] Svart, _Gust. I.'s kroen._, p. 2, and Tegel, _Then stoormecht._, p.
3. Tegel makes this incident occur in the child's seventh year, in 1497.
Here we have another proof that Tegel places the birth of Gustavus too
early. If the child had been born in 1490, this incident could not have
taken place till still later than his seventh year, for Hans did not
become king till 1497.
[7] _Kongl. och furstl. foerlijkn._, pp. 383-384.
[8] Tegel, _Then stoormecht._, p. 3.
[9] In Reuterdahl, _Swensk. Kyrk. hist._, vol. iii. pt. ii. pp. 558-559,
are two letters, dated at Rydboholm, from Erik and his wife to the
regent, Svante Sture.
[10] Svart, _Gust. I.'s kroen._, p. 2.
[11] Svart, _Gust. I.'s kroen._, p. 2, and _Aehrapred._, pp. 50-51. Tegel,
_Then stoormecht._, p. 3, agrees that it was in 1509 that Gustavus was
sent to Upsala, but seems to assert that he was admitted at once to the
University.
[12] C. A. Oernhjelm's _Diplomatarium_, a manuscript preserved in the
Vitterh., Hist., och Antiq. Akad. at Stockholm.
[13] Svart, _Gust. I.'s kroen._, p. 2, and _Aehrapred._, pp. 50-51.