travelling expences for agents, salaries for servants in the employ of
the company, or for the furtherance of any object connected with their
immediate and exclusive interest, ought to be borne by the mercantile
body engaged in the undertaking. A public fund should be set apart to
defray the expences of exploring the country, in order to form
connections and establishments in more distant parts thereof. But as
this tends to the benefit of this nation—of Great Britain and Africa, an
allowance (till the revenue of the latter can defray the expence) should
be made out of the public purse to the mercantile body for this purpose,
government having the power to require satisfactory information how the
money has been expended. The interest of the merchant would induce him
to pay liberally, and, at the same time, to proceed economically. In all
undertakings of this kind, mercantile men can prevent or rectify abuses
easier than any government can do, and, therefore, it becomes more
proper to bestow upon them such an authority, and such an exclusive
privilege, as is here pointed out.
The expence of embassies to the courts of the native powers, which ought
to be frequent, should be borne by Britain at the outset, and afterwards
by the colonial government. The former ought to lend her name and
authority to individuals resident in large cities as consuls or persons
exploring the country, thereby conferring upon all these persons a
degree of importance highly necessary in Africa, and which would not
fail to claim respect from the sovereigns and the people. In all the
chief towns men of this description should, as soon as possible, be
placed, in order to gain the most correct knowledge of the country, its
productions and wants, and to buy, sell, receive, or send off these
productions and supplies, to the general depot where these articles are
directed to be collected in their voyage to, or from Europe, and other
places. This mode of proceeding would sooner teach the natives the value
and utility of their productions and their labour.
The concern being for the general benefit of the nation, should, from
the outset, receive the cordial and unremitting attention and support of
the nation. In all matters, either civil or political, every
establishment must be under the controul of the British government. In
political matters and civil government, none must lift a hand or a foot
in Africa without permission from it. In every thing relating to
commercial affairs, the direction and management must remain entirely in
the hands of the company and its servants, while, at the same time, the
servants of government must be instructed to render the merchants every
protection and assistance requisite to prosecute and extend the trade.
This company, by their charter, ought to have the power to extend their
capital as they may see necessary. This capital may consist of
transferable shares. These shares may be smaller or larger, as may be
judged most convenient. The smaller, however, the better, as it will
give a greater number of persons an opportunity to engage in the
undertaking, and thus create a greater interest in the mother country
for the welfare and prosperity of these African Colonies. Government, in
the first instance, must be at the expence of every outlay for permanent
military establishments, such as proper fortifications and adequate
garrisons; but both the principal and the interest of the outlay ought,
as soon as possible, to be paid from the proceeds of internal taxation,
laid on such things as may be found most eligible. All regulations,
laws, and measures for the government of these colonies, must be formed
by the British Government and Legislature, or subject to their approval
and revisal, always, however, restricted, (could that be supposed
necessary,) in so far as these shall not militate against the interests
of the company or main object of the undertaking.
Provision should be made in every place for the teachers of religion,
and the instructors of youth. A fixed revenue should be raised and
appropriated for this purpose; and it is the people of Africa, and
others who may derive benefit from it, who should defray the expence.
The superstition which degrades and debases Africa must be vanquished by
the spirit and the precepts of the Gospel; and the other, namely, human
sacrifices, wherever we may find these, be prevented by the arm of
power, if necessary. No expence ought to be spared to accomplish these
objects. In this the authority of the company and of the government
should go hand in hand. The blessings of the British constitution should
be gradually extended to the colonists, as their intelligence, power,
and resources increase. At the outset this could not be done with
safety. Justice, however, must be most carefully administered; and in
every thing, Europeans must set a good example, that the liberty
bestowed upon the African population may not be construed by them as a
path to licentiousness. All kinds of African produce and commodities
should be admitted into Great Britain and her other colonies, upon the
same terms as those articles are admitted from other places, with the
exception of sugar, the great staple of our West India Islands, where so
much British capital is vested, and whose cultivation is so expensive. A
considerable time, however, must elapse before any establishment could
be formed in Africa to cultivate sugar to an extent which could affect
the market. There are other points for regulation, which a due
consideration of this important subject, in all its bearings, and the
wisdom and liberality of the British government, will, either now, or in
due time, supply. Having thought much and long on the subject, I only
hint at this with due deference to the opinion of the government and of
the public.
Minor criminals, who are sentenced to be transported from Great Britain,
may be sent to Africa to aid in colonizing it. The punishment also of
many offences against our laws, such as theft, house-breaking, forgery,
&c. when these are not attended with the most aggravating circumstances,
and which are at present capital, may be commuted into banishment to an
African colony. Many, very many of those unhappy individuals who forfeit
their character and lives to the violated laws of their country, and
many who are expatriated from it, are not destitute of talents, and, if
spared, might become useful members of society. In Africa, from
necessity, they must become sober and industrious, or they would soon
end their days. But if they behaved well, they might become greatly
serviceable to their country, to themselves, and to mankind. In Europe,
the remembrance of errors stamps an inferiority upon them in the eyes of
every one, and which too often overcomes every resolution of amendment,
and, considering themselves proscribed outcasts, they are hurried
headlong into the commission of greater crimes. Removed, however, into
the midst of a population such as are in Africa, they would assume an
importance in their own eyes, which would act as a stimulus to keep them
in the paths of virtue. They would see human nature degraded below them,
and men more ignorant and rude than themselves. They would feel their
superiority. They would strive to maintain it. By doing good to others,
which they would then have in their power, the better disposed would
endeavour to make amends for the injuries which they had previously
inflicted upon society. The worst amongst them could still teach
multitudes in Africa much useful knowledge. Removed from the scenes of
their folly and their crimes, and the inducements which led to these,
there would be few, indeed, who would not strive to retrieve their
characters and their fortunes.
For a first offence, expatriation from friends, country, and civilized
society, is, and must be, the severest punishment: removed to Africa
must prove particularly severe. Let the condition of their restoration
to society be their merits, activity, and character in Africa. It is our
duty to reclaim, more than to punish—to restore, rather than to cut off
a member from society. In this we follow, and, ought to follow, the
footsteps of him who came to seek and to save—to preserve, not to
destroy those who had erred. Perhaps 1000 convicts annually might be
sent from Great Britain to Africa—1000, every one of whom might, under
judicious authority, in some degree be made instrumental, in places of
the greatest danger, to teach useful knowledge to the ignorant African.
Under the controlling authority established there, the convict, from the
hopes of forgiveness and restoration to a better rank in the scale of
society, would be led to amend his own life, and reclaim the most
degraded and benighted of his fellow creatures. All, perhaps, would not
act such a part. But many would. If, however, this plan succeeded in
reclaiming five out of ten, and in making these outcasts from British
society the instruments of instructing Africa in any of the arts and
labours of civilized life, how great is the good that will thereby be
effected!
In this voyage (if I may use the expression) for the improvement of
Africa, there are two fatal rocks which we must carefully avoid, if we
wish to escape shipwreck. The first is, that, although the precious
metals (gold in particular) abound in Africa, still we must take care to
direct the exertions of her people to those labours of greater
importance, the profits of which can, at all times, command the precious
metals, and which productions ought, in this case, as well as in every
other, to be only a secondary object. The next is, we ought not to go to
Africa with the rooted idea, that it was Europeans who occasioned
slavery, and created a slave trade in, and with, Africa. If we adopt
this erroneous opinion, in order to act upon it, we shall never take the
right path or proper means to root out the one, or to destroy the other.
It is Africa herself, as has already been remarked, that is the great
root of the evil, though her guilt does not constitute European
innocence, wherever the latter has participated in, or yet continues the
traffic.
The climate of Africa is not worse than in other tropical regions of the
earth, particularly the coast of America from the Rio Bravo to Rio de
Janeiro. On the contrary, about the mouths of the Orinoco, and all along
the coast to the mouth of the Maranon, it is more unhealthy than any
part of the coast of Africa in the neighbourhood of Benin and Biafra.
With proper attention in forming settlements, healthy spots may be
found. It is quite evident, that, in the interior of Africa, such places
must be numerous, and that, freed from the noxious vapours so prevalent
about the mouths of rivers on the coasts, the greatest danger to the
health of Europeans would be the sudden transitions from heat to cold,
which must occur among the prodigious mountains of Africa. The heat, on
these coasts, is by no means oppressive or so great as in other places.
The sky is much obscured with clouds, which mitigate the heat greatly.
With care, these regions of Africa offer no greater objections to
forming settlements in them than many other places so eagerly coveted by
Europeans, and so widely colonized.
I have thus, though feebly I confess, in comparison to the magnitude of
the subject brought forward, completed the object which I had in view,
namely, to call the attention of the British government, and the power
and energies of our people, to an honour of the first rank, and, at the
same time, endeavoured to rouse the resources and enterprize of our
merchants to engage in a trade of the first magnitude. By means of the
Niger and his tributary streams, it is quite evident, that the whole
trade of Central Africa may be rendered exclusively and permanently our
own. The object, at all times of the highest importance, is, at the
present moment, become more particularly so. The feelings and the
efforts of this great nation would most cheerfully embark in the
enterprize. To support and carry into execution the measures necessary
to accomplish this undertaking is worthy of the ministry of Great
Britain, and worthy of the first country of the world. It will confer
immortal honour on our native land—lasting glory on the name and reign
of George the Fourth—bring immense and permanent advantages to Britain,
and bestow incalculable blessings and benefits on Africa. Agriculture,
and manufactures, and commerce, and learning, and religion, will spread
rapidly and widely over a country abounding in the richest productions,
whether on the surface of the earth or below it, but, at present, a
country overspread with the most abject servitude, and sunk in the
deepest ignorance, superstition, and barbarity. Every obstacle will
vanish before judicious and patient exertions. The glory of our
Creator—the good of mankind—the prosperity of our own country—the
interest of the present, and the welfare of future generations—glory,
honour, interest, call us, and, united, point out the sure path to gain
the important end. Let but the noble Union Ensign wave over and be
planted by the stream of the mighty Niger, and the deepest wounds of
Africa are healed. Round it, and to it, the nations from Balia to
Darfur, from Asben to Benin, would gather for safety and protection—the
slave would burst his fetters, and the slave trade be heard of no more.
The road to effect this is open— It is safe—It will soon be occupied by
others; and, if we hesitate, the glory and the advantages will be
wrested from our hands.
FINIS.
* * * * *
_Printed by Balfour & Clarke,
Edinburgh_, 1821.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: There is some reason to believe that the Latitude as here
given, may have been transposed in transcribing, and thus the Latitude
placed for the Longitude. But, having no access to any copy but one, I
have not the means of ascertaining this point. If this transposition has
taken place, then the Sagapola Mountains would be a continuation of the
Usargala Mountains, and a chain extending on the south side of the
desert, till it joined Mount Mandrus. On the other hand, as the river
Subos, which enters the sea in 29° North Lat. is said by Ptolemy to flow
from those mountains, it would fix them as being part of the grand chain
of Mount Atlas.]
[Footnote 2: I strongly suspect that the longitude here has also been
transposed for the latitude.]
[Footnote 3: Verum recentiores Melli regnum claudunt à meridie
Melligetico littore, quo ab regno Melli regnam nomen accepisse
contendunt. Ceterum Melligetam terminant ab oriente promontorio
Palmarium à meridie autem oceano. (Geog. Joannis Blaev. pars tertia, p.
121. Amsterdam, 1662.)]
[Footnote 4: The country of the negroes is called by the Arabs Belad el
Abeed, (Country of Slaves,) and Belad el Genewa, the same as Djenawa.
(Geog. Joannis Blaev. pars tertia, p. 101. Amsterdam, 1662.)]
[Footnote 5: P. 21. Regnum hoc multis Guineæ insignitum vocabulo,
diversumque a vasta illa Guineæ regione quæ meridium versus ultra Gago
Guberque est regna, mercatoribus Afris, Leone teste, Genehoa; Arabibus,
Marmolio auctore, Genewa; incolis autem Genni seu Genee appellatur.
(Geog. Joannis Blaev, pars tertia, p. 104. Amsterdam, 1662.)]
[Footnote 6: In the Encyc. Brit. 5th edition, Gago is said to be
situated south of Timbuctoo and Houssa, and near a range of hills that
run from east to west, from whence issue many rivers that flow north to
the Niger. South of Gago is Dahomy.]
[Footnote 7: “Ab Orientes montes, qui in Deserta quædam procurrint; a
Septentrionibus autema lios quodam montes permeandos ad Guineæ
Mellegeticumque littus ituris,” p. 122.]
[Footnote 8: It is a curious fact, that at Coomassie, the capital of
Ashantee, Bowditch met with a very intelligent Arab, who had witnessed
the battle of Aboukir. He particularly mentioned the blowing up of the
L’Orient, and at the very hour (10 P.M.) that it took place. He was at
Cairo at that time when the French army, he says, came, ill-treated
every one, “took all, and paid for nothing;” and he was there when the
British army, with the Turkish force, drove them away. The British
treated every person well, and paid for every thing. Such were his
accounts, which, as we know well, are perfectly accurate.]
[Footnote 9: A span is 9 inches; 8 spans to a fathom. In Inta only 6 to
the fathom.]
[Footnote 10: With the parts to which the trade is at present
contemplated, the Romans and Egyptians, in the days of Ptolemy, seem to
have been well acquainted. Of Africa he says, “Est autem illa pars mundi
quæ Aphrica dicitur minor spacie quam Asiæ vel Europa: sed pro sua
quantitate ditior est et mirabilior in quantitate. Nam in auro et gemmis
ditissima, est similitur in frugibus, fructibus et olinis. Mirabilissima
etiam producit bestiarum et hominem species et figuras,” &c.]
Transcriber's note:
The changes in the ERRATA regarding the text have been made.
pg 1, Changed: "_by Ptolemy, Ednisi_" to: "_Edrisi_"
pg 1, Changed: "_Sheabiddin, Macknisi, Batouta_" to: "_Mackrisi_"
pg 13, Added ” after "sunt Gir et Niger."
pg 14, Changed: "Arabian chroniclers, viz. Bukri and Mishundi"
to: "Mishuudi"
pg 32, Changed: "the kingom of Melli was situated" to: "kingdom"
pg 36, Changed: "Abulfeda also confirms is account" to: "this"
pg 40, footnote 5, Changed: "Amsterdam, 1669." to: "1662"
pg 42, Changed: "once powerful kingom of Eyeo" to: "kingdom"
pg 89, Changed: "9° 30′ east longitnde" to: "longitude"
pg 102, Changed: "river coutinue westward to Kassena" to: "continue"
pg 103, Changed: "where the ferrry men reside" to: "ferry"
pg 109, Changed: "will be beween Cano and Kashna" to: "between"
pg 123, Changed: "when the “_the water ran_" to:
"when “_the water ran_"
pg 167, Changed: "and 0′ 45′ west longitude" to: "0° 45′"
pg 168, Changed: "mouth of of the Rio Volta" to: "mouth of the"
pg 172, Changed: "Yahndi in north latitude 8° 38°" to: "8° 38′"
pg 174, Changed: "calculate the advaatages that would" to:
"advantages"
pg 177, Changed: "us the monoply of the trade" to: "monopoly"
pg 179, Changed: "empire can so well mantain" to: "maintain"
pg 234, Changed: "from the tribes of Tihesti" to: "Tibesti"
pg 246, Changed: "value of all Euro-ropean goods greater" to:
"European"
pg 272, Changed: "connection with Af-frica will never" to: "Africa"
pg 277, Changed: "prevent the apparent monoply" to: "monopoly"
Additionally, some changes in punctuation have been done silently.