our side. Our immediate interference is necessary to rescue Africa from
severer afflictions and deeper woes than any she has previously endured.
The accounts from every quarter are most deplorable, calamitous, and
distressing. The slave-trade is stalking abroad with more appalling
steps than ever. Since the abolition of Christian slavery by the Barbary
States, their fury and their cupidity is directed, as might have been
foreseen, to the unhappy population of the interior. The latest accounts
from these places are most distressing. Havoc and ruin, pillage and
desolation, are marching in awful array over all northern Sudan, and
whole tribes are driven away into slavery by the ruthless Moor and
unprincipled Arab. Powerful assistance and protection can only terminate
this dreadful state of anarchy, distraction, and misery, into which
Africa is so deeply plunged. These alone can check those frightful
evils, and bring peace, security, and happiness, to Africa. Let us plant
our standard, the standard of liberty, peace, and order, in her bosom,
wherever our power can be most commanding, and by good deeds, acts of
kindness, and protection, let us draw them to be our willing subjects,
and then we shall see what power in Africa or elsewhere will dare to
make slaves of them—to steal—to buy—or to sell their children any more.
Not only our duty, but our interests, require of us prompt and decisive
measures on this subject, and on this occasion. It is the continued
extension of the slave-trade which is proving the deepest injury to our
West India colonies, and unless it is checked, the further continuance
of it will cover all these colonies with ruin. The vast quantities of
sugar, coffee, and cotton, which the United States, the Spanish and the
Portuguese possessions are now raising, and the cheap rates at which
these are produced from the continued importation of slaves, has driven
our West India merchants out of every market on the Continent. It is in
vain to speak about stopping a trade where individual and national
interest are so much concerned, while all Africa is ready also to
welcome any who embark in it, and while we pay such enormous sums
annually to purchase that very produce, (cotton in particular,) which is
raised by the labour of the slaves thus introduced. The united navies of
Europe, and all the laws which the nations in it can pass, will fail in
effecting the desirable object. British capital and industry thus
strongly, though indirectly, carries on the slave-trade; for it is the
interests of the governments, deriving so much benefit from its
continuation, to wink at the conduct of their subjects who engage in it.
There seems, therefore, no way to stop this trade effectually, and by so
doing secure the prosperity of our West India possessions, but by
colonizing interior Africa, and teaching and commanding the population
there to abandon this disgraceful and abominable traffic.
Every object here pointed out can be carried into effect without
trenching, in the smallest degree, upon the immediate rights and
interests of any civilized nation upon earth. The advantages which
Africa would derive from such measures cannot escape the notice of the
most thoughtless. There cannot be a doubt of the rapid growth and
extension of such a connexion and such a commerce. Whatever benefits
Africa derived from it, would be returned upon us with double interest.
Those who are acquainted with the character of Negroes, know how eagerly
they seek after our cotton manufactures, particularly showey prints, &c.
both for the purposes of ordinary use, and ornament upon festive
occasions. They are all, particularly the females, fond of shew, and the
outlet which would thus be created for the manufactures of Sheffield and
Birmingham, Manchester, Glasgow, and Paisley, would be prodigious. The
profits of such a trade also are not to be calculated by the scale of
that trade carried on from Sierra Leone and the countries on the Gold
Coast. The former place is inhabited chiefly by captured Negroes, the
refuse of Africa, savage, poor, idle, and indolent, and from it there is
no conveyance by water into the mountainous interior, while the latter
are occupied by a population, harassed, oppressed, and plundered, by
some petty or higher despot. At the same time, they have no extensive
communication with the wealthier countries in the interior. The trade
proposed and contemplated will, and it is obvious must, have a wider
range, greater facilities, and a securer foundation.
It is a point of the utmost importance, and a subject which requires the
deepest consideration, to determine the best mode of establishing a
commercial intercourse with Africa, that shall prove advantageous and
permanent. The following views of the subject present themselves to our
consideration. The first is a direct trade with the natives of the
different countries in the interior, conducted in a similar manner as
other branches of commerce are carried on betwixt this country and other
independent nations. Taking the formation of the trade in this point of
view, we should merely have commercial without any political
establishments. Thus situated, we must depend upon the native powers in
whatever country our mercantile establishments are formed for justice
and protection; and to the power and interference of our own country for
redress, if, in course of our transactions, justice is denied or
protection withdrawn. Amidst a barbarous people, such occurrences may be
expected; while, before punishment is inflicted, the wrong is committed
which will undermine the security of all commercial intercourse. Under
such circumstances also, we ought not to interfere, and have no right to
interfere, in any shape, with any of the present institutions
established in the interior, whether these be civil or religious. Thus
situated, the trade must continue on the same footing, and consequently
on the same insecure and limited scale which it has hitherto done during
the lapse of so many centuries, and continue to be subject to all the
vexatious delays and extortions with which the capricious tyranny of the
rude and ignorant despots of Africa may choose to load it. A trade so
insecure and liable to so many unfavourable contingencies, cannot
possibly be profitable to any one, and consequently could not be
durable. Under such a system, there could be no rational hope of any
speedy improvement amongst the population of Africa, which improvement
can only give extension and permanency to the trade. No doubt, a
legitimate commerce, carried on with Africa would, in time, tend to open
the eyes of both the princes and the people to their true interests; but
the progress thereof, under the most favourable circumstances, must
necessarily be very slow; while so many obstructions lie in the way, so
many difficulties under this mode of proceeding would remain to be
overcome, and so many untoward circumstances may take place, as might
very readily deter European merchants from prosecuting a trade under so
many difficulties, and at last induce them to discontinue it altogether.
Besides, foreign nations would participate in this trade. Conflicting
European interests would be transplanted into the heart of Africa, and
add to all those jealousies, the rivalry, and those distractions which
already so grievously afflict and torment her.
The second view of the subject, which occurs for our consideration in
the establishment of this trade is, by colonization and conquest; for in
Africa the latter would necessarily, and speedily, and extensively,
follow the former. Under these circumstances, the trade contemplated
might safely be left free to the capital and industry of any British
merchant or subject who might choose to engage in it. All that would be
necessary in this case, in order to secure the most beneficial results
to this country and to Africa, would be to prevent foreign nations from
participating in this trade upon equal terms. At the outset, individuals
might lose in this trade. The markets might, and in all probability
would, be overstocked with supplies, both such as are proper and such as
are improper; such as are calculated for the present wants of the
natives, and such as are not calculated for that purpose. The loss,
however, thus occasioned, would not be a national loss. Foreigners would
derive no benefit therefrom. What one British subject lost another would
gain, and in time every thing would be reduced to order. The supply
would be suited to the demand, and the competition would be confined to
those articles which are best adapted to the market. The capital and
industry of all would have a fair, open, and honourable field for
exertion. Under such circumstances, it might be most advisable to lay
open, establish, and carry on the trade contemplated. This mode would
certainly be most consonant to the present feelings of the population of
the British Empire: but I am not sure, and indeed have strong doubts, if
it would prove soonest and most extensively beneficial, either to this
country or to Africa. The situation and interests of the latter must
never be lost sight of, because it is only by bettering or improving her
condition that we can greatly benefit ourselves.
The next mode of establishing this trade is under a chartered company.
This may be done after the manner of the East India Company. In
duration, however, it may and ought to be greatly limited, so as to
render it expedient for those to whom it is granted to carry on the
trade with energy, in order to reap every possible advantage from it,
and that it may not be left to languish, as might be the case, if the
period was greatly extended. On the other hand, the duration of it ought
not to be narrowed too much, otherwise that circumstance would tend to
discourage the merchant, and prevent him from laying out money at the
first outset, to any considerable extent, or from embarking in the trade
with that energy and vigour which could only render it productive and
successful, or reimburse him for his labour expended and capital
advanced. Perhaps 15 years might be a very fair period for the duration
of such a charter. With diligence and activity, the time mentioned would
render it an object well worth the attention of mercantile men, and
nothing more than the encouragement which the nation ought to give for
the labour in forming, or I may say creating, a commerce which is
altogether new to this country, from which, through the individuals
engaged in it, the nation derives immediate benefit, and lays, in the
only way in which it can be securely laid, the foundation of a trade,
from which the whole nation may fairly anticipate, and are certain to
derive, at a future period, still greater advantages.
A charter, for the purpose contemplated, may either be extended or
reduced, in regard to the numbers and capital engaged in it, as may be
found most eligible or necessary. As the nature of the commerce in view,
both as regards exports and imports, will naturally confine itself to
the three chief commercial ports of this kingdom, namely, London,
Liverpool, and Glasgow, and that in nearly equal proportions, so the
charter may be granted to an extent proportionate to the magnitude of
each of these places, and in a manner such as those merchants who are
inclined to embark in it may regulate and determine. Their interest
would lead them to choose the port which would prove the most conducive
thereto, from whence they could send supplies, and to which they would
direct the returns to be made. A power might be vested in the Board of
Trade to examine into the general management of the chartered company,
and to regulate these upon the strict principles of national justice and
national advantage.
A charter for the purposes mentioned, and under such circumstances, can
scarcely be called a monopoly. It is indeed an exclusive privilege in
trade, but then this exclusive privilege is for a trade yet to be
formed—a trade which neither this country, nor any other civilized
nation, are, or have previously, been in possession of—a trade, which it
is a very doubtful case if this country ever could possess, (certainly
not so soon, if at all,) to the extent to which she would command it, if
gone into under the regulations and privileges recommended. No
legislative interference with, or burthens imposed upon, any other
settlement in Africa, is required or expected. It is not solicited or
contemplated, that the produce of any other country or colony should be
prohibited from entering, or be taxed upon its entering, any of the
ports of Great Britain, (the great and most objectionable features in
other charters,) in order to enhance the value of, or insure a
preference in, the consumption of any articles which may be brought from
Africa under the privilege here recommended. No prohibitive or
protecting laws in any branch of commerce are thought of. On the
contrary, it is proper, and it is expected, that all branches thereof
should be left free and open to the competition of capital, skill, and
industry.
The judicious application of charters is one thing, and the injudicious
grant of them another. To a trade carried on with any civilized country,
every exclusive privilege is injurious. The reason is obvious. There
law, justice, and order prevail. Every individual is equally protected,
and no evil consequences can result from competing interests. To an
uncultivated and uninhabited country, similar regulations are equally,
if not more injurious, because the prosperity and advancement of the
same, in every branch of improvement, depends upon the ability, caprice,
liberality, capital, credit, and judgment—the good or bad fortune of
those who obtain such an exclusive privilege. With a populous, but a
barbarous country, incapable of organizing any thing that is stable or
advantageous for itself or its neighbours, a very different line of
conduct is rendered necessary. Without a chartered company, Great
Britain never could have achieved what she has done in India, nor reared
such a noble fabric of commerce and civil government as she has there
done. Yet when Britain entered that part of the world, India was peopled
by civilized nations. Compared to what the inhabitants of India were,
the people of Africa are rude barbarians. Compared to what the
population of India are now become, the inhabitants of central Africa
are mere savages. It may be for the greater advantage of Great Britain
and of India, that the trade to the latter should now be thrown open,
but it never could have been for the interest of either that this should
have taken place at an earlier period. The situation of Africa, however,
is totally different. There every thing is to do. Regular commerce is to
be created. Society is almost altogether to be formed. Security and
civilization, law, order, and religion, are each and all yet to be
introduced into and planted in Africa. Unity of action and design,
therefore, becomes absolutely necessary to accomplish all these
desirable objects. Conflicting interests, amidst such a disjointed
population, must, and will, indefinitely retard it. A charter is clearly
and indispensably necessary, in order to conduct mercantile affairs to a
prosperous issue—in order to regulate the supply, to explore the
country, and find out the proper markets—to negotiate, as an
irresistible and stable power, with the native princes—to purchase
lands, to protect trade, to punish aggression—to rear up, gradually an
empire in Africa, such as has been done in India, against which no
native power shall be able to raise its head. Then, but not till then,
the trade may be thrown open, but the territorial power of the charter
may, as in India, remain.
Without such regulations for a time, there is too good reason to dread
that our connection with Africa will never be more than the transient
visitations of insulated merchants acting without concert—often contrary
to one another—glutting the markets, pouring in ill-timed and improper
supplies—raising the price of native produce above its value, and
depressing each other’s commodities; in short, strengthening the hands
of the native tyrants, and enabling them more easily to dictate hard
terms to commerce, to shut up the interior altogether, and to enable
barbarous hands, or savage life, still to hold the balance in that ill-
fated country. The whole of our establishments on the coasts of Tropical
Africa, afford, at this moment, a sad confirmation, and striking
illustration of these important truths. If this erroneous policy in
their intercourse with Africa is still to be continued by European
powers, then, to the latest period of time, the central and southern
parts of that vast continent are doomed to remain in the same deplorable
state of ignorance, degradation, and misery, which has been their lot
during the lapse of 3000 years.
No doubt the capital, skill, and industry of British merchants, can do
much, and overcome difficulties which perhaps the merchants of no other
nation can. If government established powerful settlements in Africa,
and rendered Great Britain respected, feared, and obeyed, then there
could be no danger with regard to the ultimate success of the trade,
though laid open to all. But, in this case, a very considerable expence
must be incurred by the nation, without any adequate or immediate
return; whereas, in the other case, that return, and the expense
incurred for protection, would go hand in hand. The question for the
consideration and decision of government in this case, is, which method
will prove the most secure and permanent, and soonest become the most
beneficial to individuals and to the national interests, and at the
least possible outlay or expense? The plan that can accomplish these
things, is that which should be chosen, and acted upon without
hesitation or reserve. For the reasons already mentioned, as well as for
various others too tedious to enumerate, a chartered company for a
limited time seems the most advisable way to enter upon and establish
the contemplated trade. On such an important point, however, I would
wish it to be understood, that the opinion here given is adduced with
great deference.
The trade to Central Africa ought to belong exclusively to the subjects
and the people of Great Britain. Every article which the people on the
Niger can require for convenience, ornament, or use— all implements of
agriculture—all articles for domestic purposes—for dress, for
navigation, commerce, manufactures, science—in short, every thing that a
population advancing from the rudest state of society, through all the
intervening stages to the most enlightened, can want, are almost
exclusively the productions of the British soil, or of British industry.
Our finer manufactures would be chiefly sought after for the light
dresses adapted for the climate; but the coarser and the warmer would in
some instances also be sought after, by those people who live amidst the
African Andes. Where the fine and costly manufactures of other nations
were in request, then, coming through our hands, we should make it more
their interest to be on friendly terms with us. If the trade to Interior
Africa, carried on by barbarians, with our goods sold to them in the
first instance at a fair price, and then carried thither by them,
subject to all the danger, delay, expense, exactions, and robberies,
which unprincipled despots, and lawless freebooters heap upon them—if
this trade yield them such extensive profits as it really does, what
must the British merchant gain who can carry these goods from the first
hand, at the first cost, and land these at Timbuctoo almost as cheap as
they can at present be landed at Mogadore, Algiers, Tunis, or Tripoli?
How much could he under-sell both the Moor and the Arab, either in the
imports to the interior, or the exports from it, while his goods would
at all times arrive at their destined market in a state superior to what
it is possible theirs at present can now do? Besides, the conveyance by
water would enable us to carry many articles to those markets which,
from the nature of the articles, cannot possibly now be got transported
into the interior by land carriage.
A trade such as that contemplated, may employ a capital of any extent;
but at the outset, under a company, there is no necessity for its being
great. On the contrary, it is evident, that from the situation in which
Africa is, the trade, to do good to any party, must feel its way—must
make itself. The articles which would be chiefly exported in its early
stages, would be of the coarser and cheaper kinds, and the returns of a
description that will command a ready market. Small vessels, both for
expedition in the voyages, and also for navigating the rivers, would be
the best in the commencement of the undertaking. Indeed, till the latter
are completely explored, small vessels are indispensable. Some time must
elapse before all these points can be fully known. Till then, it is
evident the trade cannot be forced, while, at the outset, it may very
readily be overdone.
In an undertaking of this kind the countenance and support of government
is absolutely necessary, in order to induce merchants of capital,
credit, and character, to embark in it. To be done correctly and
advantageously, every thing must emanate from one source in Africa,
whether it regards civil government or commerce. Unity in design, and
obedience to the dictates of one authority, can alone render the present
plan completely successful. The reasons urged against the exclusive
privilege of trade to a civilized state do not apply in this instance.
The trade, open to all, would create conflicting interests, which would
retard and endanger, if not altogether prevent the accomplishment of the
grand, the ultimate object in view. Besides, it is one thing to embark
in a trade to a country where civilization, law, and justice prevail,
and another to engage in one to a country where all those things are yet
to be formed. The latter requires an exclusive privilege to induce and
protect the adventurers, while the trade, in the same or similar
articles with other parts of the world, remaining upon its present
footing, or without any preference to either, will always prevent the
apparent monopoly from injuring the general interests of the parent
state by exorbitant prices, while the competition they have to meet with
from other markets, would compel the merchants engaged in the trade with
Africa, to be diligent, prudent, and industrious. Unless such a
privilege were granted, there is too much reason to dread, that every
object at present contemplated will fail, and that the nation, as well
as individuals, will thereby sustain a great and irreparable loss.
Conflicting interests also would lower us in the eyes of the natives,
and prevent us from acquiring and maintaining that superiority in Africa
indispensably necessary for our protection, and for her civilization and
improvement. In Africa, as in India, opinion gives power. Without power
in Africa we could not effect any thing.
The persons to be employed under government in these parts should be men
who are willing to serve their country for their country’s good. They
ought to be amply remunerated for their services, and their public duty
ought not to be forgotten or sacrificed for private emolument. Their
business and their duty is to see justice impartially administered to
all, and to raise the honour and fame of their country on a sure and a
permanent basis. The settlement must, for as short a time as possible,
be rendered burthensome to Great Britain. Africa is to receive the
benefit, and ought to and must defray the expence. All expences
attending civil and military establishments must be borne by Africa. A
trifling tax imposed upon the property of the country under our
controul, would be adequate for this purpose, as, at the outset, these
need not be large. As these increased, Africa, from the benefits
received, would be more able to defray the additional expence. A tenth—a
twentieth part of what the population of Africa now pay to those from
whom she receives no benefit whatever, would now, and, at any future
period, be more than sufficient for this purpose. The blessings of good
government, true religion, peace, and security, would by this tribute be
cheaply purchased.