consider the evils she suffers, and the wrongs she inflicts on herself.
In every part of Africa her population, whether Moors, Arabs, Negroes,
or the mixed race descended from these, is divided into innumerable
petty states, who are engaged in constant quarrels and warfare with each
other. Wherever we find more powerful states in Africa, there the
ignorant sovereign rules over his trembling subjects by the terrors of
superstition and the sword. Life, liberty, and property, are
consequently every where insecure. Slavery exists universally, and the
slave trade is prevalent every where. The elements of human society are
dreadfully disjointed. Nevertheless, the nations in central Africa, I
mean its northern part, are not savages. They are barbarians, and some
less rude than others. Every where we find them collected into cities,
cultivating the land, and carrying on commerce, which, though rude when
compared to civilized nations, yet clearly distinguishes their condition
from that of the savage state. Here, the fiery zeal and hard yoke of the
Arab has done some good. Wherever their influence extended, cannibalism
and human sacrifices, so prevalent on the coasts of Guinea, and
countries bordering on it, were abolished. The days, however, of Arabian
grandeur and greatness are fled. Their power in Africa is decaying fast.
The governments on the southern boundaries of the Zahaara, and in the
north-east parts of Sudan, exhibit the strangest compound of arrogance
and weakness, pride and imbecility, despotism and ignorance, barbarity
and folly, that are to be met with on the face of the earth.
Yet the materials for a better order of things exist both amongst them
and the Negro population. The power that could curb the lawlessness of
the one, and enlighten the ignorance of the other, would soon make them
useful. Were it not that the power of the Arabs is so much decayed in
better countries, the population of Africa to the Gold Coast had at this
day acknowledged Mecca as their temple, and Mahomet as the prophet of
God. Decayed as their power is, still they are more than a match for the
timid and indolent Negro, whose lands are invaded and plundered by these
marauding bands. The Mahommedan religion teaches its votaries that it is
a deed meriting paradise to convert, by any means, an infidel to the
true faith. To accomplish this, the Negro is loaded with chains.
Enthusiasm and interest goad on the Arab and Moor. Large caravans seek
Sudan from every quarter, and barter the commonest merchandize for men.
Into Morocco, the Barbary States along the Mediterranean, Egypt, Nubia,
Abyssinia, across the Red Sea into Arabia and other countries, from
60,000 to 70,000 slaves are carried annually. Since the abolition of
Christian slavery in the Barbary States, this traffic in Negro slaves is
greatly increased. The miseries the slaves endure marching across the
deserts, sinks the middle passage of the European slave trade into
insignificance.
There is no efficient way to arrest the progress of this deep-rooted
evil, but to teach the Negroes useful knowledge, and the arts of
civilized life. Left to themselves, the Negroes will never effectually
accomplish this. It must be done by a mighty power, who will take them
under its protection— a power sufficiently bold, enlightened and just,
to burst asunder the chains of that grovelling superstition, which
enthrals and debases their minds, and that, with the voice of authority,
can unite the present jarring elements which exist in Africa, and direct
them to honourable and useful pursuits. A small portion of European
knowledge and spirit would be sufficient to rouse the Negro to assert
his independence, and drive back, with shame and disgrace, any force
which either the Moors or the Arabs could send against him. Till this is
done— till the native princes are taught that they may be rich without
selling men—and till Africa is shown, that it is in the labour and
industry of her population, and in the cultivation of her soil, that
true wealth consists—and till that population see a power which can
protect them from such degrading bondage, there can be no security for
liberty or property in Africa; and, consequently, no wish or hope for
improvement amongst her population. Slavery, and a slave trade, existed
in all their virulence many centuries before Europeans had any knowledge
of Western and of Southern Africa. Were the European abolition rendered
ever so effectual— were all the traffic with the other places previously
enumerated completely abolished, still this would scarcely dry up one
tear that flows to swell the tide of African misery. Millions are still
slaves—slaves to slaves in Africa. It is in Africa, therefore, that this
evil must be rooted out—by African hands and African exertions chiefly
that it can be destroyed. It is a waste of time and a waste of means, an
aggravation of the disorder, to keep lopping off the smaller branches of
a malignant, a vigorous and reproductive plant, while the root and stem
remain uninjured, carefully supplied with nourishment, and beyond our
reach. Half the sums we have expended in this manner, would have planted
us firmly in Interior Africa, and rooted up slavery for ever. Only teach
them and shew them that we will give them more for their produce than
for the hand that rears it, and the work is done. All other methods and
means will prove ineffectual.
It is the policy of the Moors and Arabs to keep Christians, in any
numbers, from penetrating into the interior of Africa. Fanaticism and
interest make them oppose all such attempts. This jealousy is heightened
by superstitious fears; for there runs a tradition amongst all the
Mahommedans in Africa, that the Christians are one day to wrest the
country from them. The Negro States on the south of Africa act with
similar policy, and for similar reasons. They do every thing they can to
hinder Europeans from having communication with the nations in the
interior. They want a monopoly of every trade carried on with the
interior; and all these people are convinced, that if ever Europeans can
find their way into the interior, their monopoly, and all their power
and influence, are gone. It is evident, therefore, that till all these
barriers which stand in the way of African improvement are broken down
and destroyed, no great progress will ever be made in civilizing Africa,
or of rendering that continent serviceable to her inhabitants, or to the
rest of the world. Protection and conquest, permanent and commanding,
can only accomplish the object. Not that conquest, which, springing from
unprincipled ambition, overruns to destroy, but that conquest which
subdues and controls to restrain evil, and establishes what is good.
This once civilized a part of Africa—this only can accomplish such a
work again.
While the first and determined effort must be made to put down every
foreign slave trade with, or in the interior of Africa, it may be a
question, how far it would be politic and safe to intermeddle with the
internal slavery there existing, except to ameliorate it. This, as in
Russia, exists to an enormous extent. The number of slaves in Africa is
about three-fourths of her population. But we must not grasp at too much
at first. We must get their chiefs to go along with us at the outset.
This, it is possible, we might not effect with that cordiality which is
necessary, should we require all their slaves to be made free at once.
In Africa there is no such a thing as a freeman hiring himself to
labour; it is all done by slaves; consequently, without them no labour
could be carried on. Also, we must create the labour in which freemen
could be employed. With the present internal establishments, therefore,
it might be prudent not to interfere further than to see strict justice
maintained to all in their relative situations, till time prepared their
minds for the change, and till a general system of industry, and influx
of wealth from labour, enabled the freemen and their chiefs to
emancipate their slaves, without reducing themselves to beggary and
want: In short, till the one could procure labour to earn his
subsistence, and the other free labourers to keep up his former rank and
independence. But while we did not interfere too rashly in these
internal regulations, so as to bring unnecessary difficulties on our
hands, and which might blast our future prospects, still it must never
be forgotten, that no time and no opportunity ought to be lost in making
freedom universal in Africa; and every exertion must be made, in every
way and at all times, by precept and by example, to prepare the minds of
the one part of the population in Africa to give, and the other to
receive it. We must instruct this to be done; and, above all, we must
counsel and direct all external traffic in slaves to cease. With that
there can and must be no compromise, if we wish to benefit Africa. But
let these instructions and commands be issued and carried into effect in
the spirit of moderation, conciliation, and peace—by that spirit which,
placing ourselves in the situation of our neighbour, would do as it
wishes to be done by; and with this, our object cannot fail, in time, of
complete success. We must be the sole arbiter and director in this part
of Africa; and therefore our intentions must be honest, our actions
just, and our sentence irrevocable.
In establishing such a colony in Africa, we must not, as in the case of
America and New Holland, go with a few unarmed settlers, as amidst a few
straggling savages. We must go with a force that will command respect
and obedience, and be able to resent and punish every aggression made,
or insult offered. A force less than the garrison of Gibraltar would
command all the interior of Northern Africa; and a few Congreve rockets
would serve to disperse and reduce the most numerous armies that the
most powerful sovereigns in these parts could arm against us. Europeans,
indeed, could not undergo in these climates the same fatigues as the
natives; but the superiority of the former in knowledge and skill would
compensate for the mere physical superiority of the latter. The opinion
universally entertained of European superiority, would, of itself,
judiciously applied, half conquer Africa. Besides, we could levy and
organize a force, to any extent judged prudent, amongst these natives,
to aid in the control and command of the country. We have done this in
India, and why cannot we do it in Africa? Nay, we might make India
subdue Northern Africa;—the Ganges the mighty engine which would give us
the command of the Niger. From the banks of the former we could obtain a
voluntary force, which would enable us to dictate to the latter. By
these means we should make India the means of preparing for us an empire
of equal importance to replace her strength, when that, in course of
political changes, is withdrawn from our allegiance. Once established on
the Niger, the work is done. The resources and energies of Africa would
complete the object. There are many of the people, both Moors, Arabs,
and Negroes, who, though they could not be made agriculturists,
followers of commerce and manufactures, would yet make good soldiers;
and, commanded by European officers, would, with a small proportion of
European troops, be equal to every purpose. The preservation of the
health of European troops in warm climates, is now better understood
than formerly, and in the interior of Africa there are numerous healthy
situations.
There is but one opinion amongst all those who are, or who have had an
opportunity of being acquainted with Africa, her population, and present
institutions, namely, that colonization, fixed and stable, can only
render her any permanent benefit. The mere abolition of the external
slave trade, they all agree, will do little or nothing for the welfare
of Africa. Governor Ludlam, than whom no person better understood the
African character, or interests of Africa, goes even a step farther. “To
abolish the slave trade,” says he, “is not to abolish the violent
passions which now find vent in that particular direction. Were it to
cease, the misery of Africa would arise from other causes; but it does
not follow that Africa would be less miserable: she might even be less
miserable, and yet be savage and uncivilized. The abolition of the
external slave trade does not actually set us forward one step in our
course to civilize or benefit Africa. Nay,” says he, “where they have
been in some measure improved, I rather think they will sink back into
their former state, which is still the state of the natives two or three
hundred miles inland (from Sierra Leone.) In the next place, the
administration of every African government must become extremely severe,
if not extremely bloody. When so effectual a punishment as slavery is
done away, which yet, as it sheds no blood, is readily executed on petty
criminals, and in doubtful cases, severe punishments, and more terrible
examples, must be introduced. Every ancient institution, the power of
every hereditary chief, must now be sustained by blood instead of
slavery. While the punishment of many small crimes has, by means of the
external slave trade, been raised into slavery, it is not less true,
that the punishment of some great ones has been sunk into it. The
abolition, therefore, will be of little benefit to Africa, unless plans
for its improvement and civilization be vigorously acted upon. That
civilization will follow conquest, I readily allow;” and, adds he,
“there will be no question that the French will diligently endeavour to
extend their influence in Africa by all possible means, and as
diligently endeavour to drive us out of it.” (_Letter to Zach. Macauly,
Esq. Sierra Leone, April_ 14, 1807.)
This was the opinion of one intimately acquainted with the west coast.
Every passing day has served to confirm his opinions, formed from actual
observation. Let us attend to the observations and opinions of another
intelligent observer, made in Eastern Africa, namely Burkhardt. Page
344, he says, “Were all the outlets to Sudan closed to the slave trade,
and the caravans which carry on the traffic with Barbary, Egypt, and
Arabia, prevented from procuring farther supplies, still slavery would
universally prevail in Sudan itself; for as long as these countries are
possessed by Mussulmans, whose religion induces them to make war upon
the idolatrous Negroes, whose domestic wants require a constant supply
of servants and shepherds, and who, considering slaves as a medium of
exchange in lieu of money, are as eager to obtain them as other nations
would be to explore the African mines, slavery must continue to exist in
the heart of Africa; nor can it cease, until the Negroes shall become
possessed of the means of repelling the attacks, and resisting the
oppression of their Mussulmen neighbours. It is not from foreign nations
that the Blacks can obtain deliverance; this great work must be effected
by themselves, and can be the result only of successful resistance. The
European governments who have settlements on the coasts of Africa, may
contribute to it by commerce, and by the introduction among the Negroes
of arts and industry, which must ultimately lead them to a superiority
over the Mussulmans in war. Europe, therefore, will have done but little
for the Blacks, if the abolition of the Atlantic slave trade, _which is
trifling_ when compared with the slavery of the interior, is not
followed up by some wise and grand plan, tending to the civilization of
the continent.”
Colonization, permanent and powerful, is this “wise and grand plan.”
Established in the heart of Africa, Great Britain would be the arbiter
of Africa. Her precept, and example, and assistance, would serve to
teach and enable every Negro potentate to repel all foreign aggression,
and the beneficial tendency of employing their present slave population
in cultivating their own kingdoms. This would procure them wealth.
Wealth would induce them to seek security, and enable them to obtain the
means of protecting themselves from external injury; or, where they
could not of themselves accomplish this object, bring them to place
themselves under the wings of the power which could do so. On this grand
and wise principle, colonization and cultivation were the first
settlements of the Portuguese established in Africa. The beneficial
results soon became most extensive and apparent, even after the
attention of that power was unfortunately withdrawn to another quarter
of the world. The number, and extent, and prosperity, of their
settlements in Africa are well known. Unfortunately, however, for
Portugal, and still more unfortunately for Africa, the spirit, strength,
and influence of Portugal received a check in Europe, and the discovery
of, and desire for cultivating America attracted her attention, withdrew
her affections and care from these settlements in Africa; and not only
so, but by a most erroneous policy, and barbarous system, induced her to
withdraw the strength of Africa to cultivate the fields of America. In
this manner her extensive colonies in the former were lost, or became
only points for carrying on the slave trade; and all the good she had
done, and might have done to Africa and to herself, was lost and
disregarded. What she might have done, and what every European power has
so long neglected, it is now in our power, under more favourable
circumstances, to set about and accomplish.
There is, and can be but one opinion about the policy of extending our
connections political and commercial with Africa. In the manner pointed
out, these can only be permanently and beneficially extended. It must
cost some expense, but the result will repay it. It is to her colonial
system that Great Britain is indebted for her greatness and her glory.
It is these possessions which enabled her to resist and beat down
beneath her feet, the world united against her. It is her colonial trade
that gives her sailors, acquainted with every coast, and inured to every
climate. The whole trade of Northern Africa would augment more than
others the number of these most useful subjects. Nor is it merely the
number employed in that trade which such an intercourse would give her.
The command of African produce would give her the trade to other
quarters of the world, and by so much more, add to the numbers of her
seamen. These would man her fleets with determined hands on every
emergency. On these things depend the preponderance of Britain in the
councils and affairs of Europe. If neglected, that preponderance is
gone, and our existence, as a nation, is endangered. Our formidable
rival France, understands this well. She has learned it by experience.
Had the counsels of Talleyrand been followed by her Government, the
fatal disasters which befel France had never happened, nor the glory and
power of Britain been so raised and extended. To procure and rear up
colonies, was at all times the earnest recommendation to his countrymen,
of this crafty but wise politician. He placed Britain before their eyes
as a most striking example of what such possessions did do, and could
enable her to perform.
In his valuable pamphlet, written during the French Consulate, for the
purpose mentioned, he says of Britain. “Her navy and her commerce are at
present all her trust. France may add Italy and Germany to her dominions
with less detriment to Britain than will follow the acquisition of a
navy, and the extension of her trade. Whatever gives colonies to France,
supplies her with ships, sailors, manufactures, and husbandmen.
Victories by land can only give her mutinous subjects; who, instead of
augmenting the national force by their riches or numbers, contribute
only to disperse and enfeeble that force; but the growth of colonies
supplies her with zealous citizens, and the increase of real wealth, and
increase of effective numbers, is the certain consequence.”
“What would Germany, Italy, Spain, and France, combining their strength,
do against England? They might assemble in millions on the shores of the
Channel, but _there_ would be the limits of their enmity. Without ships
to carry them over, without experienced mariners to navigate these
ships, Britain would only deride the pompous preparation. The moment we
leave the shore, her fleets are ready to pounce upon us, to disperse and
destroy our ineffectual armaments. There lies her security; in her
insular situation and her navy consist her impregnable defence. Her navy
is, in every respect, the offspring of her trade. To rob her of that,
therefore, _is to beat down her last wall, and to fill up her last
moat_. To gain it to ourselves, is to enable us to take advantage of her
deserted and defenceless borders, and to complete the humiliation of our
only remaining competitor.” These are great and serious truths, which
every British statesman, and indeed every Briton should engrave on their
memories. France will always consider us as her competitor; and she
will, accordingly, pursue the plans which can only render her successful
against our independence and prosperity. This, Britain ought carefully
to remember.
The change contemplated in Africa could not be wrought in a day. But
were we once firmly established, in a commanding attitude, on the Niger,
and an end put to the two great scourges of Africa, superstition and an
external slave trade, the progress of improvement would be rapid, and
the advantages great. Commanding the Niger, none could interfere with
us. The Arab and the Moor would no longer be tempted, by gain from
traffic, to brave the dangers of the great Zahaara; and, if from
ambition or love of plunder they did so, then meeting a foe which could
effectually oppose them, they would not venture to repeat their
incursions and attacks. Thus cut off from the means of obtaining slaves
from the interior of Africa to labour for them, as they are now debarred
from enslaving Christians, they would be compelled to labour—compelled
to follow the example of civilized nations—compelled, in a word, to
become civilized also. Nor would the consequences stop here. Those
fierce hordes, rendered savage by the hardships they endure, and who
frequent the great Zahaara to plunder the traveller and the merchant,
and who are tempted with the hopes of wealth to lead such unsettled
lives, finding this trade no longer carried on by these routes, would be
compelled to emerge from their burning wastes, seek more habitable
spots, and thus come more within the power of civilized man. The
accomplishment and carrying into effect the object and measures I have
endeavoured to point out, would not only civilize Southern and Central
Africa, but all the northern and eastern parts thereof; and is, perhaps,
the only way by which it can be done, except by the conquest of all
those countries by some formidable European power, which, even if one
capable of doing that could be found, the jealousies of the other powers
would oppose and prevent. But the same reason does not apply to
controlling the Southern and Central parts of Africa, because that does
not immediately threaten the independence, repose, or interests of any
European power.