And so in like manner, as regards Biblical knowledge, it is desirable

that, while our students are encouraged to pursue the history of classical

literature, they should also be invited to acquaint themselves with some

general facts about the canon of Holy Scripture, its history, the Jewish

canon, St. Jerome, the Protestant Bible; again, about the languages of

Scripture, the contents of its separate books, their authors, and their

versions. In all such knowledge I conceive no great harm can lie in being

superficial.

But now as to Theology itself. To meet the apprehended danger, I would

exclude the teaching _in extense_ of pure dogma from the secular schools,

and content myself with enforcing such a broad knowledge of doctrinal

subjects as is contained in the catechisms of the Church, or the actual

writings of her laity. I would have students apply their minds to such

religious topics as laymen actually do treat, and are thought praiseworthy

in treating. Certainly I admit that, when a lawyer or physician, or

statesman, or merchant, or soldier sets about discussing theological

points, he is likely to succeed as ill as an ecclesiastic who meddles with

law, or medicine, or the exchange. But I am professing to contemplate

Christian knowledge in what may be called its secular aspect, as it is

practically useful in the intercourse of life and in general conversation;

and I would encourage it so far as it bears upon the history, the

literature, and the philosophy of Christianity.

It is to be considered that our students are to go out into the world, and

a world not of professed Catholics, but of inveterate, often bitter,

commonly contemptuous, Protestants; nay, of Protestants who, so far as

they come from Protestant Universities and public schools, do know their

own system, do know, in proportion to their general attainments, the

doctrines and arguments of Protestantism. I should desire, then, to

encourage in our students an intelligent apprehension of the relations, as

I may call them, between the Church and Society at large; for instance,

the difference between the Church and a religious sect; the respective

prerogatives of the Church and the civil power; what the Church claims of

necessity, what it cannot dispense with, what it can; what it can grant,

what it cannot. A Catholic hears the celibacy of the clergy discussed in

general society; is that usage a matter of faith, or is it not of faith?

He hears the Pope accused of interfering with the prerogatives of her

Majesty, because he appoints an hierarchy. What is he to answer? What

principle is to guide him in the remarks which he cannot escape from the

necessity of making? He fills a station of importance, and he is addressed

by some friend who has political reasons for wishing to know what is the

difference between Canon and Civil Law, whether the Council of Trent has

been received in France, whether a Priest cannot in certain cases absolve

prospectively, what is meant by his _intention_, what by the _opus

operatum_; whether, and in what sense, we consider Protestants to be

heretics; whether any one can be saved without sacramental confession;

whether we deny the reality of natural virtue, or what worth we assign to

it?

Questions may be multiplied without limit, which occur in conversation

between friends, in social intercourse, or in the business of life, when

no argument is needed, no subtle and delicate disquisition, but a few

direct words stating the fact, and when perhaps a few words may even

hinder most serious inconveniences to the Catholic body. Half the

controversies which go on in the world arise from ignorance of the facts

of the case; half the prejudices against Catholicity lie in the

misinformation of the prejudiced parties. Candid persons are set right,

and enemies silenced, by the mere statement of what it is that we believe.

It will not answer the purpose for a Catholic to say, “I leave it to

theologians,” “I will ask my priest;” but it will commonly give him a

triumph, as easy as it is complete, if he can then and there lay down the

law. I say “lay down the law;” for remarkable it is that even those who

speak against Catholicism like to hear about it, and will excuse its

advocate from alleging arguments if he can gratify their curiosity by

giving them information. Generally speaking, however, as I have said, what

is given as information will really be an argument as well as information.

I recollect, some twenty-five years ago, three friends of my own, as they

then were, clergymen of the Establishment, making a tour through Ireland.

In the West or South they had occasion to become pedestrians for the day;

and they took a boy of thirteen to be their guide. They amused themselves

with putting questions to him on the subject of his religion; and one of

them confessed to me on his return that that poor child put them all to

silence. How? Not, of course, by any train of arguments, or refined

theological disquisition, but merely by knowing and understanding the

answers in his catechism.

4.

Nor will argument itself be out of place in the hands of laymen mixing

with the world. As secular power, influence, or resources are never more

suitably placed than when they are in the hands of Catholics, so secular

knowledge and secular gifts are then best employed when they minister to

Divine Revelation. Theologians inculcate the matter, and determine the

details of that Revelation; they view it from within; philosophers view it

from without, and this external view may be called the Philosophy of

Religion, and the office of delineating it externally is most gracefully

performed by laymen. In the first age laymen were most commonly the

Apologists. Such were Justin, Tatian, Athenagoras, Aristides, Hermias,

Minucius Felix, Arnobius, and Lactantius. In like manner in this age some

of the most prominent defences of the Church are from laymen: as De

Maistre, Chateaubriand, Nicolas, Montalembert, and others. If laymen may

write, lay students may read; they surely may read what their fathers may

have written. They might surely study other works too, ancient and modern,

written whether by ecclesiastics or laymen, which, although they do

contain theology, nevertheless, in their structure and drift, are

polemical. Such is Origen’s great work against Celsus; and Tertullian’s

Apology; such some of the controversial treatises of Eusebius and

Theodoret; or St. Augustine’s City of God; or the tract of Vincentius

Lirinensis. And I confess that I should not even object to portions of

Bellarmine’s Controversies, or to the work of Suarez on laws, or to

Melchior Canus’s treatises on the Loci Theologici. On these questions in

detail, however,—which are, I readily acknowledge, very delicate,—opinions

may differ, even where the general principle is admitted; but, even if we

confine ourselves strictly to the Philosophy, that is, the external

contemplation, of Religion, we shall have a range of reading sufficiently

wide, and as valuable in its practical application as it is liberal in its

character. In it will be included what are commonly called the Evidences;

and what is a subject of special interest at this day, the Notes of the

Church.

* * * * *

But I have said enough in general illustration of the rule which I am

recommending. One more remark I make, though it is implied in what I have

been saying:—Whatever students read in the province of Religion, they

read, and would read from the very nature of the case, under the

superintendence, and with the explanations, of those who are older and

more experienced than themselves.

Lecture V.

A Form Of Infidelity Of The Day.

§ 1.

Its Sentiments.

1.

Though it cannot be denied that at the present day, in consequence of the

close juxtaposition and intercourse of men of all religions, there is a

considerable danger of the subtle, silent, unconscious perversion and

corruption of Catholic intellects, who as yet profess, and sincerely

profess, their submission to the authority of Revelation, still that

danger is far inferior to what it was in one portion of the middle ages.

Nay, contrasting the two periods together, we may even say, that in this

very point they differ, that, in the medieval, since Catholicism was then

the sole religion recognized in Christendom, unbelief necessarily made its

advances under the language and the guise of faith; whereas in the

present, when universal toleration prevails, and it is open to assail

revealed truth (whether Scripture or Tradition, the Fathers or the “Sense

of the faithful”), unbelief in consequence throws off the mask, and takes

up a position over against us in citadels of its own, and confronts us in

the broad light and with a direct assault. And I have no hesitation in

saying (apart of course from moral and ecclesiastical considerations, and

under correction of the command and policy of the Church), that I prefer

to live in an age when the fight is in the day, not in the twilight; and

think it a gain to be speared by a foe, rather than to be stabbed by a

friend.

I do not, then, repine at all at the open development of unbelief in

Germany, supposing unbelief is to be, or at its growing audacity in

England; not as if I were satisfied with the state of things, considered

positively, but because, in the unavoidable alternative of avowed unbelief

and secret, my own personal leaning is in favour of the former. I hold

that unbelief is in some shape unavoidable in an age of intellect and in a

world like this, considering that faith requires an act of the will, and

presupposes the due exercise of religious advantages. You may persist in

calling Europe Catholic, though it is not; you may enforce an outward

acceptance of Catholic dogma, and an outward obedience to Catholic

precept; and your enactments may be, so far, not only pious in themselves,

but even merciful towards the teachers of false doctrine, as well as just

towards their victims; but this is all that you can do; you cannot bespeak

conclusions which, in spite of yourselves, you are leaving free to the

human will. There will be, I say, in spite of you, unbelief and immorality

to the end of the world, and you must be prepared for immorality more

odious, and unbelief more astute, more subtle, more bitter, and more

resentful, in proportion as it is obliged to dissemble.

It is one great advantage of an age in which unbelief speaks out, that

Faith can speak out too; that, if falsehood assails Truth, Truth can

assail falsehood. In such an age it is possible to found a University more

emphatically Catholic than could be set up in the middle age, because

Truth can entrench itself carefully, and define its own profession

severely, and display its colours unequivocally, by occasion of that very

unbelief which so shamelessly vaunts itself. And a kindred advantage to

this is the confidence which, in such an age, we can place in all who are

around us, so that we need look for no foes but those who are in the

enemy’s camp.

2.

The medieval schools were the _arena_ of as critical a struggle between

truth and error as Christianity has ever endured; and the philosophy which

bears their name carried its supremacy by means of a succession of

victories in the cause of the Church. Scarcely had Universities risen into

popularity, when they were found to be infected with the most subtle and

fatal forms of unbelief; and the heresies of the East germinated in the

West of Europe and in Catholic lecture-rooms, with a mysterious vigour

upon which history throws little light. The questions agitated were as

deep as any in theology; the being and essence of the Almighty were the

main subjects of the disputation, and Aristotle was introduced to the

ecclesiastical youth as a teacher of Pantheism. Saracenic expositions of

the great philosopher were in vogue; and, when a fresh treatise was

imported from Constantinople, the curious and impatient student threw

himself upon it, regardless of the Church’s warnings, and reckless of the

effect upon his own mind. The acutest intellects became sceptics and

misbelievers; and the head of the Holy Roman Empire, the Cæsar Frederick

the Second, to say nothing of our miserable king John, had the reputation

of meditating a profession of Mahometanism. It is said that, in the

community at large, men had a vague suspicion and mistrust of each other’s

belief in Revelation. A secret society was discovered in the Universities

of Lombardy, Tuscany, and France, organized for the propagation of infidel

opinions; it was bound together by oaths, and sent its missionaries among

the people in the disguise of pedlars and vagrants.

The success of such efforts was attested in the south of France by the

great extension of the Albigenses, and the prevalence of Manichean

doctrine. The University of Paris was obliged to limit the number of its

doctors in theology to as few as eight, from misgivings about the

orthodoxy of its divines generally. The narrative of Simon of Tournay,

struck dead for crying out after lecture, “Ah! good Jesus, I could

disprove Thee, did I please, as easily as I have proved,” whatever be its

authenticity, at least may be taken as a representation of the frightful

peril to which Christianity was exposed. Amaury of Chartres was the author

of a school of Pantheism, and has given his name to a sect; Abelard,

Roscelin, Gilbert, and David de Dinant, Tanquelin, and Eon, and others who

might be named, show the extraordinary influence of anti-Catholic

doctrines on high and low. Ten ecclesiastics and several of the populace

of Paris were condemned for maintaining that our Lord’s reign was past,

that the Holy Ghost was to be incarnate, or for parallel heresies.

Frederick the Second established a University at Naples with a view to the

propagation of the infidelity which was so dear to him. It gave birth to

the great St. Thomas, the champion of revealed truth. So intimate was the

intermixture, so close the grapple, between faith and unbelief. It was the

conspiracy of traitors, it was a civil strife, of which the medieval seats

of learning were the scene.

In this day, on the contrary, Truth and Error lie over against each other

with a valley between them, and David goes forward in the sight of all

men, and from his own camp, to engage with the Philistine. Such is the

providential overruling of that principle of toleration, which was

conceived in the spirit of unbelief, in order to the destruction of

Catholicity. The sway of the Church is contracted; but she gains in

intensity what she loses in extent. She has now a direct command and a

reliable influence over her own institutions, which was wanting in the

middle ages. A University is her possession in these times, as well as her

creation: nor has she the need, which once was so urgent, to expel

heresies from her pale, which have now their own centres of attraction

elsewhere, and spontaneously take their departure. Secular advantages no

longer present an inducement to hypocrisy, and her members in consequence

have the consolation of being able to be sure of each other. How much

better is it, for us at least, whatever it may be for themselves (to take

a case before our eyes in Ireland), that those persons, who have left the

Church to become ministers in the Protestant Establishment, should be in

their proper place, as they are, than that they should have perforce

continued in her communion! I repeat it, I would rather fight with

unbelief as we find it in the nineteenth century, than as it existed in

the twelfth and thirteenth.

3.

I look out, then, into the enemy’s camp, and I try to trace the outlines

of the hostile movements and the preparations for assault which are there

in agitation against us. The arming and the manœuvring, the earth-works

and the mines, go on incessantly; and one cannot of course tell, without

the gift of prophecy, which of his projects will be carried into effect

and attain its purpose, and which will eventually fail or be abandoned.

Threatening demonstrations may come to nothing; and those who are to be

our most formidable foes, may before the attack elude our observation. All

these uncertainties, we know, are the lot of the soldier in the field: and

they are parallel to those which befall the warriors of the Temple. Fully

feeling the force of such considerations, and under their correction,

nevertheless I make my anticipations according to the signs of the times;

and such must be my _proviso_, when I proceed to describe some

characteristics of one particular form of infidelity, which is coming into

existence and activity over against us, in the intellectual citadels of

England.

It must not be supposed that I attribute, what I am going to speak of as a

form of infidelity of the day, to any given individual or individuals; nor

is it necessary to my purpose to suppose that any one man as yet

consciously holds, or sees the drift, of that portion of the theory to

which he has given assent. I am to describe a set of opinions which may be

considered as the true explanation of many floating views, and the

converging point of a multitude of separate and independent minds; and, as

of old Arius or Nestorius not only was spoken of in his own person, but

was viewed as the abstract and typical teacher of the heresy which he

introduced, and thus his name denoted a heretic more complete and

explicit, even though not more formal, than the heresiarch himself, so

here too, in like manner, I may be describing a school of thought in its

fully developed proportions, which at present every one, to whom

membership with it is imputed, will at once begin to disown, and I may be

pointing to teachers whom no one will be able to descry. Still, it is not

less true that I may be speaking of tendencies and elements which exist,

and he may come in person at last, who comes at first to us merely in his

spirit and in his power.

The teacher, then, whom I speak of, will discourse thus in his secret

heart:—He will begin, as many so far have done before him, by laying it

down as if a position which approves itself to the reason, immediately

that it is fairly examined,—which is of so axiomatic a character as to

have a claim to be treated as a first principle, and is firm and steady

enough to bear a large superstructure upon it,—that Religion is not the

subject-matter of a science. “You may have opinions in religion, you may

have theories, you may have arguments, you may have probabilities; you may

have anything but demonstration, and therefore you cannot have science. In

mechanics you advance from sure premisses to sure conclusions; in optics

you form your undeniable facts into system, arrive at general principles,

and then again infallibly apply them: here you have Science. On the other

hand, there is at present no real science of the weather, because you

cannot get hold of facts and truths on which it depends; there is no

science of the coming and going of epidemics; no science of the breaking

out and the cessation of wars; no science of popular likings and

dislikings, or of the fashions. It is not that these subject-matters are

themselves incapable of science, but that, under existing circumstances,

_we_ are incapable of subjecting them to it. And so, in like manner,” says

the philosopher in question, “without denying that in the matter of

religion some things are true and some things false, still we certainly

are not in a position to determine the one or the other. And, as it would

be absurd to dogmatize about the weather, and say that 1860 will be a wet

season or a dry season, a time of peace or war, so it is absurd for men in

our present state to teach anything positively about the next world, that

there is a heaven, or a hell, or a last judgment, or that the soul is

immortal, or that there is a God. It is not that you have not a right to

your own opinion, as you have a right to place implicit trust in your own

banker, or in your own physician; but undeniably such persuasions are not

knowledge, they are not scientific, they cannot become public property,

they are consistent with your allowing your friend to entertain the

opposite opinion; and, if you are tempted to be violent in the defence of

your own view of the case in this matter of religion, then it is well to

lay seriously to heart whether sensitiveness on the subject of your banker

or your doctor, when he is handled sceptically by another, would not be

taken to argue a secret misgiving in your mind about him, in spite of your

confident profession, an absence of clear, unruffled certainty in his

honesty or in his skill.”

Such is our philosopher’s primary position. He does not prove it; he does

but distinctly state it; but he thinks it self-evident when it is

distinctly stated. And there he leaves it.

4.

Taking his primary position henceforth for granted, he will proceed as

follows:—“Well, then, if Religion is just one of those subjects about

which we can know nothing, what can be so absurd as to spend time upon it?

what so absurd as to quarrel with others about it? Let us all keep to our

own religious opinions respectively, and be content; but so far from it,

upon no subject whatever has the intellect of man been fastened so

intensely as upon Religion. And the misery is, that, if once we allow it

to engage our attention, we are in a circle from which we never shall be

able to extricate ourselves. Our mistake reproduces and corroborates

itself. A small insect, a wasp or a fly, is unable to make his way through

the pane of glass; and his very failure is the occasion of greater

violence in his struggle than before. He is as heroically obstinate in his

resolution to succeed as the assailant or defender of some critical

battle-field; he is unflagging and fierce in an effort which cannot lead

to anything beyond itself. When, then, in like manner, you have once

resolved that certain religious doctrines shall be indisputably true, and

that all men ought to perceive their truth, you have engaged in an

undertaking which, though continued on to eternity, will never reach its

aim; and, since you are convinced it ought to do so, the more you have

failed hitherto, the more violent and pertinacious will be your attempt in

time to come. And further still, since you are not the only man in the

world who is in this error, but one of ten thousand, all holding the

general principle that Religion is scientific, and yet all differing as to

the truths and facts and conclusions of this science, it follows that the

misery of social disputation and disunion is added to the misery of a

hopeless investigation, and life is not only wasted in fruitless

speculation, but embittered by bigotted sectarianism.

“Such is the state in which the world has laid,” it will be said, “ever

since the introduction of Christianity. Christianity has been the bane of

true knowledge, for it has turned the intellect away from what it can

know, and occupied it in what it cannot. Differences of opinion crop up

and multiply themselves, in proportion to the difficulty of deciding them;

and the unfruitfulness of Theology has been, in matter of fact, the very

reason, not for seeking better food, but for feeding on nothing else.

Truth has been sought in the wrong direction, and the attainable has been

put aside for the visionary.”

Now, there is no call on me here to refute these arguments, but merely to

state them. I need not refute what has not yet been proved. It is

sufficient for me to repeat what I have already said, that they are

founded upon a mere assumption. _Supposing_, indeed, religious truth

cannot be ascertained, _then_, of course, it is not only idle, but

mischievous, to attempt to do so; _then_, of course, argument does but

increase the mistake of attempting it. But surely both Catholics and

Protestants have written solid defences of Revelation, of Christianity,

and of dogma, as such, and these are not simply to be put aside without

saying why. It has not yet been shown by our philosophers to be

self-evident that religious truth _is_ really incapable of attainment; on

the other hand, it has at least been powerfully argued by a number of

profound minds that it _can_ be attained; and the _onus probandi_ plainly

lies with those who are introducing into the world what the whole world

feels to be a paradox.

5.

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