head of this article, the international financiers have been so
engrossed in world money that the sense of national responsibility
sometimes becomes blurred in their minds. They desire everything—war,
negotiations and peace—to be conducted in such a way as to react
favorably on the money market. For that is their market: money is what
they buy and sell: and because money has no fixed price, it is a market
which offers the widest opportunity for the trickster and swindler. One
cannot play such tricks with stone or corn or metals, but with money as
the commodity everything is possible.
Mr. Warburg is already very much interested about the treatment to be
accorded foreign securities in the next war. Readers of the daily
newspapers may recall that recently a demand was made for the gold in
the Reichsbank, which was resisted on the ground that the Reichsbank,
although the central bank of Germany, was really a private concern—just
as Paul Warburg said it was and just as he has insisted that our own
Federal Reserve System should be, and which it is. There is far-sighted
wisdom in that, with a view to possible defeat in war.
Mr. Warburg is apparently quite disapproving of the treatment accorded
alien enemy property “by some countries.” He quotes a French banker
throughout—nationality not stated—and drives home his point. The French
banker used as an illustration a possible war between England and France
(this was only last year) and said that the bankers in each country
would proceed to withdraw their mutual balances and securities, for fear
of confiscation, and that such a course would precipitate a panic.
To which Mr. Warburg adds: “I think that our bankers ought carefully to
study this very serious question. We have nothing to gain and much to
lose by joining in a policy of disregarding the rights of private
property. We shall probably, in the course of time, become the largest
owners of foreign securities and properties, which would become
endangered in case we were drawn into war. To me, however, it is of
greater interest that nothing be done that might stand in the way of
making the United States the gold reserve country of the world....”
Such talk passes with too little scrutiny. It bears a strong reflection
of recent events which should not be overlooked. Moreover, it presents a
grandiose vision which is supposed to command instant agreement because
of its appeal to superficial national pride and selfish ambition.
If what Mr. Warburg says is an intimation that the International Jews
are planning to move their money market to the United States, it is safe
to say that the United States does not want it. We have the warning of
history as to what this would mean. It has meant that in turn Spain,
Venice, Great Britain or Germany received the blame and suspicion of the
world for what the Jewish financiers have done. It is a most important
consideration that most of the national animosities that exist today
arose out of resentment against what the Jewish money power did under
the camouflage of national names. “The British did this,” “the Germans
did this,” when it was the International Jew who did it, the nations
being but the marked spaces on his checker board.
Today, around the world the blaming word is heard, “The United States
did this. If it were not for the United States the world would be in
better shape. The Americans are a sordid, greedy, cruel people.” Why?
Because the Jewish money power is largely centered here and is making
money out of both our immunity and Europe’s distress, playing one
against the other; and because so many of the so-called “American
business men” abroad today are not Americans at all—they are Jews, and
in many cases as misrepresentative of their own race as they are of the
Americans.
The United States does not want the transfer of All-Judaan to this soil.
We do not desire to stand as a gold god above the nations. We would
serve the nations, and we would protect them, but we would do both in
the basis of real values, not in the name or under the sign of gold.
On the one hand Mr. Warburg recites pitiful facts about Germany in order
to raise sympathy for her, and on the other hand he stimulates the gold
lust of the United States. The plight of Germany is entirely due to the
forces from which the United States has only narrowly escaped; and to
harken to international Jewish plans for the rehabilitation of Germany
is to be in danger of approving plans which will fasten Jewish
domination more strongly on that unhappy country than it is now. Germany
has paid dearly for her Jews. The Warburg voice that speaks for her
would seem indeed to be the voice of Jacob, but the hand that proposes
financial dealings is that of Esau.
The internationalism of the Warburgs is no longer in doubt, and cannot
be denied. Felix Warburg hung on to the Hamburg connection longer than
did Paul, but the breakage of either was probably perfunctory. At the
time that Felix left the Hamburg firm of his brother, Max, a Mr. Stern
also left the Frankfort firm of Stern, and both became very active on
the Allies side, taking sides against the German nation as lustily as
anyone could. “Impossible!” say those who fancy that a German Jew is a
German. Not at all impossible; the Jew’s loyalty is to the Jewish
nation; what the Jew himself refers to as his “cover nationality” may
count or not as he himself elects.
This statement is always met with frothing wrath by the Jews’ “gentile
fronts” in the purchased pro-Jewish press. But here is an example: Do
you remember “The Beast of Berlin,” that lurid piece of war propaganda?
You did not, perhaps, know that its producer was a German Jew, Carl
Laemmle. His German birth did not prevent him making money out of his
film, and his film does not prevent him annually going back in state to
his birthplace. This year he goes accompanied by Abe Stern, his
treasurer; Lee Kohlmar, his director; and Harry Reichenbach—a list of
names duplicable in any movie group.
Messrs. Stern and “Warburg, of Frankfort and Hamburg, respectively, and
away from home perhaps only temporarily, were not concerned about the
fate of the “Huns,” but they were immensely concerned about the fate of
Jewish money power in Germany.
To indicate how blind the public has been to the inter-allied Jewish
character of much of the world’s important international financial
activity, note this from the _Living Age_ earlier in the year:
“According to the _Svensk Handelstidning_, the recent American loan
of $5,000,000 to Norway was really the outcome of an agreement
between the Hamburg firm of Warburg & Company and the New York
bankers, Kuhn and Loeb. It is regarded as a significant sign of the
times that a German firm should be responsible for an American loan
to a neutral country. The conditions subject to which this money was
borrowed, are not regarded as very favorable to Norway, and no
marked effect on the rate of exchange between the two countries has
followed.”
Note, in the light of all the statements made about Kuhn, Loeb &
Company, and the Warburgs in particular, the assumption in the above
quotation that the transaction was really between a German and an
American firm. It was principally an arrangement between the Warburgs
themselves in family counsel. But the loan will pass in Norway as “_an
American loan_,” and the fact that the terms of the loan “_are not
regarded as very favorable to Norway_” will react upon Scandinavian
opinion of this country. It goes without saying that “_no marked effect
on the rate of exchange between the two countries has followed_,” for
that would not be the object of such a loan. The dislocation of exchange
is not unprofitable.
It would be most interesting to know in how far Kuhn, Loeb & Company has
endeavored to readjust the rate of exchange.
During the war, Kuhn, Loeb & Company made a loan to the city of Paris.
Considerable German comment was occasioned by this—naturally. And it is
very well worthy of record that in the city of Hamburg, where Max
Warburg does business, the chief of police issued this order:
“Further mention in the press of loans made by the firm of Kuhn,
Loeb & Company to the city of Paris, and unfavorable comments
thereon, are forbidden.”
The following story is vouched for as reliable, and if in one or two
minor details it does not represent the exact fact, it is a trustworthy
illustration of how certain things were done:
“A Jewish international banking corporation bought up the mining and
other similar concessions of Jugo-Slavia, and consequently the
policy pushed at the Peace Conference was that which was most
convenient for that group. An understanding on the Fiume question
was in progress between Wilson and Nitti. Certain concessions had
been agreed upon and Wilson was willing to negotiate, when Oscar
Straus and one of the Warburgs appeared on the scene. Wilson changed
his attitude over night and afterward insisted on the Jugo-Slavia
solution of the problem. The way in which concessions had been
bought through that territory was a disgrace, and observers expected
that it would play an important part at the Peace Conference.”
The financiers are not the only International Jews in the world. The
revolutionary Jews, of all countries and none, are international also.
They have seized upon the idea of Christian internationalism, which
means amity between nations, and have used it as a weapon with which to
weaken nationality. They know as well as anyone that there can be no
internationalism except on the basis of strong nationalism, but they
count on “cover words” to advance their plan.
Enough transpired between the lower and higher Jewish groups of every
large center during the war to render it imperative that Jewry confess,
repent and repudiate the madness that has ruled it, or else boldly
assert and espouse it before the world.
Certainly enough has transpired to render it desirable that the American
people look again into the purposes of those Jews who were instrumental
in reorganizing our financial system at a most critical time in the
world’s history.
Max Warburg was apparently strong enough to suppress German discussion
of his brothers’ activity in America. The Warburgs at present resident
in America must suffer it, therefore, that American comment be made as
full as need be.
——
Issue of July 9, 1921.
LXI.
Jewish Power and America’s Money Famine
The international Jewish banker who has no country but plays them all
against one another, and the International Jewish proletariat that roams
from land to land in search of a peculiar type of economic opportunity,
are not figments of the imagination except to the non-Jew who prefers a
lazy laxity of mind.
Of these classes of Jews, one or both are at the heart of the problems
that disturb the world today. The immigration problem is Jewish. The
money question is Jewish. The tie-up of world politics is Jewish. The
terms of the Peace Treaty are Jewish. The diplomacy of the world is
Jewish. The moral question in movies and theaters is Jewish. The mystery
of the illicit liquor business is Jewish.
These facts are unfortunate as well as unpleasant for the Jew, and it is
squarely up to him to deal with the facts, and not waste time in trying
to destroy those who define the facts. These facts are interpreted by
the Jew and the anti-Semite with strange extremes of blindness. The Jew
never gets the world’s point of view at all; he always gets the
anti-Semite’s point of view; and the anti-Semite is equally at fault in
always getting the Jew’s point of view. What both need is to get
society’s point of view, which is the one being set forth in this
present series of articles.
To say that the immigration problem is Jewish does not mean that Jews
must be prohibited entry to any country; it means that they must become
rooted to a country in loyal citizenship, as no doubt some are, and as
no doubt most are not. To say that the money question is Jewish does not
mean that Jews must get out of finance; it means that they must rid
finance of the Jewish idea which has always been to use money to get a
strangle-hold on men and business concerns, instead of using finance to
help general business. To say that the tie-up of world politics is
Jewish does not mean that Jews, as human beings, are to be denied a
voice in affairs; it means that they must give up trying to make the
world revolve around the Jewish nation as its axis. To describe the
influence of the Jew on the theater is not to demand that he leave the
theater, but it is to demand that he rid the theater of his idea that
sensualism is entertaining.
The Jewish Question is first for the Jews to solve; if not, the world
will have to solve it for them. They may stay in business, say the
theater, for example, if they will cease spoiling the theater; if they
do not cease, the theater will be taken away from them just as certainly
as that day follows night. The world has been patient and the world will
be fair, but the world knows the limit of imposition.
It is not the true Jewishness of the Jew, nor yet the nationalism of the
Jew that is on trial, but his anti-national internationalism. A true
Mosaic Jew—not a Talmud Jew—would be a good citizen. A nationalist Jew
would at least be logical. But an international Jew has proved an
abomination, because his internationalism is focused on his own racial
nationalism which in turn is founded on his ingrained belief that the
rest of humanity is inferior to him and by right his prey. Jewish
leaders may indulge in all the platitudes they possess, the fact which
they cannot deny is that the Jew has for centuries regarded the “goyim”
as beneath him and legitimately his spoil.
The internationalism of the Jew is confessed everywhere by him. Listen
to a German banker: imagine the slow, oily voice in which he said:
“We are international bankers. Germany lost the war?—what of it?—that is
an affair of the army. We are international bankers.”
And that was the attitude of every international Jewish banker during
the war. The nations were in strife? What of it? It was like a
Dempsey-Carpentier bout in New Jersey, or a baseball game in Chicago—an
affair of the fighters—“we are international bankers.”
A nation is being hamstrung by artificial exchange rates; another by the
sucking of money out of its channels of trade; what of it to the
international banker?—he has his own game to play. Hard times bring more
plums tumbling off the tree into the baskets of the international
bankers than does any other kind of times. Wars and panics are the
Jewish international bankers’ harvests.
Citizens wake up with a start to find that even the white nations are
hardly allowed to see each other nowadays except through Jewish eyes.
When the United States supposedly speaks to France, through whom does
she speak? All that France sees is Otto H. Kahn! Why must a Jew
represent the United States of America to France? When France supposedly
speaks to the United States, through whom is it done? Through Viviani,
Jewish in every thought and method. Now they are talking of sending
Millerand over, another Jew. Britain sends Lord Reading. Germany sent
Dr. Dernberg. And to other countries the United States sent Morgenthau,
Strauss, Warburg, and lesser Jewlings.
It comes with something of a shock to learn that Foch is coming to the
United States. We have not seen a Frenchman since Joffre visited us. It
is good to see men of the white race come across the sea as if to
reassure us that white men still live in those countries. The business
of the Peace Conference was done by Jews—has it come to a point where
international diplomacy is to become a Jewish monopoly also? Must the
special conversations between France, Britain and the United States be
held through Jewish interpreters, while Anglo-Saxons and true Frenchmen
do the routine embassy work—or shall it be possible for the non-Jewish
nations to see one another occasionally through non-Jewish
representatives?
Internationalism is not a Jewish conviction, but a Jewish business
device. It is most profitable. In diplomacy and at the immigrant
station, internationalism pays. Jews interpret nation to nation in the
high rites of special conversations between governments; Jewish
interpreters swarm at the ports of every country also, where the poor
swarm in. It was stated in the House of Lords the other day that most of
the trouble in Palestine was caused by Jewish interpreters. It was
charged that the Jewish administration added an extra language to the
official list in order to make Jewish interpreters indispensable.
Go through the government of the United States, where the income tax
secrets are kept, where the Federal Reserve secrets are kept, where the
State Department secrets are kept—and you will find Jews sitting at the
very spot where International Jewry desires them to sit, and where
nothing is kept from their knowledge.
Go abroad and come back to your country a Jew will open the gate to let
you in, or close it to keep you out—as he chooses.
“Will you be going to Detroit while you are here?” asked a Jewish
government agent of a gentleman entering the country on a visit a few
weeks ago.
“I may go to Detroit,” was the reply.
“Well, you go to the damned DEARBORN INDEPENDENT and tell them a Jew let
you into this country,” said the government agent.
What the visitor replied is known, but had better not be quoted. The
American Jewish Committee might shriek that the people were being
incited to pogroms.
The incident, however, is but a sample of what is occurring every day.
The truth about the Jewish Question in the United States is perhaps the
one form of truth that cannot be indiscriminately told.
The international Jewish bankers regard themselves as in similar fashion
“letting” the nations do this or that, regarding the nations not as
fatherlands but as customers—and as customers in the Jewish sense. If an
army wins or loses, if a government succeeds or fails, what of it?—that
is their affair—“we are international bankers,” and we win, whoever
loses.
For international Jewish bankers, the war is not over. The period of
actual hostilities and the emergencies of the nations were but the
opening of the trade. The ready cash was skimmed in then—all the cash
the world had. True, some of it had to be distributed among the people
as war wages and bonuses, in order to keep the struggle going, but this
was soon recovered through the means of high prices, artificial
scarcities and the orgy of extravagance deliberately organized and
stimulated among the people. That phase over, and money disappeared.
Is there any more tragic joke than that diligently disseminated in this
country—“The United States has more gold than any other country in the
world”? Where is it? How long since you have seen a piece of gold? Where
is all this gold—is it locked up in the Treasury of the United States
Government? Why, that government is in debt, desperately trying to
economize, cannot pay a soldier bonus because the finances of the
country cannot stand it! Where is that gold? It may be _in_ the United
States, but it does not belong _to_ the United States.
The American farmer, and those American industries which were not “wise”
to the tricks of international Jewish bankers, and who were nipped by
small loans, are wondering where all this money is. Furthermore, Europe,
suffering from every possible lack, is looking to us and wondering where
the money is.
This dispatch in a London paper may throw light on the matter: (italics
are ours)
“It is learned today that new gold shipments aggregating $2,800,000
are consigned to Kuhn, Loeb & Company, New York, making nearly
$129,000,000 imported by that firm since the movement started. In
responsible banking circles the belief is expressed that some of the
_German_ coin recently imported by the firm is _from_ _Russia,
instead of Germany_, as generally supposed.”
This dispatch, coupled with one printed in a former article which showed
Warburg & Company of Germany arranging with Kuhn, Loeb & Company of New
York for a $5,000,000 loan to Norway, is not devoid of light on the
question—_Where is the money?_
The Jewish international banking system may be easily described. First,
there is the international Jewish headquarters. This was in Germany. It
had ramifications in Russia, Italy, France, Great Britain and the South
American states. (South American Jewry is very menacing.) Germany and
Russia were the two countries scheduled for punishment by the
International Jewish bankers because these two countries were most aware
of the Jew. They have been punished; that job is done.
Jewish political headquarters, as related to the internal affairs of the
Jews, was also located in Germany, but the headquarters dealing with the
“goyim” was in France. Statements have been made that the political
center of Jewry has been transplanted to the United States. But these
statements have been made by American Jews whose wish may have been
father to the thought. During the Wilson Administration it was possible
for a Jew to think and to hope this, but affairs have slightly changed.
The ousting of American Jews from the Zionist movement at the behest of
Eastern Jews indicates that if the political center of world Jewry has
shifted to the United States, the _power_ is still in the hands of
_aliens_ resident here. The center is still in Jewry; the United States
is merely a square on Jewry’s world checker board.
But, wherever the financial and political world centers may be, each
country is separately handled. In every country—the United States,
Mexico and the republics of South America; in France, England, Italy,
Germany, Austria—yes, and in Japan—there is an international Jewish
banking firm which stands at the head of the group for that country.
Thus, the chief Jewish firm in the United States is Kuhn, Loeb &
Company, of which one of the members is Paul M. Warburg, brother of M.
Warburg & Company, of Hamburg; and another member of which is Otto H.
Kahn, resident successively of Germany, Great Britain and the United
States, and self-appointed financial spokesman for the United States to
France and Great Britain. Great Britain and France seldom see a special
American spokesman who is not a Jew. That may be the reason why they
reciprocate by sending Jews to us, thinking perhaps that we prefer them.
Paul M. Warburg was the inventor, perfector and director of the Federal
Reserve System of the United States. He is not the only Jew in the
Federal Reserve System, but he was the chief Jew there. His mind counted
for a great deal. There were others in the war government, of course;
Bernard M. Baruch; Eugene Meyer, Jr.; Hoover’s regiment of Jews; Felix
Frankfurter; Julius Rosenwald—hundreds of them, and everywhere; but the
financial group alone is receiving our attention just now, and they are
not so notably successful in getting the country out of financial
difficulty as they were in other lines of effort.
The Federal Reserve System may not be a bad system, in spite of the fact
that it yields government monetary functions to private financial
corporations, but there are all sorts of testimony that it has been
badly manipulated. Mr. Warburg, the reader will remember, spoke about
certain things being “overcome in an administrative way,” showing that
there was a certain amount of “play” or loose motion in the system which
could be manipulated either way. The fact remains that the country went
swimmingly through the war by reason of the assistance of the System,
and is coming very lamely through the Peace, as the result, monetary
experts say, of the hindrance of the same System. Mr. Warburg, whose
name was so prominently connected with the advertisement of the glory of
the System, must also stand being mentioned in connection with the
criticism.
Whatever money we are said to have as the per capita in the United
States, it is a false statement. The money _per capita_ should always be
figured on the basis of the money _in circulation_. The statistical “per
capita” is not always in circulation. Less than half of it, as a rule.
The rest is being juggled.
Whatever the _gold_ in the country, the _wealth_ is still greater. There
is more wealth in the United States than there is gold in the world. One
year’s products of the farms of the United States exceeds in money value
all the gold in the world.