government supervision provided for, and the establishment of a number
of Federal Reserve Banks out in the country.
Mr. Warburg had referred to this before; he had agreed to the larger
number only because it seemed to be an unavoidable political concession.
It has already been shown, by Professor Seligman, that Mr. Warburg was
alive to the necessity of veiling a little here and there, and “putting
on” a little yonder, for the sake of conciliating a suspicious public.
There was also the story of the bartender and the cash-register.
Mr. Warburg thinks he understands the psychology of America. In this
respect he reminds one of the reports of Mr. von Bernstorff and Captain
Boy-Ed of what the Americans were likely to do or not to do. In the
Political Science Quarterly of December, 1920, Mr. Warburg tells how, on
a then recent visit to Europe, he was asked by men of all countries what
the United States was going to do. He assured them that America was a
little tired just then, but that she would come round all right. And
then, harking back to his efforts of placing his monetary system on the
Americans, he said:
“I asked them to be patient with us until after the election, and _I
cited to them our experiences with monetary reform_. I reminded them how
the Aldrich plan had failed because, at that time, a Republican
President had lost control of a Congress ruled by a Democratic majority;
how the Democrats in their platform damned this plan and any central
banking system; and how, _once in full power, the National Reserve
Association was evolved, not to say camouflaged, by them into the
Federal Reserve System_.”
Remembering this play before the public, and the play behind the scenes,
this “camouflaging,” as Mr. Warburg says, of one thing into another, he
undertook to assure his friends in Europe that regardless of what the
political platforms said, the United States would do substantially what
Europe hoped it would. Mr. Warburg’s basis for that belief was, as he
said, his experience with the way the central bank idea went through in
spite of the advertised objection of all parties. He believes that with
Americans it is possible to get what you want if you just play the game
skillfully. His experience with monetary reform seems to have fathered
that belief in him.
Politicians may be necessary pawns to play in the game, but as members
of the government Mr. Warburg does not want them in banking. They are
not bankers, he says; they don’t understand; banking is nothing for a
government man to meddle with. He may be good enough for the Government
of the United States; he is not good enough for banking.
“In our country,” says Mr. Warburg, referring to the United States,
“with every untrained amateur a candidate for any office, _where
friendship or help in a presidential campaign, financial or political,
has always given a claim for political preferment_, where the bids for
votes and public favor are ever present in the politician’s mind, ... _a
direct government management, that is to say, a political management,
would prove fatal_.... There can be no doubt but that, as drawn at
present (1913), with two cabinet officers members of the Federal Reserve
Board, and with the vast powers vested in the latter, the Owen-Glass
Bill would bring about direct government management.”
And that, of course, in Mr. Warburg’s mind, is not only “dangerous,” but
“fatal.”
Mr. Warburg had almost his whole will in the matter. And what is the
result?
Turn to the testimony of Bernard M. Baruch, when he was examined with
reference to the charge that certain men close to President Wilson had
profited to the extent of $60,000,000 on stock market operations which
they entered into on the strength of advance information of what the
President was to say in his next war note—the famous “leak”
investigation, as it was called; one of the several investigations in
which Mr. Baruch was closely questioned.
In that investigation Mr. Baruch was laboring to show that he had not
been in telephone communication with Washington, especially with certain
men who were supposed to have shared the profits of the deals. The time
was December, 1916. Mr. Warburg was then safely settled on the Federal
Reserve Board, which he had kept quite safe from Government intrusion.
The Chairman—“Of course the records of the telephone company here,
the slips, will show the persons with whom you talked.”
Mr. Baruch—“Do you wish me to say, sir? I will state who they are.”
The Chairman—“Yes, I think you might.”
Mr. Baruch—“I called up two persons; one, Mr. Warburg, whom I did
not get, and one, Secretary McAdoo, whom I did get—both in reference
to the same matter. Would you like to know the matter?”
The Chairman—“Yes, I think it is fair that you should state it.”
Mr. Baruch—“I called up the Secretary, because someone suggested to
me—_asked me to suggest an officer for the Federal Reserve Bank_,
and I called him up in reference to that, and discussed the matter
with him, I think, _two or three times_, but it was suggested to me
that I make the suggestion, and I did so.” (pp. 570–571)
Mr. Campbell—“Mr. Baruch, who asked you for a suggestion for an
appointee for the Federal Reserve Bank here?”
Mr. Baruch—“Mr. E. M. House.”
Mr. Campbell—“Did Mr. House tell you to call Mr. McAdoo up and make
the recommendation?”
Mr. Baruch—“I will tell you exactly how it occurred: _Mr. House
called me up_ and said that there was a vacancy on the Federal
Reserve Board, and he said, ‘I don’t know anything about those
fellows down there, and I would like you to make a suggestion.’ _And
I suggested the name_, which he thought was a very good one, and he
said to me, ‘I wish you would call up the Secretary and tell him.’ I
said, ‘I do not see the necessity; I will tell you.’ ‘No,’ he said,
‘I would prefer you to call him up.’” (p. 575)
There we have an example of the Federal Reserve “kept out of politics,”
kept away from government management which would not only be
“dangerous,” but “fatal.”
Barney Baruch, the New York stock plunger, who never owned a bank in his
life, was called up by Colonel E. M. House, the arch-politician of the
Wilson Administration, and thus the great Federal Reserve Board was
supplied another member.
A telephone call kept within a narrow Jewish circle and settled by a
word from one Jewish stock dealer—that, in practical operation, was Mr.
Warburg’s great monetary reform. Mr. Baruch calling up Mr. Warburg to
give the name of the next appointee of the Federal Reserve Board, and
calling up Mr. McAdoo, secretary of the United States Treasury, and set
in motion to do it by Colonel E. M. House—is it any wonder the Jewish
mystery in the American war government grows more and more amazing?
But, as Mr. Warburg has written—“friendship or help in _a presidential
campaign_, financial or political, has always given a claim to political
preferment.” And, as Mr. Warburg urges, this is a country “with every
untrained amateur a candidate for office,” and naturally, with such men
comprising the government, they must be kept at a safe distance from
monetary affairs.
As if to illustrate the ignorance thus charged, along comes Mr. Baruch,
who quotes Colonel House as saying, “I don’t know anything about those
fellows down there and I would like you to make a suggestion.” It is
permissible to doubt that Mr. Baruch correctly quotes Colonel House. It
is permissible to doubt that all that Colonel House confessed was his
ignorance about “those fellows.” There was a good understanding between
these two men, too good an understanding for the alleged telephone
conversation to be taken strictly at its face value. It is possibly
quite true that Mr. House is not a financier. Certainly, Mr. Wilson was
not. In the long roll of Presidents only a handful have been, and those
who have been have been regarded as most drastic in their proposals.
But this whole matter of ignorance, as charged by Mr. Warburg, sounds
like an echo of the Protocols:
“The administrators chosen by us from the masses _will not be
persons trained for government_, and consequently they will easily
become pawns in our game, played by _our learned and talented
counsellors, specialists educated from early childhood to administer
world affairs_.”
In the Twentieth Protocol, wherein the great financial plan of world
subversion and control is disclosed, there is another mention of the
rulers’ ignorance of financial problems.
It is a coincidence that, while he does not use the term “ignorance,”
Mr. Warburg is quite outspoken concerning the benighted state in which
he found this country, and he is also outspoken about the “untrained
amateurs” who are candidates for every office. These, he says, are not
fitted to take part in the control of monetary affairs. But Mr. Warburg
is. He says so. He admits that it was his ambition from the moment he
came here an alien Jewish-German banker, to change our financial affairs
more to his liking. More than that, he has succeeded; he has succeeded,
he himself says, more than most men do in a lifetime; he has succeeded,
Professor Seligman says, to such an extent that throughout history the
name of Paul M. Warburg and that of the Federal Reserve System shall be
united.
——
Issue of July 2, 1921.
LX.
How Jewish International Finance Functions
“_Such has been the development of international bankers that they can
no longer be regarded in their professional capacity as the nationals of
any country, entitled to do business under their own government’s
supervision exclusively. They are really world citizens, with world-wide
interests, and as such ought to be made amenable to some form of
supernational control._”—George Pattullo, in _Saturday Evening Post_.
Not only did the Jewish financial firm of Kuhn, Loeb & Company use
far-sighted prudence in splitting its political support—one Warburg
supporting Wilson, another Warburg supporting Taft and an unnamed member
of the firm supporting Roosevelt, all at one time, as Paul M. Warburg
testified—but it split its activities in several other ways also.
The international interests of the Jews comprising this firm are worthy
of note. The influence which forced the United States to repudiate a
commercial treaty with Russia while Russia was a friendly country
(1911), and thus to compel all business between the United States and
Russia to pass through German-Jewish hands, was generated by Jacob H.
Schiff. Russia seems to have been the country on which he chose to focus
his activities. The full story is told in THE DEARBORN INDEPENDENT of
January 15, 1921, under the title, “Taft Once Tried to Resist the
Jews—and Failed,” and is reprinted in Volume II of the booklet
containing this series.
Mr. Schiff’s activity consisted in forcing the Congress of the United
States to do a thing that was repugnant to the reason and conscience of
President Taft, and which he personally refused to do or to recommend.
Mr. Schiff left the White House in great anger with the threat, “This
means war.” It did not mean as much war as it might have, for President
Taft acquiesced gracefully in the Jewish victory and has since been
extremely laudatory of them on the public platform.
Mr. Schiff’s firm also helped finance the Japanese war against Russia,
and in return desired Japan as a Jewish ally. The wily Japs, however,
saw the game and kept their relations with Mr. Schiff to purely business
matters. Which fact is well worth bearing in mind when reading the
widespread propaganda for war with Japan. If you will give particular
attention, you will observe that the same interests which are just now
engaged in most loudly “defending” the Jew, are most active in spreading
anti-Japanese sentiments in this country.
The Japanese war with Russia, however, enabled Mr. Schiff to advance his
plan to undermine the Russian Empire, as it has now been accomplished by
Jewish Bolshevism. With funds provided by him, the basic principles of
what is now known as Bolshevism, were sown among the Russian prisoners
of war in Japan, who were sent back as apostles of destruction. Then
followed the horrible murder of Nicholas Romanoff, Czar of Russia, with
his wife, his crippled son, and his young daughters, the full tale of
which has now been told by the Jew who managed the crime.
For the part he played in destroying Russia, Mr. Schiff was wildly
hailed in New York the night the news came that the Emperor had
abdicated.
Meanwhile, the Jew who was “to take the Czar’s job” (as the common New
York ghetto phrase ran, weeks before the event) had left New York to be
in waiting.
This Jew was passed out of the United States at the request of a very
high American personage whose subservience to the Jews was one of the
marvels of the past seven years. Halted by the British, this Jew was
released from their toils at the request of a very high American
personage. And thus, the Jewish Bolshevik Revolution in Russia, the
program of which was made in America, was set in operation without a
hitch.
This whole firm is German Jewish, its members having originated in
Germany. It had German connections. How far it maintained those
connections through all subsequent events is a separate question.
Mr. Otto Kahn’s allotted portion of the world seems to be Great Britain
and France. Mr. Kahn is of German origin, like the rest of the firm, but
he has not publicly shown such concern for Germany as have the other
members. Mr. Schiff was once very active for the settlement of a peace
on the basis of a victorious Germany. Mr. Paul M. Warburg also had
interests, discussion of which is postponed for the present. But Mr.
Kahn succeeded, through the connivance of American authority and the
excessive repression of the newspapers, in conveying the impression that
by some species of occult separatism he was not “German-minded.”
Therefore Mr. Kahn flits lightly everywhere—except Germany. He is
sufficiently French to be able to tell in the first column on the first
page of _Le Matin_ on what terms America will do business with Europe,
and he speaks as one having authority. He is sufficiently British to
have thought of standing for the British Parliament, when an unfortunate
event made it necessary for him to remain in the United States. Mr. Kahn
sometimes flits farther East into the more Jewish portions of Europe,
and his comings and goings are marked by certain changes with which his
name remains most ostentatiously disconnected.
Mr. Kahn has very recently been telling France on what terms the United
States will help her. There apparently being no other spokesman, Mr.
Kahn’s word is accepted as authority. France is one of the most Judaized
countries in the world, the haunt of International Jewish Financiers who
exercise their power (thus saving France the trouble of passing laws) to
keep the emigrant Jew out of France; so that France presents the
spectacle of being Judaized by Jewish finance and not by immigrant
Semitic hordes, and is thus a fit platform from which Mr. Otto Herman
Kahn may utter his pronouncements.
In his last declaration to France, Mr. Kahn prepares her to expect
little by stating that “America is a country of immense resources; but
the actual money which the people have at their disposal is
comparatively limited.” True enough. It was a member of Mr. Kahn’s firm
who invented a monetary system which was promised to keep _money_ in
more equal relation to _wealth_.
But as he goes on telling what America will and will not do (the
American people knowing nothing about it meanwhile) Mr. Kahn discovers
with great enthusiasm a place where he thinks American capital can be
placed, namely, “_in the development of the vast and immensely rich
colonial empire of France_.”
And pray where is that? Any Frenchman would tell you now, “_In Syria._”
Syria—ah!—that part of the East where the natives are loudly complaining
that the Jews are driving them out contrary to every written and moral
law. The Jewish powers have already succeeded in getting French troops
over there; bad blood has been caused between France and Great Britain;
the Jews on both sides are playing for the middle; and here is Mr. Otto
Kahn himself pledging American capital to the development of the French
colonial empire! Talk to any Syrian who knows his country’s present
status, and he will interpret Mr. Kahn’s words very vividly.
One of the nicest bits of work Mr. Kahn has done is to denounce
“pro-German propaganda” which he says has exasperated Americans in favor
of France. Next to committing the United States to an undying admiration
for Briand, this is really his finest bit. Especially, with Partner Paul
playing the German sympathy string! It is a great international
orchestra, this Jewish financial firm; it can play The Star Spangled
Banner, Die Wacht am Rhein, the Marseillaise, and God Save the King in
one harmonious rendering, paying obsequious attention to the prejudices
of each.
Next come the Warburgs. Their interest is, of course, in Germany. Paul
stated in his testimony given at the beginning of the World War that he
had interests in Hamburg and would dispose of them. The war came on. The
Jewish government in the United States was augmented. Mr. Warburg was no
mean figure, as previous articles have shown.
The Warburgs are three in number. Felix M. is the other one in America.
He appears but slightly in public affairs although he is a member of the
American Jewish Committee and of the firm of Kuhn, Loeb & Company. His
retiring habit, however, does not argue lack of consequence. He was of
sufficient consequence, Jewishly, to have bestowed upon him a sort of
honorary rabbinical degree of “Haber” which entitles him to be known as
“Haber Rabbi Baruch Ben Moshe.” He is the only Jew in America upon whom
the title has ever been conferred.
Max Warburg represents the family in its native land. Max Warburg had as
much to do with the German war government as his family and financial
colleagues in America had to do with the United States war government.
As has been recounted in the press the world over, the brother from
America and the brother from Germany both met at Paris as government
representatives in determining the peace. There were so many Jews in the
German delegation that it was known by the term “kosher,” also as “the
Warburg delegation,” and there were so many Jews in the American
delegation that the delegates from the minor countries of Europe looked
upon the United States as a Jewish country which through unheard-of
generosity had elected a non-Jew as its President.
Max Warburg is an interesting character also as regards the
establishment of Bolshevism in Russia. The Jews had several objectives
in the war, and one of them was “get Russia.” To this end the German
Jews worked very assiduously. Because Russia was a member of the Allies,
the work of German Jews was made the easier. But the fact that Russia
was an ally made no difference with the Jews who were resident in Allied
countries. Win or lose, Russia must be destroyed. It is the testimony of
history that it was not so much the German military prowess as the
Jewish intrigue that accomplished the downfall of that empire.
In this work Max Warburg was a factor. His bank is noted in a dispatch
published by the United States Government as being one whence funds were
forwarded to Trotzky for use in destroying Russia. Always against
Russia, not for German reasons, but for Jewish reasons, which in this
particular instance coincided. Warburg and Trotzky—against Russia!
Poor John Spargo, who ought to know better, denies all this—while every
American who comes back from Russia, even those who went over there pro-
Bolshevik, yes, and returned Jews themselves, proclaim it.
The crushing fact is that Bolshevism is not only Jewish in Russia, and
in America, but it is Jewish in the higher regions of Jewry where better
things ought to exist. Take Walter Rathenau, a German Jew on the plane
of the Warburgs. Rathenau was the inventor of the Bolshevik system of
centralization of industry, material and money. The Soviet Government
asked Rathenau directly for the plans, and received them directly from
him. Max Warburg’s bank held the money; Walter Rathenau’s mind held the
plans—which makes it a pertinent question: If Bolshevism can be so
Jewish outside of Russia, what hinders it being Jewish inside Russia?
It is a most significant fact that, as in Washington, the most constant
and privileged visitors to the White House were Jews, so in Berlin the
only private telephone wire to the Kaiser was owned by Walter Rathenau.
Not even the Crown Prince could reach the Kaiser except through the
ordinary telephone connections. It was the same in London. It was the
same in Paris. It was the same in Petrograd—in Russia which so
“persecuted” the race that controlled it then and controls it now.
Now, this sketchy outline of the internationalism of the firm of Kuhn,
Loeb & Company is not offered as the result of keen research, for the
facts are found on the very surface of the matter, for anyone to see.
What is revealed by research is this: whether Mr. Schiff’s interest in
Russia had underground features which affected the welfare of the
nations; whether Mr. Kahn’s flitting missions here and there, which he
made with great freedom daring the war, were wholly taken up with the
business announced in the public notices; and whether Mr. Warburg, whose
interest in Germany has not abated, to judge from his recent utterances,
was able to retain complete neutrality of mind during the war. These are
questions of value. Obviously, they are not easy to answer. But they can
be answered.
It was a family enterprise, this international campaign. Jacob Schiff
swore to destroy Russia. Paul M. Warburg was his brother-in-law; Felix
Warburg was his son-in-law. Max Warburg, of Hamburg, banker of the
Bolsheviks, was thus brother-in-law to Jacob Schiff’s wife and daughter.
Speaking of the far-sighted manner in which the house of Kuhn, Loeb &
Company disposes itself over world affairs, there is also the curious
fact that in this Jewish firm is one who goes to a Christian church—a
most heinous thing for a Jew to do. Split three ways in American
politics and as many ways as international matters require, we find this
firm split two ways with regard to religion. Mr. Kahn professes—at least
he attends—a Christian church and is accounted an adherent of it. Yet he
is not ostracized. His name is not taboo. The Jews do not curse him. He
is not denounced as a renegade. The Jews have not buried him out of
mind, as they do others who desert the faith.
This presents a strange situation when it is considered. Not to recount
again the horror and reprehension and active antagonism with which Jews
view such a desertion, suffice it to say that there is no greater marvel
than that of Jacob H. Schiff retaining in the firm of Kuhn, Loeb &
Company a “renegade” Jew. He could not have done it; every fiber of his
intensely Jewish nature would have rebelled against it. Yet there it is!
Without going further into this ingenious system of covering all vital
points from one center, enough has been said to show one busy Jewish
financial firm with which political matters, national and international,
is almost a profession. The family of Warburg high in the controlling
group of two countries, and enemy countries at that. The family of
Warburg high in the negotiations of world peace and the discussions of a
League of Nations. The family of Warburg now advising the world from
both sides of the earth, what to do next. It was probably with more
reason than the general public surmised that a New York paper printed
during the Peace Conference an article headed, “Watch the Warburgs!”