or director of those great unions which form part of the New York
Kehillah. These men have not the faintest idea of what America stands
for. They are not here to become Americanized, but to change America to
their own model. In this they have the articulated support of most of
the Jewish rabbis who have been very keen to explain that
_Americanization does not at all mean what the American means by it_.
America will have become what these people want it to be when America is
sovietized with Jewish radicals in control, and that is the objective
toward which they are working now.
The other officers of the Amalgamated are Jacob Petowsky, secretary, who
is a Russian Jew, and J. B. Salutsky, who is also a Russian Jew and
“National Director of the Educational Department,” which means that he
is the propagandist of the union in the United States.
Regarding the assertion that the great radical unions are not officered
by native-born citizens (the statement has been made that Russian Jews
do not usually complete their citizenship but stop short at the
“declaration of intention”), there is some interesting material in a
study of 2,000 presidents of Jewish organizations in New York City.
Of this number, 1,054 were born in Russia, 536 in Austro-Hungary, 90 in
Rumania, 64 in Germany and four in Palestine. These countries produced
89.1 per cent of Jewish leaders in New York.
Of this number, 531 entered the country between the ages of 14 and 21,
and 977 entered over the age of 21.
Of this number, 1,270 are still under 50 years of age.
These figures include all organizations from synagogues to trade unions.
How far they have been Americanized, or wish to be, can only be judged
by the policies and activities of the organizations which they direct.
The big Jewish labor organizations are the direct offspring of the
Jewish Socialist Bund of Russia. It is due to the propaganda of the Bund
in the United States that the united Hebrew trades have gone over to the
ranks of radicalism. Bundists swarmed to the United States after the
abortive revolution of 1905 at which time they failed to put Bolshevism
over in Russia, and these Bundists gave their time to the Bolshevizing
of the Hebrew Trade Unions in this country. An Agitation Bureau was
formed which propagated radical Socialism through the medium of the
Yiddish language, which is one of the official languages of the New York
Kehillah, made so by the demands of the Kehillah’s overwhelming radical
constituency.
The Bundists incorporated in 1905 in New York an organization known as
“The Workmen’s Circle” and “swelled the ranks of the Jewish trade
unions,” to quote the Kehillah’s Register. After a brief attempt to
propagate Socialism without reference to the Jewish Question, it was
given up, and in 1913 a resolution was adopted declaring that the whole
purpose of the work was Jewish. This is attributed, in the Kehillah
record, to the spread of “the idea of Jewish nationalism.”
Now, care would have to be exercised to avoid confusion between the
Hebrew labor unions, radical as they are, and the avowed communistic
bodies, if it were not the fact that the unions and the Communists are
so inextricably interlocked as to make distinctions unnecessary.
That this is not a judgment dictated by mere adverse attitude may be
seen from the following facts:
The Workmen’s Circle has 800 branches throughout the United States and
is officered by Jews throughout. The membership is 98 per cent
foreign-born and is Jewish in like proportion.
Among the higher officers of this organization are Joseph Schlessinger,
Sydney Hillman, Benjamin Schlossberg, Sam Feinstein and J. B. Salutsky.
The names will probably have become familiar to the reader by this time.
They form part of the interlocking directorate so commonly found among
Jewish organizations, a system which finally heads up in the executive
committee of the Kehillah which also composes the leaders of the
American Jewish Committee, of which the great public lights of Jewry are
members.
Schlessinger is president of the Union of Ladies’ Garment Workers, and
made a trip to Russia in behalf of communism in the United States, to
finance which the members of the Communist party were assessed $1.50
each.
Hillman is president of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America.
Schlossberg is secretary of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America.
Feinstein is secretary of the United Hebrew Trades.
Salutsky is food commissar to the striking Amalgamated, and is national
director of Bolshevik propaganda carried on by his crowd.
They are, of course, all Jews.
The line-up is this: Hebrew trade union leaders are also members of the
Workmen’s Circle and of the Communist party, and the majority of their
trade union followers go with them into the other associations. The
reverse process is this: Communism and radical Bolshevism then find
their way to the consciousness of the American public by the Bolshevik
demands of the so-called trade unions of Jewry.
An extreme defense of all this activity might be that these Jewish
leaders and workers are only enamored of the _idea_ of Bolshevism, are
playing with it academically, and are not to be considered as actively
the proponents of a form of government contrary to the Constitution of
the United States and to be established by “direct action.”
This defense, however, appears insufficient when confronted by another
set of facts in which these same union leaders and Communists are shown
to be in communication with the Soviet government in the United
States—and the Soviet government in the United States is not a mere
_idea_, it is a _program_. Moscow has repeatedly stated that the purpose
of the Lenin-Trotsky government has been World Revolution. And one
reason for the colossal economic failure of the Soviet governmental
experiment has been the Jewish Soviet leaders’ neglect of their proper
work to follow this fetish of World Revolution. If one-tenth the effort
had been made to govern and feed Russia that has been made to sow
Bolshevik ideas in other countries, Russia might today have been in a
less unhappy plight. Propaganda is the sole art which the Bolsheviks
have mastered.
This Soviet government in the United States, therefore, must be regarded
as an advance post of World Revolution. It is so regarded by those who
know anything about it. It is so regarded by those who ordered the
deportation of L. C. A. K. Martens, the “Soviet Ambassador.” Martens was
announced to be here for the purpose of opening up trade relations with
the United States. He had a vast fund of gold—indeed, it was to explain
his gold hoard that he used the story about trade relations. The
Government of the United States judged, however, that his purpose here
was World Revolution—and the government was right.
Martens has departed but the Soviet Embassy remains. As stated in a
former article, Martens’ successor is Charles Recht, who is a Russian
Jew about 36 years of age. In the same building with Recht is Isaac A.
Hourwich, another Russian Jew and attorney, whose office is supposed to
be the headquarters whence proceeds much of the Russian Bolshevik
propaganda.
Now, the people who go to the offices of Recht and Hourwich are the same
people whose names we have been tracing all through this interlocker,
with some notable additions. Into the sanctum of ambassadorial
Bolshevism in the United States, come, of course, Recht the
representative and Hourwich the attorney for Lenin and Trotsky in this
country.
Another caller is Judah L. Magnes, head of the New York Kehillah. He is
a rabbi without a synagogue, an extreme extremist, a master of the
language of agitation, and pro-Bolshevist in his influence and
associations. He is credited with being the mediator between rich Jews
and radicals when the latter are in need of funds. This is the Judah L.
Magnes, head of the Kehillah, who tried to tell New York newspaper
reporters what a weak and innocent foundling the New York Kehillah is;
the same Judah L. Magnes whom the _American Hebrew_ tried to picture as
a diaphanous idealist broken-hearted because the ghetto doesn’t fall in
with his educational schemes. The Kehillah is _not_ an educational
institution; it is _not_ a welfare institution in the charitable sense;
it is a nerve-center of Jewish power; in Rabbi Magnes’ own words, “a
clearing house”; and if it amounted to nothing politically and
nationally, the men who are now prominent in it would soon desert it.
Kehillah is just what the word signifies—the whole Jewish community.
Then, of course, there are Benjamin Schlessinger again, president of the
Ladies’ Garment Workers, and Sydney Hillman, president of the
Amalgamated Clothing Workers, and Joseph Schlossberg, another
Amalgamated official whose Bolshevik utterances were quoted earlier in
this article, and others of the Hebrew trades crowd whose radical
relationships have been shown.
In addition, there are certain immigration inspectors from Ellis
Island—all Jews, of course; occasionally a courier from Russia who has
slipped into the country for a secret purpose; occasionally also a
courier to Russia bearing messages from Recht and Hourwich.
Then I. W. W. leaders—Jews. Among them Baletin, secretary of the I. W.
W. Metal Machinery Workers’ Branch, and Peltner, joint secretary of the
I. W. W. branches in New York.
In close touch with these Jewish radicals are a number of revolutionists
of other countries, representing various violent programs against the
established order.
It is through the office of Charles Recht that passports, issued by the
State Department of the government of the United States, are being
viséed. This statement refers to a regular practice known to have been
followed until a few days preceding this writing, and there is no reason
to believe it has since been altered. Ambassador Recht, or Acting
Ambassador Recht, or whatever he may be called, is in close touch with
Soviet authorities and has full notice of all their intentions regarding
American affairs.
A frequent subject of conferences in Recht’s office is the Soviet
propaganda in America. Men like Hillman and Schlossberg and Schlessinger
are merely liaison officers between the Soviets and the Hebrew trades
unions. The orders received from Moscow are thus transmitted to the Jews
in America, and are obeyed along perfectly defined lines.
Of course, Rabbi Magnes, head of the New York Kehillah, could hardly be
expected to remain in ignorance of what the whole Kehillah knows. And
that Magnes is temperamentally a radical, any two-minute perusal of his
speeches will show. He is head of what Schlessinger calls the “gigantic,
wide-branched Kehillah,” the foremost political racial organization in
this country, a close community of a single racial type which has its
own code and its own customs and its own method of gaining its ends.
This is not the whole story by any means. Schlessinger and Schlossberg
and Hillman and the rest are leaders, but they are not the higher-ups.
The connections run straight up to the lofty heights of those who dwell
in palaces and sway the finances of the nation, and to those who play
large parts in the government of the United States. The Jews who finance
radical publications—good conservative Jews who form the standing
illustration in the argumentative question, “What possible gain can they
hope from Bolshevism?” Jews who pull official wires to gain immunity and
privilege for known traitors and revolutionists. Jews who replenish the
coffers of dangerous elements. It is a long story, and all of it does
not require telling, for the point to be gained is not that everyone
should be told, but that the involved persons should be aware that it is
known, proved, safely put away, in hope that the occasion to use it may
never come. However, it is due the public to tell at least a part of it.
The Jewish leaders never played so stupid a card as when they endeavored
to minimize the Kehillah and the place it fills. Nor did their Gentile
echoes ever fall for so miserable an imposition.
——
Issue of April 23, 1921.
LI.
Will Jewish Zionism Bring Armageddon?
When the British Army passed into Jerusalem in the memorable capture of
the city in 1917, the Protocols went in with it. A symbolic circle was
thus closed, though not in the way the Protocolists had hoped. The man
who carried the Protocols knew what they signified, and they were
carried not in triumph but as the plans of the enemies of world liberty.
Zionism is the best advertised of all present Jewish activities and has
exerted a greater influence upon world events than the average man
realizes. In its more romantic aspects it makes an appeal to Christian
as well as to Jew, because there are certain prophecies which are held
to concern the return of the Jews to Jerusalem. When this return takes
place, certain great events are scheduled to ensue.
Because of this admixture of the religious sentiment, it will be rather
difficult for a certain class of people to scrutinize modern Political
Zionism; they have been too well propagandized into believing that
political Zionism and the “return” promised by the prophets are the same
thing. Having succumbed to the initial confusion of mistaking Judah for
Israel they have entirely mistaken the ancient writings that relate to
these two, and have made the single tribe of Judah (whence comes the
name of Jew) the hub around which all history and humanity swing. Judah
was the tribe with which Israel could not live in peace over two
thousand years ago, and which has the fateful gift of stirring up the
same kind of dissension today. And yet no one ever thought of charging
the Ten Tribes of Israel with “anti-Semitism.”
Zionism is challenging the attention of the world today because it is
creating a situation out of which many believe the next war will come.
To adopt a phraseology familiar to students of prophecy, it is believed
by many students of world affairs that Armageddon will be the direct
result of what is now beginning to be manifested in Palestine.
For these, if for no other reasons, the subject becomes important.
With Zionism as a dream of pious Jews this article has nothing to do.
With Zionism as a political fact, every first class government is now
compelled to have something to do. It is a bigger question than the
German indemnities or American immigration, because it lies back of
both, and is rapidly proceeding under cover of both.
It is worthy of note, if only in passing, that Zionism in the active
modern political sense took its rise racially and geographically where
Bolshevism arose, namely, in Russia, and that its center, the seat of
its Inner Actions Committee, was at Berlin. There was always a close
relationship between the Zionists of Russia and the New York Kehillah,
as is evidenced by public utterances made in Russia after the Revolution
in which the Kehillah is extolled.
At the time the war was declared in 1914, the Inner Actions Committee
was spread about in various countries. For example: Dr. Schmarya Levin,
of Berlin, was in the United States and remained here. He was Russian
rabbi, German scholar, and cosmopolitan. Although his headquarters were
Berlin, he remained in the United States and became recognized as the
leader of the leaders of Zionism, until the great Jewish shift to
Versailles. Another member of the Inner Actions Committee was one
Jacobson, who was in Constantinople. “When he saw that Constantinople
could no longer be the center of Zionist politics, he left and went to
Copenhagen, Denmark, where in a neutral country he could be of practical
usefulness to the Zionists _by transmitting information and funds_.”
(Guide to Zionism, page 80.) In fact, the entire Inner Actions
Committee, with headquarters at Berlin, moved freely through a
war-locked world, the only two exceptions being Warburg and Hantke—and
there was no need for the Berlin Warburg to move about, for there were
others who represented him.
Dr. Levin gave his sanction for the shifting of the center of Jewish
gravity from Berlin to America, and “as early as August 30, 1914, a
month after the outbreak of war, an extraordinary conference of American
Zionists was called in New York.”
What this change of seat meant, has formed the subject of much
discussion. In 1914 the Jews apparently knew more about the probable
duration of the war than did the principals. It was not to be a mere
excursion through Belgium, as some fancied. There was time to dicker,
time to show the value of certain Jewish support to the governments.
Germany gladly pledged the land of Palestine to the Jews, but the Jews
had already seen what Wilhelm had done in that ancient state when he
enthroned himself on the Mount of Olives. Evidently the Allies won in
the contest of making promises, for on November 2, 1917, when General
Allenby was pushing up through Palestine with his British Army, Arthur
James Balfour, the British secretary of state for foreign affairs,
issued the famous declaration approving Palestine as a national home for
the Jewish people.
“The wording of it came from the British foreign office, but the text
had been revised in the Zionist offices in America as well as in
England. The British declaration was made in the form in which the
Zionists desired it, and _the last clauses were added_ in order to
appease a certain section of timid anti-Zionist opinion.” (Guide to
Zionism, pages 85–86.)
Now please read the declaration and note the italicized clauses just
referred to:
“His Majesty’s Government view with favor the establishment in
Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people and will use
their best endeavors to facilitate the achievement of this object,
_it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may
prejudice the civil and religious rights of non-Jewish communities
in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in
any other country._”
Zionism is of particular interest, not merely because of the quarrels
which have arisen among the leaders over money—it is the war of
“interest” against “capital”—but also because of the light it throws on
the two great armies of Jews in the world, the way in which they use
their power where they can, and the trouble that always embroils the
nations which become Jewish tools.
People sometimes ask why Jewry, which is capitalistic, should favor
Bolshevism, which is the announced enemy of capital. It is an
interesting question. Why should a New York Jewish financier, an officer
of the government of the United States, help finance a “Red” publication
which even our tolerant government cannot stomach? In addition to the
fact that it is only “Gentile capital” that is attacked, the answer is
that the Jew who has fallen for the worship of the Golden Calf is
anxious to keep in the good graces of the Jew of the East—the Mongolian
Jews—who are rampaging against orderly systems of society. It is quite
useful when there is a revolution in Paris to have the 600 houses which
you may own spared by the incendiary mobs—as were Rothschild’s houses.
Zionism has been one of the subjects upon which Western and Eastern Jew
can unite. Indeed, it was the Eastern Jew that compelled the Western Jew
to take a favorable stand on this matter. The Jewish gentlemen who are
receiving the freedom of our cities today in their various aspects as
“German” and “British” scientists are Eastern Jews. They have come to a
contest with the Jews of America on the question of Money. The Jews of
America have smothered some very ugly charges. The Jews of the East,
more recently of Germany or England, are not likely to be browbeaten by
the moneybags of Jewish New York, for _the Eastern type of Jew knows of
a situation in which money is the most useless thing in the world_—and
that is why he is feared and favored by Western Jewry of the Golden
Calf.
The Jewish defenders are just now capitalizing the “split” in Jewry. The
real split in Jewry will come when Jews of vision begin to support the
attempts which have been made to liberate the Jews from their leaders.
This internal squabble means nothing but a squabble of leaders; but when
the Jews themselves divide, one side for twentieth century light and the
destruction of the class power of selfish leaders, then may we look up
hopefully. When the Jew recognizes the honesty of his critics and the
righteousness of what they charge, then will there be a “split,” but not
before. The division in Jewry as evidenced by the contempt of the
revolutionary party for the financial party, and as even more strongly
evidenced by the fear of the revolutionary party by the financial party,
is being brought about by the insincerity of the Western Jew’s Zionism.
The Western Jew says that the United States is the Promised Land,
profits and interest are the “milk and honey” and New York is Jerusalem;
the Jew of Russia has another view.
A knowledge of Political Zionism is worth while also as an authoritative
illustration of what the Jew does when he is in power. Heretofore there
has been Russia to illustrate this, but now there is Palestine. With
every fact against them, with every traveler and observer giving them
the lie direct, there are still Jewish spokesmen and poor befuddled
“Gentile fronts” who insist that Bolshevism is not Jewish and that
Russia is not now governed by Jews. It is just this constant denial of
facts, this failure to use their opportunity to be honest, that is going
to be the judgment of Jewish leaders. Bolshevism all over the world, not
in Russia only, but in New York, in Chicago, in New Orleans, in San
Francisco, is Jewish.
However, there is no need further to insist upon that, except
occasionally to add confirmatory illustrations of it. More to the
present point is Palestine. It will be very difficult for the most
irresponsible Jewish spokesman to deny that Palestine is Jewish. The
government is Jewish, the plan of procedure is Jewish, the methods used
are Jewish. Does anyone rise to deny that? Scarcely.
Very well, Palestine will do to illustrate the genius of the Jew when he
comes to power.
Professor Albert T. Clay, in the _Atlantic Monthly_ (will anyone declare
that this long-established and thoroughly respectable Boston publication
is “anti-Semitic”?) warns us that the information about Palestine which
we receive in America comes to us through the Jewish Telegraph Service
(which is the Associated Press of world-wide Jewry) and the Zionist
propaganda. “The latter,” he says, “with its harrowing stories of
pogroms in Europe, and its misrepresentations of the situation in the
Near East, has been able to awaken not a little sympathy for the Zionist
propaganda.”
This propaganda of pogroms—“thousands upon thousands of Jews
killed”—amounts to nothing except as it illustrates the gullibility of
the press. No one believes this propaganda, and governments regularly
disprove it. But the fact that it continues indicates that something
besides facts is necessary to keep the scheme going.
In Jerusalem, as this is being written, martial law is proclaimed. There
has been a struggle between the native inhabitants, whom the Balfour
declaration sought to protect, and the new-come Jews. As in the famous
Easter disorders of last year, the wounded in the hospitals show that
the Jews were armed and the natives fought with whatever weapons they
could find on the spot; the conclusion of all impartial observers under
the circumstances being that the Jews prepared for and sought the fight
with unprepared natives.
The mark of disorder perpetrated by the Jews is all over the place, the
“persecuted” turned persecutor, and lest this should be charged to the
general wildness of the people in Palestine let it be said that the
rioters were only expressing in deeds what cultivated American and
English Jews have expressed in words—namely, that the lawful inhabitants
of the land ought to be driven out, in spite of governmental promises to
the contrary. One of the first Easter rioters, Jabotinsky, whom the
British authorities sentenced to 15 years in prison, was released
immediately upon the arrival of Sir Herbert Samuel, and is now traveling
in state, and is talked of as a possible successor to Sir Herbert,
although he is originally one of the Russian Bolsheviki come down to
practice the gentle arts of that tribe in Palestine.