Look at some of the figures of the “needle trades” before the war. In

the entire United States, the men’s and women’s clothing manufactured in

1914 had a value of $932,099,000. In New York alone, $542,685,000 was

produced. The rest was produced by the Jewish clothing centers in

Chicago, Cleveland, New Jersey and Philadelphia.

The figures for the period of the war and since will be staggering.

Clothing in the regular trade began to mount in price, until at the end

of the war in 1918, it had attained an increase of 200 per cent and 300

per cent. Until well into 1920 the monopoly held up the price. This was

done in face of the declaration by the manufacturers of _cloth_ that the

whole profiteering persistence was due to the manufacturers of

_clothing_. Russian-Polish Jews, in this country only a few months, drew

$50 to $80 a week. Threats of strike were used to get a five per cent

increase in wages, which was met by a 20 per cent increase in the cost

of clothing. The American public paid.

If, however, these statements were merely an attempt to arouse

indignation that for once the workers got more than they earned, the

attempt would be a failure. It is pretty hard to find anyone to regret

the workers getting hold of a bonanza. The high wages weren’t of much

use, as it proved, but people at least had the satisfaction of handling

them.

These statements are made to show that during the war the Jewish unions

waxed fat, a fact which has a bearing on their Bolshevik attitude today.

Not all the wage was the gain of the man who earned it—there was the

union to pay. Girls in the fur trade in New York earned $55 a week, of

which they paid in $27.50 a week to the unions. Other workers paid in

like proportion. There was great talk of what would be done. In Russia,

of course, they had the government’s gold vaults immediately upon the

success of the revolution, but in the United States the preliminary

funds would have to be supplied by themselves. A great revolutionary

stroke was planned of which the written evidence still remains.

There are two divisions of Jewish wealth and power centering in New

York. The first is German Jewish, represented by the Schiffs, the

Speyers, the Warburgs, the Kahns, the Lewisohns and the Guggenheims.

These play the game with the aid of the financial resources of the

non-Jews. The other division is composed of the Russian and Polish Jews

who monopolize the hat, cap, fur, garment and toy trades. (By the way—it

is the Russian and Polish Jew who controls the American stage and movies

also.) Between them their grip and influence is far from negligible.

They may sometimes have internecine quarrels regarding the division of

the profits and eager publicists may zealously call attention to these

quarrels as evidence of the lack of unity among the Jews, but in the

Kehillah and elsewhere they understand each other pretty well, and on

the question of Jew vs. “goy” they are indivisibly one.

Between these two forces the attempt to hold up prices was continued

until late in 1920. The heads of the Jewish clothing associations

announced that the price of clothing would not be lowered. Solidly

behind them were the associated Hebrew labor unions, so-called, which

threatened dire things if the prices came down. The first great store to

reduce prices in New York was Wanamaker’s, a non-Jewish house. In fact

there was no reduction of prices among Jewish manufacturers and

merchants, generally, until in the month of November less than a dozen

Jews were called into the presence of a non-Jewish financier, after

which a belated effort was made to save the buying market by sensational

reductions. The Jewish controllers of the clothing business had just

previously stated that not only would prices not go down, but the 1921

prices would go still higher.

There is a distinction between what the Jewish coalition _would_ do and

what it _could_ do, but its will and its power never so closely

correspond as when the non-Jewish element is asleep, and never are

Jewish will and power so widely divorced as when the non-Jewish mind is

alert. When the non-Jewish financial mind made itself felt in November,

1920, the bottom dropped out of Jewish trade prophecies and policies.

The only thing to fear is not the alert Jew, but the consequences of

sleepiness among the Christians. _The Jewish Program is checked the

moment it is perceived and identified._

Ordinary people who for five years have been paying high tribute to the

clothing trust are entitled to know who comprise that trust. But that is

a trifling affair compared with the political uses to which the clothing

trust has been put in this country. The clothing trust, being composed

exclusively of Jews, most of whom have formed the ax-head of Jewry in

the fight against certain Old-World governments, is today the heart and

center of a movement which, if successful, would leave not a shred of

the Republic, its institutions, nor even the liberty, which is every

American’s by inheritance.

What is the strength of these people? How are they banded together? What

are the facts concerning them?

In New York City alone there are 2,760 Jewish cloak and suit

manufacturing concerns; 1,200 Jewish clothing manufacturers; 2,880

Jewish fur manufacturers; 600 Jewish skirt manufacturers; 600

manufacturing tailoring establishments; 800 Jewish merchant tailoring

concerns.

These employers have organized themselves into associations such as the

following:

Associated Boys’ Clothing Manufacturers of Greater New York.

Associated Fur Manufacturers.

Associated Shirt Manufacturers.

Association of Embroidery and Lace Manufacturers.

Children’s Dress Manufacturers’ Association.

Cloak, Suit and Skirt Manufacturers’ Protective Association.

Cotton Garment Manufacturers of New York.

Dress and Waist Manufacturers’ Association.

East Side Retail Clothing Manufacturers’ Association.

Ladies’ Hat Manufacturers’ Protective Association.

Mineral Water Dealers’ Protective Association.

National Association of Separate Skirt Manufacturers.

National Society of Men’s Neckwear Manufacturers.

New York Association of House Dress & Kimono Manufacturers.

New York Tailors’ Verein.

Shirt Manufacturers’ Protective Association.

Among the employed Jews, the unions are numerous but all gathered up

into one central organization. For example, the International Fur

Workers’ Union of the United States and Canada, is made up of the

following:

Feather Boa Makers’ Union.

Fur Cap Makers’ Union.

Fur Cutters’ Union.

Fur Dressers’ Union.

Fur Dyers’ Union.

Fur Floor Walkers’ Union.

Fur Hatters’ Union.

Fur Head and Tail Makers’ Union.

Fur Lined Coat Finishers’ Union.

Fur Nailers’ Union.

Fur Operators’ Union.

Fur Pluckers’ Union.

Muff Bed Workers’ Union.

In the garment industry, the organizations include every operation in

the process of making clothes. There are separate unions for buttonhole

makers, vest makers, pants makers, coat cutters, coat operators, coat

pressers, coat tailors, coat basters, lapel makers, knee pants makers,

clothing turners, overall workers, palm beach workers, shirt makers,

vest pressers, and even a washable sailor suit union. These together

comprise the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America.

In children’s clothing we have another complete organization:

Children’s Jacket Makers (three unions).

Children’s Jacket Pressers.

Children’s Sailor Jacket Makers’ Union.

Children’s Cloak and Reefer Workers’ Union.

Children’s Dressmakers’ Union.

In women’s wear, there are unions organized around every garment known

to the wardrobe, some of which are:

Amalgamated Ladies’ Garment Cutters’ Union.

Bonnaz, Singer and Hand Embroiderers’ Union.

Buttonhole Makers and Button Sewers Union.

Children’s Cloak and Reefer Workers’ Union.

Cloak and Suit Tailors’ Union.

Cloak and Suit Piece Tailors and Sample Makers’ Union.

Cloak Examiners, Squarers and Bushelers’ Union.

Cloak Makers’ Union.

Cloak Operators’ Union.

Cloak, Skirt and Dress Pressers’ Union.

Ladies’ and Misses’ Cloak Operators’ Union.

Ladies’ Tailors Alteration & Special Order Union.

Ladies’ Waist and Dressmakers’ Union.

Skirt and Cloth Dressmakers’ Union.

Waterproof Garment Workers’ Union.

White Goods Workers’ Union.

Wrapper, Kimono, House Dress and Bath Robe Makers’ Union.

These unions comprise the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union.

The reader will have an idea, after reading these lists, that the

employes represented in these unions are women. The majority are men. It

may require something of an effort to remember that, but it is

essential. These organizations control an essential business which

_before the war_ produced over One Billion Dollars’ worth of goods a

year, and since the war has probably received for its products each year

the amount of a big fat Liberty Loan; and these unions have received 30

to 40 per cent of that for wages and propaganda funds.

_Now, let it be said at once that these Jewish unions are not to be

confused with the regular Labor Union Movement, as we know it in the

United States._

They are not Jews who have gone into the American trades unions. They

have started unions of their own which are Jewish in membership, control

and purpose. It is true, of course, that the regular trades union

movement which heads up in the American Federation of Labor is under the

presidency of a Jew, Samuel Gompers, but the membership is mixed, the

large majority being non-Jews, and the purpose is not racial.

These Jewish unions comprise a body by themselves and are to be reckoned

with, not only as labor union groups, but as racial and political groups

whose purposes can be determined by the character and utterances of

their leaders, as well as by the actions authorized and approved by the

unions themselves.

Now, _this Hebrew union movement is a part of the New York Kehillah._

Jewish leaders have sought to counteract THE DEARBORN INDEPENDENT’s

account of Kehillah activities by saying that the Kehillah is such a

little weak thing. Admittedly, however, the Jewish clothing trust and

the Jewish garment workers’ unions are among the biggest and most

powerful aggregations in the country. Not even a Jewish leader would

have the temerity to deny that. Well, the Amalgamated Clothing Workers

of America and the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union are

affiliated with the Kehillah.

More than that: this Kehillah, which Jewish spokesmen with cool contempt

for truth would have the public believe was weak and unimportant—_this

same Kehillah, in its Executive Committee, constitutes The American

Jewish Committee_.

Is the American Jewish Committee a nonentity? Ask any President of the

United States, any Senator or Governor.

The American Jewish Committee heads up in District No. 12—New York

City—and the Committee for District No 12 is also the Executive

Committee of the Kehillah.

The men who represent before the world the combined organizations

mentioned in this article _are_ the Kehillah, and they _are_ the

American Jewish Committee, and besides, they are the men whose failure

in candor has left such an impression of dissatisfaction throughout the

masses of the Jewish people.

Who are they? Who are these men with whom the Kehillah is said to be

such a puling thing?

Louis Marshall, of the law firm of Guggenheimer, Untermeyer and

Marshall. Mr. Marshall is not only head of District No. 12, but he is

also head of the American Jewish Committee. His headship of the A. J. C.

makes him Jewish leader of the United States. His headship of District

No. 12 makes him head of the New York Kehillah. Quite an important man?

Yes; and an important place, in spite of lying Jewish spokesmen.

Who are the others? Eugene Meyer, Jr., formerly of the Capital Issues

Committee of the United States war government.

Who else? Judah L. Magnes. Judah L. Magnes is the organizer and active

leader of the New York Kehillah. The two bodies are linked up again.

They are linked up by the Kehillah’s constitution which is able to

decree that its executive committee shall be the American Jewish

Committee as far as District No. 12 (New York City) is concerned.

There are other names on the American Jewish Committee which also

constitutes the executive committee as the Kehillah—Adolph Lewisohn,

Cyrus L. Sulzberger, Felix Warburg, and so on, 36 in all.

In the current annual report of the American Jewish Committee this

relation with the Kehillah is acknowledged in a note at the foot of page

123, just as in the constitution of the Kehillah its relation with the

A. J. C. is acknowledged and explained.

Now to recapitulate.

The Hebrew labor unions, both of employes and employers, which are in

complete control of the garment industry of the United States, represent

one wing of Jewish aggression in the realm of political revolutionism.

It is not a small wing in itself. Certainly it does not become smaller

by its connection with the Kehillah nor the Kehillah by its gain of

these workers. The two unions mentioned above number over 337,000

members. That figure is conservative. Besides these there are associated

with the Kehillah the members of 1,000 other Jewish organizations, such

as synagogues, charitable societies and educational bodies, and 100,000

individual members who belong on their own account.

Link this organization with the powerful American Jewish Committee, and

at once the protest of the editors and the spokesmen that the Kehillah

is a weak, unimportant body becomes a deliberate falsehood.

And as for those “Gentile fronts” who are ready victims of Jewish

propaganda, and who, without personal knowledge, are describing the

Kehillah as a large and nourishing charitable society (bad teamwork

there!) let them read in the next article what some of the Kehillah

leaders are trying to do to the United States.

——

Issue of April 16, 1921.

L.

Jew Trades Link With World Revolutionaries

There are more Bolsheviks in the United States than there are in Soviet

Russia. Their aim is the same and their racial character is the same. If

they are not able to do here what they have done there, it is because of

the greater dissemination of information, the higher degree of

intelligence and the wider diffusion of the agencies of governmental

authority, than obtains in unhappy Russia.

The power house of Bolshevik influence and propaganda in the United

States is in the Jewish trade unions which, almost without exception,

adhere to a Bolshevik program for their respective industries and for

the country as a whole.

This fact is proving most embarrassing to the Jewish leaders at the

present moment. It is bad enough that Russian Bolshevism should be so

predominantly Jewish, but to confront the same situation in the United

States, is a double burden of which Jewish leaders do not know how to

dispose.

Yet it is difficult to see how the International Jew can be absolved

either from the necessity of being confronted with it, or from the

necessity of bearing sole responsibility for it. Russian Bolshevism came

out of the East Side of New York where it was fostered by the

encouragement—the religious, moral and financial encouragement—of Jewish

leaders. Leon Trotsky (Braunstein) was an East Sider. Whether he was a

member of the New York Kehillah is not known. But the forces which

fostered what he stood for centered in the Kehillah, and both the

Kehillah and its associated American Jewish Committee were interested in

the work he set out to do, namely, the overthrow of an established

government, one of the allies of the United States in the recent war.

Russian Bolshevism was helped to its objective by Jewish gold from the

United States. And now that it is found to be numerically much stronger

in the United States than it is in Russia, the fact causes no little

embarrassment.

Denial is useless, for the thing is too blatant and has advertised

itself too long. What amazes the student of the Jewish Question in the

United States is the stupidity which permitted Jewish Bolshevism to

flaunt itself so openly during the past few years. The only explanation

that seems at all adequate is that the Jews never dreamed that the

American people would become sufficiently awake to challenge them. The

present widespread exposure of Jewish tactics in the United States has

doubtless come as a surprise to the Jewish leaders, and this cannot be

accounted for otherwise than that they thought they had gained too

strong a grip on the American mind to make a challenge possible.

It remains to be seen whether the Jewish leaders shall be able to

control the Frankenstein that their false policies have created.

Following exactly the program which the Jewish leaders approved for

Russia, the organized Jews of New York are exhibiting a zeal and a

directness which Jewish leaders would like to curb for the present, if

we are to judge from some of the complaints that the Bolshevik Jews are

making.

Benjamin Schlessinger, president of the International Garment Workers’

Union, whose membership numbers 150,000, and which is a part of the New

York Kehillah, is one of the complainants. His union, of course, is not

the regular American labor union formed for the betterment of working

conditions and wages; it is a revolutionary union for the complete

change of the social system, involving also a change of government. In

an interview printed in the _Jewish Forward_ of April 8, Schlessinger

complains against the manner in which Jewish judges have recently come

to interfere with Jewish strikes:

“‘And Jewish judges come to their assistance. They issue injunctions;

and it is said that they do it to save the Jewish name, so that it shall

not be said that “all Jews are Bolshevists.” So the injunctions become a

Jewish affair....’

“‘We have a gigantic wide-branched Kehillah in New York. In all corners,

Jews! All over, what you see and what you hear—Jews. And, of course,

also dress; politicians and greater ones.’

“But only _we_ may say this. And I understand Schlessinger....

Schlessinger explains it this way: Several reasons are given why judges

like (here a Jewish judge is named) twist the law.... The real purpose

is to break our strike.... But, then, after all, there is a reason, a

Jewish reason. He wants to demonstrate to the American community, he

claims, that not all Jews are Bolshevists.”

This excerpt shows several things: that only “we” may say certain

things; that Jewish authority is trying to cover the blemish of

Bolshevism; and that this is done in order to demonstrate to “the

American community” a certain desirable thing. The Jewish community, it

is presumed, is not so easily impressed. The Kehillah is apparently

trying to call in its kites but they have apparently flown too high in

the rarefied atmosphere of revolutionism.

Another big union which makes part of the New York Kehillah is the

Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, whose membership is about

200,000. It is officered by Russian Jews whose pronounced Bolshevik

utterances have been widely reported in the Jewish press of New York,

until plain and unprivileged Americans have wondered how far treason to

the United States Government could go on our own soil.

Sidney Hillman, the president, is one of the most radical Socialists in

the United States—so radical that he would probably spurn the name of

Socialist as ordinarily used. He is a Sovietist. He is so far “advanced”

that to him the regular type of American labor union is “a scab union.”

The purpose of the American labor union is stated to be the improvement

of the workers’ condition in industry and the establishment of their

industrial rights, whereas the object of Hillman’s union is the

overthrow of industry and its communization in the hands of the radical

element. That is to say, Russia over again. Hillman was born in Russia.

He personally knows most of the Bolshevik Jews now ruining that great

land.

The secretary of the Amalgamated is Joseph Schlossberg, also born in

Russia. Schlossberg has a very free gift of words. One of his promises

to his Jewish followers, publicly made at Madison Square Garden, is

this:

“The clothing industry is ours. We are not going to permit the employer

to determine where his factory shall be, or how many hours we shall

work.”

Abraham Shiplacoff, a Socialist member of the New York board of

aldermen, and next to Sidney Hillman in command of the Amalgamated, is

also a free speaker, as the following excerpt will show:

“We are going to move heaven and earth to educate our people that

they and they alone are the owners of industry. The workers of

Russia have found it out, God bless them!

“If I knew old Sammy Gompers knew as much as that, I would tell you

to go and do what the workers did in Turine. Ten thousand of them

marched to the factory with music and a flag, and they opened the

doors and went to work and said, ‘To hell with the owners of the

factory.’

“Everybody knows it is war. We are going to control the industry.”

Always the omission, of course, that the factories so spectacularly

captured, cease to run soon after. The Hillmans and the Schlossbergs and

the Shiplacoffs are heroic figures on the platform, but in manufacturing

the common commodities of life and making both ends meet so that the

consumer may be served and the producer rewarded, they have been the

most tragic failures. “The workers of Russia have found it out, God help

them!”

As a matter of fact, besides the I. W. W., the Amalgamated is the only

organization which not only preaches Bolshevism but actually practices

it—all in the United States, and all apparently in perfect consistency

with its membership in the Kehillah and under the officership of the

high gentlemen of the American Jewish Committee. The Amalgamated

actually does run the industry which has mulcted such a heavy tax from

the American public since 1914.

They tell the factory manager where the factory is to be located.

They have a minimum wage of $12 a day, independent of skill or

production.

They enforce that rule, that an employe who has worked for two weeks has

thereafter a job for life.

No improved machinery can be introduced without the union’s permission.

The employer cannot hire even a cartage firm that the union has not

first approved.

The employer cannot withdraw from business unless he goes into

bankruptcy, else the whole force of the union and its allies will be

marshaled against him and his. He must inform the union of all his plans

in advance.

This, of course, is part of the endowment of Trotsky to the East Side.

He did great missionary work there while waiting to go across and take

the Czar’s place. Even to this day in the Jew-controlled theaters that

crowd Broadway, the picture of Trotsky brings wild delirious cheering,

while the portrait of the President of the United States is hissed. A

favorite stage scene is the Star of David high over all flags. The

recent debate between Senators King and France, said to have been

organized with the assistance of two rabbis, developed into such an

outrageously anti-American pro-Soviet demonstration, that prudence

intervened to prevent a vote. Recently when pro-Jewish Germans

endeavored to stir up trouble by holding a great mass meeting to protest

the alleged “Black horror on the Rhine,” the audience was packed with

Jews. Not that they love Germany more, but they love any regular

government less. While a few days later, at a great American meeting,

the Jews of New York, according to the testimony of incredulous

observers, were most conspicuous by their absence.

Now, the Jewish leaders must admit that the Jewish Question does not

consist in American citizens uncovering these facts and helping other

American citizens to become aware of them; the Jewish Question inheres

in the facts themselves and in Jewish responsibility for the facts. If

it is “anti-Semitism” to say that Bolshevism in the United States is

Jewish, so be it; but to unprejudiced minds it will look very like

Americanism.

Jewish influences in American life · 第 7 / 19 段