In the race moral progress may be expected with much more confidence

than it can in the case of the individual. The mere existence of a

society, however simple in structure, is of itself proof that the

anti-social forces of selfishness and passion are in it less strong than

the instincts of neighbourliness and mutual help. Of competing societies

those eventually triumph which are least weakened by internal

dissension--that is to say, those societies tend to thrive and extend

most of which the members are most ready to subordinate their private

ends to the public good. Ultimately it is only by the development of

this type of individual character that a society can achieve success;

and it is this type of character that the competition between nations

develops. But essential as it is to the survival of a society, it is by

no means so essential to the survival of the individual in his struggle

for existence against other individuals. If, then, society were simply a

collection of warring atoms, or if the individual's whole activity were

expended in struggling with his neighbour and trying to elbow him out,

the type of character essential to the survival of society could never

be developed, and society itself could neither come into being nor

continue to be. The fact is that men not only compete, but co-operate:

society is, and from the beginning has been, an organisation requiring

from each of its parts some subordination to the interests of the

whole.

As the organisation of society grows more complex, the individual

becomes less and less capable of existing independently of society,

society becomes more and more independent of the services of any

individual member, and both these facts tend to foster the social and

weaken the anti-social forces in man. Increasing division and

subdivision of labour specialises the function of each member of the

community more and more, and so deprives him of the general aptitude for

doing all kinds of work which is essential to every man who is, as for

instance in a new colony, thrown largely on his own resources. Thus the

solitary existence which might be just possible for the outcast from a

savage tribe becomes a practical impossibility for the average member of

any community that has risen above that stage of social evolution. At

the same time the point is reached when no one man is indispensable to

the community. Society is made up of units so similar to one another

that any one can be replaced by some other, and, as a matter of fact,

the place of everyone is at death filled by some successor.

The theory of a social contract, as a historical or prehistorical event

in the development of any community, has long been rightly discredited:

at no time did a number of men, living solitary lives, have a public

meeting and formally contract to live together on certain conditions and

for certain ends. Man has been a gregarious, if not social, animal from

the beginning. Nevertheless, man has certain needs, desires, and ends

which can only be satisfied by means of social organisation, and which

are quite as potent in holding society together as if, instead of being

tacitly at work, they had been proclaimed aloud in a formal social

contract. If through any disease the social organism obstructs, or fails

to assist in realising, those ends, the dissatisfaction of the

individual and the danger to the state are just as great as if a formal

contract had been violated: the disappointment of the normal and

reasonable expectations of the members of the community is substantially

injustice, and is not altogether erroneously stated to be a violation of

the common and tacit understanding on which society is in fact if not

formally established. Co-operation in labour does imply some sort of

engagement, expressed or understood, that the joint product shall be

divided more or less fairly between the joint producers. Unfairness in

the distribution of social benefits may be of slow growth, but must

eventually result in undisguised resentment--appeal is made openly and

consciously to justice, which henceforth becomes the ideal of a section

at least of the community, and is recognised as a condition without

which a healthy social existence is impossible.

It is thus a monstrous perversion of the plain facts to represent the

struggle for existence as having been the sole or the main factor in

social evolution: every member of a community is born into an

atmosphere of co-operation and maintains his existence by the

co-operation of others. If he must labour to live, he cannot labour for

himself without at the same time rendering service to others; the very

same conditions which make him desire justice for himself constrain him

to maintain justice for the community at large. The social environment

is, and has always been, such as to lead man in the paths of justice and

to train him for the service of his fellow-man. The units which

constitute the social environment are men, beings whose physical,

mental, and moral structure is the result of a long process of evolution

stretching back to beyond the beginnings of life upon this earth, a

process which, assuming it to have had purpose, was designed to include

in its effects a creature capable of justice and of love.

The full development of the sentiment of justice has been the work of

many centuries. At first, when the community is small and nomad, the

idea that a stranger has a right to justice is incomprehensible. Even

when with the growth of civilisation provision is made for according

foreign merchants and others some protection from the law, the idea that

the stranger has the same right to justice as the citizen is neither

admitted by law nor entertained as a speculation. Indeed, the law,

modest though it be, may be in advance of public opinion and of the

practice of officials--witness the extortions practised by Roman

governors on the Roman provinces. Eventually, however, public opinion

outstrips the law and pronounces that even the colour of a man's skin

cannot bar his claims to justice, and that the inhabitants of a country,

though they be aborigines, have some rights in it. Finally comes

philosophy and pronounces justice, absolute and stern, the one thing

needful, the one and only duty which it is within the sphere and

function of government to maintain.

Unfortunately for the philosophy which maintains this view, it happens

that, just when the authority of justice is admitted by the conscience

of civilisation to be paramount, justice as an ideal is recognised to be

neither capable of realisation nor absolutely desirable. It is obvious

that in the best-regulated even of free communities the amount of

justice which can be secured by the action of the law and the

intervention of the State falls very far short of the ideal; and the

multiplication of laws and State inquisitors, which would be necessary

if every form of injustice and wrong-doing were to be punished by the

State, would be a remedy, if indeed it were a remedy, worse than the

disease. It is impossible to pretend to believe that wealth is

distributed according to merit in any existing community, or that any

governmental system, even if designed solely with that end in view,

could ever determine what a man's merits were, or what his reward should

be. Nor is the ill distribution of wealth the only factor of injustice,

though it is the only factor with which the State could make pretence to

deal: sickness and sorrow, grief and pain--nay, the very capacity for

suffering and for joy--are dealt to different men in very different

measure. It is plain matter of fact that earthly goods and pleasures are

not distributed according to merit; and it is just when man's conquest

of Nature has become most complete, when society is no longer struggling

for a bare subsistence, when the demand for justice is most fully and

unreservedly admitted, that the impossibility of meeting the demand and

the danger of failing to meet it become most manifest. The poverty which

accompanies progress may in one generation be less than it was in the

previous generation, but the extremes of poverty and wealth grow daily

wider apart, and the number of those who are poor increases in a growing

population much more rapidly than the number of the rich. The danger

which this rent in the social fabric threatens to the whole structure of

society may be exaggerated, but cannot be denied. The mere justice of

individualism which has hitherto sufficed to hold society together,

suffices now no longer. The justice which limits itself to the

fulfilment of those actions to the non-performance of which a legal

penalty is attached, is not the one and only thing needful, nor does its

force remedy the numerous cases of undeserved misfortune and suffering

which the working of our social and industrial system entails. What

heals the suffering and saves it from becoming a festering sore that

might prove fatal to society, is that love of man for his fellow-man,

which is manifested to the poor by the rich to some extent, but chiefly

by the poor. The State can only prescribe and enforce external acts of

justice; and the external acts which it prescribes are not the bond

which holds or can hold society together. The State, in its attempts to

modify society through the individual, is as clumsy as the breeder or

the gardener in dealing with animals and plants, and must fain be

content if it can modify some of the more prominent external

characteristics. Nature is much more searching, and, if slower, much

more thorough: the real nature of her work, the true character of the

force on which she has made the cohesion of society to depend, becomes

obvious at the time when the insufficiency of mere justice for the

purpose becomes apparent. Imperfect though man's obedience has been to

the commandment, "Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself," it is to

his obedience that society owes its maintenance.

As a matter of fact, then, strict justice is not and cannot be realised

in this world. Even the forces of the social environment which are, to

a large extent, under man's own control are not and cannot be so

directed by him as to secure rewards and punishments in exact proportion

to merit and demerit; while the action of those natural forces which

distribute fortune and misfortune, pain and the susceptibility to pain,

pleasure and the capacity of enjoyment, is still less under his control

and, as far as we can see, is still less proportionate to desert. The

fields of the unjust benefit as much as those of the just by the rain

from heaven; the labourers who enter the vineyard of civilisation at a

late hour receive as great a reward as their predecessors who bore the

heat and burden of the day, or even greater; when a tower in our social

fabric falls, it is not the guilty who are alone or even specially

involved in its ruin. From the time of Theognis, at least, men have

inquired with despair how the gods could expect worship when they

suffered these things to be; and as long as we look upon life as though

we were detached spectators, with no care for it save a disinterested

desire to see justice done, it is easy for us to declaim upon the

absolute indifference of the cosmic process to man and his deserts. But

this detached attitude is purely artificial, and we could not make even

the semblance of long maintaining it, did we not unconsciously glide

into the more natural, but less warrantable, position of tacitly

assuming that our own personal lot would be improved if strict justice

were done. But is not our resentment against the injustice of the world

partly premature and somewhat shallow and short-sighted? Are we sure we

want strict justice? Are we so anxious to have our merits weighed? are

they so imposing? Can we pray that we may be rewarded after our

iniquities? If society could by some supernatural power deal strict

justice to all its members, who _would_, who _could_ live in it? As a

matter of fact--to say it once more--it is not by law alone that society

lives, but by love, by the long-patient love of father or mother, of

wife or husband, of friend or neighbour, which every one of us has

accepted and none has fully requited. Our very hospitals are open to all

who need them, to those whose suffering is due to their own negligence,

or even crime, and not merely to those whose pain is undeserved. A

palpable injustice, worthy of the cosmic process itself! And what

excuse, if justice, absolute and relentless, be our highest and

worthiest aspiration, can there be for appropriating the reward of

honest toil to the often fruitless task of offering to those, who have

by their own vice sunk into the depths, one last chance of life and of

redemption? The mercy which falleth, like the gentle rain from heaven,

alike upon the unjust and the just, must be judged by the same standard

that we apply to the cosmic process. We may, like the elder brother of

the prodigal son, refuse to see anything in man or Nature but a world

given up to gross injustice--persons so superior as to stand in no need

of forgiveness and no fear of judgment are able doubtless to judge the

world and their fellow-man. But the prodigal himself may, perchance,

better understand some of the workings of his father's heart, and trust

he sees in the apparent injustice of Nature more instances of that mercy

which would not have showed itself to him had justice measured love.

It seems, then, that the "ethical process" and the "cosmic process" are

not so absolutely opposed to one another as Professor Huxley endeavoured

to make out. Both at times act with a calm disregard of justice. In the

one case we know that it is a higher principle which takes the place of

justice; and it is a reasonable conjecture that the ethical process,

which is one outcome or manifestation of the cosmic process, does but

reproduce, in this case as in others, the action of the cosmic force

which operates through the heart of man as well as through the rest of

the universe. It is at any rate inconsistent to condemn the cosmos for

exhibiting that quality of mercy which we rank highest amongst the

attributes of man: if we take credit to our fellow-men for that quality,

in fairness let us give the cosmos the same credit when it displays the

same quality. If, as we assume in this chapter, there is purpose in

evolution, let us admit that there is some presumption that it is a

purpose of love and of mercy.

As it is by faith in science that men of science succeed in solving

problems which, for a time, seem beyond the powers of science to deal

with, so it is on faith in religion that the religious explanation of

the universe depends for its slow but sure extension. With that faith we

may succeed in seeing, to some slight extent, that the unequal

distribution of pain, as well as of earthly prosperity, is not

incompatible with a Divine purpose in evolution. For that faith we must

believe that the suffering and sorrow from which none of us is exempt

are not evil, unless we choose to make them so, but opportunities for

good. Indeed, without that faith we seem forced upon the same

conclusion: the man who devotes himself, his soul, his life to the

relief of the needy and the suffering cannot make earthly prosperity his

chief good, though, as Professor Huxley has said, he may attain

something much better. But if we hold that there is something better

than earthly prosperity, can we consistently declaim against sickness

and sorrow as the worst of evils, or indict a universe because they are

not unknown in it? The Stoicism which lent Professor Huxley the strength

to teach that man must to the end declare defiance and resistance to the

cosmos--resistance unavailing and defiance doomed to certain failure in

the end--might also have taught him that the evil which he calls on us

to war against is not in the cosmos; that the enemy of the ethical

process has his headquarters not in Nature, but in the heart of man.

Pain and sorrow are evil to the sufferer who allows them to make him

selfish, and to the spectator who chooses to be callous to his

suffering. If our volitions do count for something in the course of

things, if we are so far free that we can, in response to Professor

Huxley's call, doggedly and repeatedly resist the cosmic process, then

it is of our own free will, also, that we do evil when the opportunity

of good is offered us. Yet we charge the evil upon the cosmos.

_ὦ πόποι, οἷον δή νυ θεοὺς βροτοὶ αἰτιόωνται

ἔξ ἡμέων γάρ φασι κάκ' ἔμμεναι· οἱ δὴ καὶ αὐτοὶ

σφῇσιν ἀτασθαλίῃσιν ὑπέρμορον ἄλγε' ἔχουσιν._

APPENDIX

ON BISHOP BERKELEY'S IDEALISM

When one asserts that a writer is wrong in one of the arguments which he

uses, it is well to begin by making sure that he really does use the

argument in question. For this purpose it is useful to quote the

passages in which the writer uses the argument, and such passages, for

my own satisfaction, I will speedily cite from Bishop Berkeley. But

first, in order that the reader may know that the interpretation which I

put on these extracts is not one peculiar to myself, but is in harmony

with the general tenor of Berkeley's metaphysical writings, I will quote

from Professor Fraser, who, in his preface to the _Dialogues between

Hylas and Philonous_, states Berkeley's argument to be as follows: "As

the common reason of men, tested by their actions, demands the

_permanence_ of sensible things, even though they are not permanently

present to the senses of any one embodied mind, it follows that the very

existence of the things of sense (apart from any 'marks of design' in

their collocations) implies the permanent existence of Supreme Mind, by

whom all real objects are perpetually conceived, and in whom their

orderly appearances, disappearances, and reappearances in finite minds

may be said to exist potentially."

And now for Berkeley's own words, (1) In the _Second Dialogue between

Hylas and Philonous_ (p. 304 of Professor Fraser's edition), he says,

"To me it is evident that sensible things cannot exist otherwise than in

a mind or spirit. Whence I conclude, not that they have no real

existence, but that, seeing they depend not on my thought, and have an

existence distinct from being perceived by me, _there must be some other

mind wherein they exist_. As sure, therefore, as the sensible world

really exists, so sure is there an infinite omnipresent Spirit, who

contains and supports it."

(2) In the _Third Dialogue_ (p. 325 of Professor Fraser's edition) we

have: "_Hyl._ Supposing you were annihilated, cannot you conceive it

possible that things perceivable by sense may still exist?--_Phil._ I

can; but then it must be in another mind. When I deny sensible things an

existence out of the mind, I do not mean my mind in particular, but all

minds. Now, it is plain they have an existence exterior to my mind;

since I find them by experience to be independent of it. There is

therefore some other mind wherein they exist, during the intervals

between the times of my perceiving them: as likewise they did before my

birth, and would do after my supposed annihilation. And, as the same is

true with regard to all other finite created spirits, it necessarily

follows there is an _omnipresent Eternal Mind_, which knows and

comprehends all things, and exhibits them to our view."

(3) The independent, real existence of things is affirmed with emphasis

in the _Second Dialogue_ (_ibid._, p. 307): "It is evident that the

things I perceive are my own ideas, and that no idea can exist unless it

be in a mind. Nor is it less plain that these ideas or things by me

perceived, either themselves or their archetypes, exist independently of

my mind; since I know myself not to be their author, it being out of my

power to determine at pleasure what particular ideas I shall be

affected with upon opening my eyes or ears. They must therefore exist in

some other mind, whose will it is they should be exhibited to me. The

things, I say, immediately perceived are ideas or sensations, call them

which you will. But how can any idea or sensation exist in, or be

produced by, anything but a mind or spirit?"

(4) Finally, in _The Principles of Human Knowledge_, § 90, in explaining

the two senses of "external": "The things perceived by sense may be

termed _external_, with regard to their origin--in that they are not

generated from within by the mind itself, but imprinted by a Spirit

distinct from that which perceives them. Sensible objects may likewise

be said to be 'without the mind' in another sense, namely when they

exist in some other mind; thus when I shut my eyes, the things I saw may

still exist, but it must be in another mind."

Berkeley's argument in brief, therefore, is that we believe things to be

permanent, and must therefore believe in a permanent, Divine mind in

which they may exist. The question which I wish to raise is as to this

permanence of things; for, if things are not permanent, they cannot

testify to the permanence of the Divine mind. I will begin my

questionings with the concluding words of the last-quoted passage: "when

I shut my eyes, the things I saw may still exist, but it must be in

another mind." The expression "the things I saw" would seem to be

ambiguous. Are the things I saw the sensations of sight which I had, or

are they something different? If they are my sensations, they certainly

do not exist when my eyes are closed--things are not permanent. If the

things I see are something different from my sensations of sight, then

the common-sense Realist would seem to be right, and Berkeley's

Idealism must be given up. Let us examine each alternative.

It looks, at first, as though Berkeley himself would say that the things

I saw are identical with my sensations of sight: in the third passage

quoted above he says, "the things I perceive are my own ideas ... the

things, I say, immediately perceived are ideas or sensations, call them

which you will." Let us, therefore, see the consequences of adhering

strictly to this interpretation of the ambiguous phrase. It will follow

in the first place that, unless I can see with my eyes shut, the things

I see are not permanent, but do cease to exist when I close my eyes.

Next, my sensations cannot exist in somebody else's mind--the fact that

you can see the object when your eyes are open does not enable me to see

it with my eyes closed. On the other hand, of course, it does not follow

that because my eyes are closed nobody else can see anything--only, this

does not make my sensations permanent, or prove that they can exist in

someone else's mind. In fine, if "the things I saw" are the sensations

of sight that I had, then Berkeley's argument from the permanent

existence of "things" to their existence in a permanent mind breaks down

doubly; for, first, my sensations plainly are not permanent; and,

second, my sensations cannot exist in another mind, permanent or

otherwise.

At this point it is necessary to note that "existence" has been used in

this connection in a double sense: actual existence has been

distinguished from potential. It is on this distinction that Mill bases

his definition of matter as "the permanent possibility of sensation";

but the distinction is derived from Berkeley, who has, as usual, given

the most lucid explanation. In his _MS. Common Place Book_ (quoted in

Fraser, i. 325, n. 9), Berkeley says, "Bodies, taken for powers, do

exist when not perceived; but this existence is not actual. When I say a

_power_ exists, no more is meant than that _if_, in the light, I open my

eyes, and look that way, I shall see the body." Thus far Mill will go

with Berkeley; and thus far both are open to the reproach of not giving

a plain answer to a plain question. The plain question of common sense

to the Idealist is: Do things exist when unperceived? Does the furniture

of my room exist when nobody is in the room to perceive it? To which the

Idealist replies that if I go into the room I shall see the

furniture--which is perfectly true, but is no answer to the question.

There is, indeed, no particular reason why Mill should not plainly

answer "No," if it were not for fear of giving a shock to the man of

common sense who cannot readily comprehend how it is that the coal in

his grate has come to be consumed if the process of combustion has been

suspended in his absence. But with Berkeley the case is different: for

him the permanence of things and the common-sense belief in that

permanence have a value as furnishing an additional argument in favour

of a Supreme Mind. But he too evades rather than meets the plain

question of the plain man: "Do things exist when no one is conscious of

them?" His reply is, "Yes, for the Divine Mind is conscious of

them"--which again is true, but is not an answer to the question.

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