"In general," says he, "I am not disposed to precipitation, especially

in important affairs. But I cannot help saying, that there may be

some danger of the good people in Holland losing some advantages in

commerce with America by their too great caution. I have reason to

believe, that the British Ministry have already sent orders to their

commissioners to give up the point of independence, provided they can

obtain some exclusive benefit in America."

I wish, however, that we could concert some new movement. There is yet

time to think of it before the meeting of the assembly. In all that

concerns myself, I can only promise my best efforts.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DUMAS.

FOOTNOTES:

[31] William Lee, who was at this time in Francfort.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

The Hague, December 3d, 1778.

Gentlemen,

The act of despotism, which I announced to you in my letter of the

16th,[32] was consummated on the 18th of November. The resolution

adopted by the majority had a specious design, to wit, to refuse the

commissaries which the English Ambassador demanded, to agree that the

article of naval stores, legalized by the treaty of 1674, should be

for the future contraband; but in the end, all was spoiled by the

refusal of convoy to ships carrying these articles to France.

But Amsterdam has inserted in the acts a formal protest, by which this

resolution is declared null, by its having been adopted in a manner

contrary to the constitution, which requires unanimity in this case.

The protest indicates, at the same time, the consequences which this

affair may have. They may be very serious if they push the city to

extremities. The first will be the closing of the public chest, as far

as concerns her contribution towards the expenses of the

confederation. This city alone pays about one quarter of all the

expenses of the republic, and if they should push things to extremity

she may ask succors of France, who certainly would not suffer her to

be oppressed. The Ministerial gazettes in England announce this to

their nation as a great success. _Qui vult decipi decipiatur._ On the

other side, France threatens to seize in her turn English property on

board of Dutch ships, and to deprive these of the favors they enjoy in

her ports, if the Republic does not cause her flag to be respected by

the English, according to treaties. On the fifteenth, the States of

the Province will be reassembled.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DUMAS.

FOOTNOTES:

[32] Missing.

* * * * *

MEMORIAL,

_Presented by His Excellency, the Duc de la Vauguyon, Ambassador of

France, to the States-General of the United Provinces._

The Hague, December 7th, 1778.

High and Mighty Lords,

The conviction which the king, my master, has had, that their High

Mightinesses, animated with a desire to perpetuate the perfect harmony

which subsists between France and the States-General, would conform

themselves scrupulously, in existing circumstances, to the principles

of the most absolute neutrality, has induced his Majesty to include

the United Provinces in the order that he made in the month of July

last, concerning the commerce and navigation of neutrals. His Majesty

has less room to doubt of the perseverance of their High Mightinesses

in these principles, because they have given him repeated assurances,

and because they are the basis and most solid guarantee of the repose

and prosperity of the Republic. His Majesty, however, thinks he ought

to procure, in this respect, an entire certainty; and it is with this

view that he has directed me to demand of your High Mightinesses an

explanation, clear and precise, of your final determination, and to

declare to you that he will decide according to your answer to

maintain or annul, so far as concerns the subjects of your High

Mightinesses, the orders which he has already given.

To make better known to your High Mightinesses the views and

intentions of the king, my master, I have the honor to observe to you,

that his Majesty flatters himself that you will procure to the flag of

the United Provinces all the freedom which belongs to it as a

consequence of their independence, and to their commerce all the

integrity which the law of nations and treaties secure to it. The

least derogation from these principles would manifest a partiality,

the effect of which would impose on him the necessity of suspending

not only the advantages that his Majesty has insured to your flag, by

his order in favor of neutrals, but also the material and gratuitous

favors, which the commerce of the United Provinces enjoys in the

ports of his kingdom, without any other consideration than the good

will and affection of his Majesty for your High Mightinesses.

DUC DE LA VAUGUYON.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMISSIONERS AT PARIS.

The Hague, December 18th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

I have seen our friend. There are two committees at work, one for the

new remonstrances occasioned by the English, the other on the answer

to be made to the Memorial of the French Ambassador.

_December 19th, forenoon._ The Admiralty it was said would not be in

favor of an answer, till next week; but measures were taken to make

them pass one this morning, in which were _verba pretereaque nihil_;

there was nothing changed in the restriction of convoy as to naval

provisions. The Ambassador having been notified of it, sent today,

early in the morning, to the Grand Pensionary a note so energetic that

it will be difficult to avoid giving a precise answer, yes or no,

which will save or lose to the Seven Provinces the commerce of France.

_December 19th, evening._ In spite of the note of the Ambassador, the

English party has prevailed in the provincial Assembly, and all except

Amsterdam have adopted by a majority the opinion of the Admiralty.

Thereupon, Amsterdam delivered her protest, in which she confirmed her

former protest against the resolution of the 18th of November. She

declared further, that she held herself irresponsible and discharged

of all injurious consequences to the Republic, which the

unsatisfactory answer they had given France might have. Our friend has

caused me to read this protest, which is moderate but energetic.

_December 22d._ I have a copy of the resolution and protest. I know on

good authority that the Court of London has declared, that it is no

better satisfied with the resolution adopted on the 18th of November.

Thus those who have wished to be wholly subservient to that Court are

very badly paid for their complaisance. The above resolution, adopted

by the majority of the States of Holland, on the 19th of this month,

has not yet been presented to the States-General. The Assembly of

Holland, which was to have separated this week, adjourned to Tuesday

next. The Deputies of the cities will depart on Thursday, to seek, it

is said, new instructions for another answer, such as the Ambassador

can receive. Those of Amsterdam remain here, because they have no need

of an _ad referendum_.

_December 24th._ The British Court has communicated to the Republic

its order, which declares liable to seizure neutral ships carrying to

France munitions of war, military and naval. This order is directly

contrary to the resolution of the 18th of November, by which the

States refuse to permit this article to be put in question, which

treaties secure to them.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DUMAS.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

The Hague, December 25th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

Your friends here do all that they can to bring about future

connexions between the two Republics. The phrase, that I have

underlined in the Declaration,[33] expresses nothing else than the

authentic information, which the city of Amsterdam has of the

disposition by which a majority is influenced in the Republic. See in

it then only the wish of the city, that your virtuous perseverance in

a union, on which alone depends your sovereignty, may frustrate this

influence. It can do nothing against you without unanimity; but,

without this same unanimity, all the good will of the city can at the

present time do nothing more for you, as to the conclusion of a treaty

of amity and commerce, than project it, in order to have it ready when

it shall be able to propose it with some appearance of success. A copy

of the Memorial, presented on the 7th of December, by the French

Minister to their High Mightinesses, was sent to me by himself, on the

8th, to be communicated to you.

They have sent me from Amsterdam, with the same intent, a copy of the

protest of the city against the resolution adopted by the majority for

refusing convoy to naval articles. This important paper is very long,

(20 pages in folio.) Expecting that I may be able to send it to you,

translated and copied, I will transcribe for you, Gentlemen, what a

good Dutch citizen, to whom I lent it, thought of it. "It is scarce

possible for me," said he, "to paint the vexation with which I have

read the resolve adopted by the majority. A document at once puerile,

jesuitical, and made unintelligible, as I think, from design, to

conceal the palpaple contradictions and absurdities of which it is

full. I can compare it to nothing better than to a serpent, which

hides its ugly head under the tortuous folds of its horrible body. The

protest, on the contrary, is the finest document of its kind, that I

remember to have seen. As precise as it is luminous, it presents at

once, and gathers, so to speak, into a single focus, all the reasons

for the opposite sentiment, in a manner to strike all eyes which are

not voluntarily closed to its light. But we live in the midst of a

people, who do not hesitate to call white black, and black white,

provided it favors the party of the Boreases of England and of our

country." The States of Holland assembled yesterday. They have named

two committees to deliberate, the one on the answer to be made to the

Court of France, the other on the new complaints to which the English

have just given cause. We shall not know the result till next week.

In the circumstances, Gentlemen, in which you see things, it will be

necessary that I should be provided with a letter of credence from

your honorable Congress, like, _mutatis mutandis_, that which I

received from it under date from the 9th to the 12th of December,

1775, and of which I made use at the Court of France, in April, 1776;

with this difference, that the other being unlimited and accommodated

to existing circumstances, that which I now ask for should be limited

to this Republic, and conformable to the present situation and

dignity of the American confederation, to the end that I may be able

to produce it to whomever it shall be proper, and to labor with all

requisite credit and weight, in concert with your friends in this

country, on the proposal of amity and commerce between the two

Republics. Such a paper becomes every day more necessary; and I dare

say, that it will be necessary to the United States that I should be

provided with it as soon as possible, so as not to give it publicity,

which everywhere, except in France and Spain, seems to have no good

effect; but to continue, as I have done hitherto, to increase and

strengthen your friends here, and to hinder your enemies from

realising, at the expense of this Republic, the fable of the monkey

who drew his chestnuts from the fire with the cat's paw. _Malo esse

quam videri_ ought to be the constant maxim of all those, who are

called to serve so fine a cause as that of the American Union. It is

certainly mine. It is this that dictates the precise answer, which I

have yet to give to what you had the goodness to write concerning me,

in the letter with which you honored me, under date of the 14th of May

of this year, to wit; "We shall write particularly to the gentlemen at

Paris, respecting the injuries you have received from our enemies, and

shall instruct them to pay the strictest attention to our engagements

made to you at the commencement of our correspondence."

These gentlemen, in sending me the letter, wrote me nothing on this

business, and I have not drawn on them for more than I had agreed with

Mr Deane, towards the end of the past year, to be necessary for me to

live here in a style of mediocrity, and with much economy, namely,

two hundred louis d'ors this year. I shall continue on this footing,

drawing always a hundred louis d'ors every six months, till it please

your honorable Congress to fix my stipend. In expectation that the

situation of affairs will permit the United States to observe in

respect to me, or in case of my death, in respect to my daughter, the

wise magnanimity that befits sovereigns, I will serve them, with the

same zeal as if they gave me double, and with more inward satisfaction

than if any other Power should give me ten fold. I can assure you,

Gentlemen, that from the beginning, I have done for the whole American

people, as I would do for a friend in danger. For the rest, I am well

satisfied and grateful for the obliging things you have written me on

this subject, and I do not ask new assurances. It is sufficient for

me, that you know my true sentiments, and that you will have the

goodness to make them known to the honorable Congress.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DUMAS.[34]

FOOTNOTES:

[33] This Declaration is missing.

[34] Several letters from M. Dumas, on the affairs of Holland, in the

year 1778, may be found in the Commissioners' Correspondence, in the

first volume of the present work.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

The Hague, January 1st, 1779.

Gentlemen,

On the 19th of December, the Grand Pensionary of Holland, before going

to the Assembly of the States of Holland, received from the Duc de la

Vauguyon, Ambassador of France, a note, explanatory of the Memorial

presented to their High Mightinesses the 7th, as follows.

"The king, determined to have perfect certainty of the final

resolution of the States, flatters himself that their High

Mightinesses will explain themselves in a clear and precise manner,

upon the point of perfect neutrality, which his Majesty is persuaded

that they do not wish to swerve from. He expects that they will

preserve to the flag of the United Provinces all the liberty that

belongs to them, in consequence of their independence, and to their

commerce all the integrity that the law of nations secures to it, and

that treaties confirm to it. But this liberty will become illusory,

and this integrity violated, if their High Mightinesses do not

maintain it by a suitable protection, and if they consent to deprive

their subjects of convoy, without which they cannot enjoy, in their

full extent, the rights which they have acquired and claim. A

resolution of whatever nature it be whose effect should be to deprive

them of a protection so legitimate, whether for all branches of their

commerce in general, or in particular for articles of naval stores of

any kind, would be regarded under present circumstances as an act of

partiality derogatory to the principles of an absolute neutrality, and

would inevitably produce the consequences mentioned in the Memoir,

which has been sent to their High Mightinesses. It is especially to

this essential object, and with the further intention to observe a

neutrality thus described, that the king asks of their High

Mightinesses an answer clear and precise."

The same morning the States of Holland adopted by a majority the

following answer, previously advised on the 16th by the Admiralty.

"That their High Mightinesses have always set, and will set, much

value on a good understanding with his Majesty, and that they would

cultivate willingly his friendship and affection for this State, by

all means which insure the independent repose of the Republic, and

contribute to their perfect neutrality in the existing differences

between his Majesty and the king of Great Britain. That their High

Mightinesses do not fear to declare with openness and candor to his

Majesty, that their design is to adhere scrupulously to the said

neutrality, in firm confidence that the two powers will be satisfied,

and that they will permit to their High Mightinesses the peaceable

enjoyment of it. That the commerce and navigation of the Republic,

being one of its principal means of subsistence, its free exercise

their High Mightinesses have strongly at heart. Their High

Mightinesses flatter themselves also that the two powers are inclined,

and will be persuaded to leave to them the course which the law of

nations and treaties guaranty, and that if any discussion takes place

on this subject, it will be attributed solely to the moderation and

caution of their High Mightinesses, in compliance with the suggestions

of prudence, if to measures adapted to the protection of their

commerce and their free navigation, without distinction as to the

property of the cargoes, and to the support of their neutrality, they

add others, intended to avoid all occasions of misunderstanding; that

their High Mightinesses are too firmly convinced of his Majesty's

justice, to doubt that he will be satisfied with this candid

exposition of the sentiments of their High Mightinesses, or that he

will continue to observe, in his treatment of neutrals, and

consequently of the subjects of their High Mightinesses, the rules,

which his Majesty has himself considered to be conformable to the law

of nations; and that he will continue in the disposition, on which the

commerce, at present existing between the subjects of both powers, to

the mutual advantage of both parties, is founded."

The resolution adopting this answer was invalidated at the same time

by the following protest.

"The Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, adhering to their protest and

note inserted on the 18th of November last, against the resolution

adopted the same day, on the final remonstrance of the merchants of

this country, on the subject of the seizure of their vessels by the

English, and the carrying them into English ports, as is therein more

fully detailed, have declared, that they cannot agree to the

resolution of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, adopted this day on

the Memorial presented to their High Mightinesses by the Duc de la

Vauguyon, wherein he demands the observance of an exact neutrality

during the existence of the troubles with England in general, and the

maintenance of the freedom of the flag of the Republic, as well as of

the commerce and navigation of this country to the French ports in

particular; unless in the meantime should be given by the said

resolution the clear and precise answer demanded by the said Memorial,

and on which depends in great part the commerce of this country to the

ports of France, declaring also that they would not be in any manner

responsible for the evils that come upon the commerce and navigation

of the Republic, as well from the present resolution as from that of

the 18th of November last."

This has not hindered the States-General from adopting also the

answer. On the 30th of December it was carried, by the agent of their

High Mightinesses, to the Ambassador, who did not accept it, as not

being such as the King demanded. On which they have determined to send

it to M. de Berkenrode, at Paris, to endeavor to cause it to be

accepted by his Majesty.

On my return here on Tuesday evening, I went to see our friend.

Nothing has yet been done; but in spite of all that can be done

tomorrow, said he, things will finally go well. He told me also, that

the credit of Sir Joseph Yorke with a certain great personage was

manifest more and more, and that there was no longer room to doubt

that the latter had secret engagements with the Court of London.

I was the next day at the house of the French Ambassador. Their High

Mightinesses had sent him their answer to the Memorial, and he had

sent it back, as not admissible. He has in his pocket the Declaration

of the King, by which the subjects of the State are excluded from his

order in favor of neutrals, and deprived of the privileges which they

enjoy in the ports of the kingdom. It will be soon published. This

affair will do as much good to the Anti-English in these provinces, as

the taking of Bergen-op-zoom did them harm thirty years ago. The time

will come when they will be obliged to have recourse to the city of

Amsterdam, to remove the proscription, which too much complaisance to

the Court of London is drawing upon these Provinces.

Late on Wednesday I went to see our friend. He could only give me one

moment. The answer of the States-General to the Memorial of the

French Ambassador is the same as that adopted by a majority in the

States of Holland, excepting some additions which are not material.

The Deputies have not even consulted their respective Provinces

thereon; another blow given to the constitution. One of the Deputies,

with whom I had some conversation, gave me as the only excuse;--"_It

is not the first time we have done it._" I have seen a letter from an

able hand, in one of the Provinces, wherein much censure and heavy

reproaches are cast on this method of proceeding. Friesland can least

of all dispense with the commerce of France.

_January 2d._ There is today a grand concert at the _Hotel de France_.

The Court is there. The Ambassador does the reverse of what is

practised at the theatre; he began with the farce, and will finish

with the tragedy. They flatter themselves here, that he will not press

matters, because they have given him to understand that they have

convoked the Admiralty to deliberate more fully on the convoys. But

they do not say what all the world knows, that they have sent the

rejected answer to the Ambassador of the Republic at Paris to endeavor

to have it accepted by the King. Labor lost.

Our friend is fortunate in all this. He has the finest part to

perform, and he will perform it to his glory. He advances rapidly in

the paths of former great men of the Republic. On the other side, the

firmness of Amsterdam is seconded very seasonably by the Memorial.

I doubt not, Gentlemen, but the result has made you see the importance

of what has passed here, and how far my proceedings have been useful

in the business, to bring it to the point where it now is.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DUMAS.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMISSIONERS AT PARIS.

The Hague, January 12th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

The States of Holland assemble tomorrow. Our friend comes this evening

and I shall see him. They are here every day more embarrassed. Far

from the answer to the Memoir sent by their High Mightinesses to their

Ambassador at Paris being accepted, the Ambassador of France has

received an express from his Court, the purport of which we shall know

at the same time with the result of the deliberations of the States of

Holland.

_January 13th._ The Assembly today has been occupied only with simple

formalities. I know on very good authority, that Amsterdam will have

permission to trade to the French Isles in America, as well directly

as by way of St Eustatia and Curacoa; and I have been authorised to

inform certain armed houses [_maisons armes_] of it, in order that

they may be able to speculate in advance upon it.

_January 14th._ They wished to resolve today by a majority for a delay

of four months longer for the convoys of ship timber. All at once

Haerlem is ranged on the side of Amsterdam, and Alcmaer has taken the

matter _ad referendum_; which has much displeased a grand personage

present. The Grand Pensionary cried out also much upon it, and wished

to engage the Deputies of this city to accede to the opinion of the

majority; but they alleged the orders of their city in excuse. This is

the cause that the resolution cannot be passed till next week. It will

be such, moreover, that the Court of France will regard it as

derogatory to perfect neutrality; for the majority will always

prevail, but then Amsterdam, Haerlem and perhaps Alcmaer will

protest. You see, Gentlemen, that the opposition not only sustains

itself, but gains ground. This opposition was almost nothing six

months ago; it was a feeble plant that could only stand by bending

when the wind blew; now it is a solid and robust body, well supported,

which resists all the efforts of the English party, which has broken

them, and which will succeed at length in prevailing over this party,

and will restore to the Republic its ancient dignity.

The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 09 · 第 24 / 36 段