MIGHTY MERCHANTMEN
Most of the vessels in this fleet of East Indiamen had been built at
the Blackwall yard, or at least refitted there. In the year 1789 the
East India Docks were brought into being, or rather begun, for they
were not opened for another couple of years. This wet dock had become
very necessary, for the East Indiamen had no accommodation provided
for them now that they had become so big. And as long as they lay out
in the river a good deal of their valuable cargoes was subject to
pilfering. A joint-stock company was formed with a capital of £200,000,
and it was decided that the hatches of every ship arriving from either
India or China should be locked down before the ship reached Gravesend,
and that the captain and one officer should remain on board until the
ship was moored in the docks and the keys of the hatches handed over to
an officer of the East India Company.
At the beginning of the nineteenth century the price of building these
ships was £13 12_s._ 6_d._ a ton. By 1803 it had gone up to £19. Five
years later there were ten of these ships lost; in fact the first
decade of the new century was unfortunate generally. There were losses
owing to disasters at sea, and the French war paralysed the Indian
trade. But the Blackwall yard was kept busy, and in 1813 it built ten
frigates for the British Government of from 1078 to 1571 tons, owing
to the lessons which had been learnt from the American frigates. Having
built so many East Indiamen, this mercantile yard was eminently fitted
for constructing such craft. And now that the firm consisted of Sir
Robert Wigram, George Green, Money Wigram and Henry Loftus Wigram, we
can see the time approaching when the famous Blackwall frigates were to
make their appearance, though we shall not come to them immediately.
In 1814 was launched for the East India Company the 1263-ton _Lady
Melville_, and the firm of Wigrams & Greens was now making a great
deal of money. Three years later came the fine 1325-ton _Waterloo_.
The only other port in the kingdom that in any way rivalled London was
Liverpool. In 1751 there were only 220 ships belonging to Liverpool,
but the opening of the American trade five years later gave it a great
impetus. Then came those years of war which checked this, but on the
resumption of peace in 1815 the Mercantile Marine received a wonderful
impetus which has culminated in the magnificent Atlantic liners of
to-day. There was the great industrial awakening in Yorkshire and
Lancashire, a big trade was to be built up with America, and the haven
of the Mersey was geographically suitable for the exports and imports.
Britain was supreme at sea, foreign shipping had almost disappeared,
the demand for tonnage was increasing rapidly, and the Mercantile
Marine was very much encouraged. In fact, from 1815 to 1860 the service
passed through the most popular days of its long career.
The first thirty years of the nineteenth century, just before the
Indian monopoly was lost, saw the East India Company ships at their
very best. We have spoken of the “Merchant Service” as a generic term,
for convenience; but, strictly speaking, it pertained to the service
in the ships of the East India Company, to distinguish it from service
in the Free Traders and the Royal Navy. During this time to be able
to get into the company’s service was about as good as a commission
in the Navy. The ships themselves were as fine as any naval corvette,
with similar discipline and similar personnel. Run like men-of-war,
owned by a very ancient and wealthy company of unique character, the
officers were of a social status equal to their cousins and brothers
in His Majesty’s vessels. It was only when this old monopoly was taken
away, and the romantic mixture of trade and sea-adventure gave way to
keen competition in the race for wealth, that ships, officers, men and
methods became of a different standard for a time. But this is always
excepting the famous Blackwall frigates, which were destined to keep up
the fine traditions of the old Indiamen.
An officer in the East India Company was made to realise that he was
being honoured to be allowed to enter such a service. The captains
and first four officers were always sworn in before being allowed to
proceed to duty on board. They enjoyed the very lucrative privilege
of being able to participate in the company’s monopoly. The captain
of a 755-ton ship and upwards, for instance, was allowed as much as
fifty-six tons for his private trade, and he could even do better than
this by using as dunnage bamboos which could be sold in London. From
China he could bring home 9336 lbs. Therefore, although his pay was
only £10 a month—and we must not forget that a sovereign in those days
was worth very much more than it is to-day—the captain was able to
make very nice profits. The officers were also allowed a liberal amount
of wine, beer, butter, cheese, spirits and groceries. No wonder that an
officer was so often able to retire after a very few voyages and buy a
ship for himself.
The 1200-ton East Indiaman carried a captain, six mates, surgeon,
purser, boatswain-gunner, master-at-arms, midshipmen, caulker, cooper,
cooks, carpenters, quartermasters, sailmaker, armourer, butcher, baker,
poulterer, officers’ servants, stewards; the crew numbering a hundred
and thirty. No one could become captain unless he had voyaged to and
from India or China as chief or second mate. These officers were better
seamen than navigators, but navigation was still crude and somewhat
unscientific in those days. The full uniform of the captain was a fine
blue coat with black Genoa velvet round the cuffs, black velvet lapels,
black velvet panteen cape. The gilt buttons bore the company’s crest.
Whenever officers appeared before the Court of Directors they were
compelled to wear full uniform, but undress uniform when appearing
before the Committee.
Strict instructions were given to the captain that his new hands were
to wear the clothes provided by the company. The pay of the “foremast
men” was £2 5_s._ a month, but in addition to this they were entitled
to a pension from what was known as the Poplar Fund. Any captain,
officer or man who had served aboard these ships for eight years and
had regularly contributed to the fund was entitled to a pension. The
size of the pension was based on the amount of capital which an officer
possessed. Thus, if a captain said he was not worth £2500, or £125 a
year, he received a pension of £100. Allowances were made to the widows
and orphans of those who had served the company for seven years, and if
a man had been wounded or maimed so as to be incapable of further sea
service he was qualified for a pension even if he had not served eight
years.
We mentioned some time back the fine East Indiaman _Warren Hastings_.
In the engagement which is to be described she lost her purser and six
men, and thirteen were wounded, including her chief, third and sixth
officers and surgeon’s mate. Therefore, although these were really
merchant ships, built to carry cargoes, with neither the facilities nor
the crew of a man-of-war, yet there was always the possibility of the
personnel being killed or disabled for life. In the case of the _Warren
Hastings_, extra special trouble had been taken to enable her to
defend herself against any French frigate she might meet. She mounted
twenty-six 18-pdrs. on her main or lower deck, fourteen on her upper
deck, and four 12-pdrs. on her poop. She left England in February 1805
and reached China, then left again for home, but in a less suitable
condition of defence; for of her main-deck ports four had been caulked
up so as to give space for a storeroom, and the four guns had been
placed in the hold. Of her crew, forty Chinamen remained at Canton, and
a British man-of-war had pressed eighteen of her English seamen. Four
of her upper deck guns had also been stowed below. She therefore now
mounted only thirty-six guns.
It was on June 21 at 7.30 a.m., when the ship was in Lat. 26° 13’ S.,
Long. 56° 45’ E. that _Warren Hastings_, steering W. by S. before a
strong breeze from N.E. by E., under a press of sail, sighted to the
south-west a strange ship under treble-reefed topsails and courses.
This was the French 40-gun frigate _Piémontaise_, 1093 tons, with a
crew of 385, and able to fire a broadside of twenty-three guns, against
the _Warren Hastings_’ eighteen. The latter had a tonnage of 1856, but
a crew of only 138. The Frenchman had twenty-eight 18-pdrs. on her
main deck. She also carried eighteen other guns on her quarter-deck,
a total of forty-six carriage-guns. But she also carried swivels and
musketoons in her tops and along her gunwales. On each fore and main
yard-arm there was a tripod to contain a 5-cwt. shell, so that if she
got alongside her enemy its fusee could be lit by a man lying out on
the yard, and it would then be allowed to fall on the enemy’s deck, and
after its explosion the French would be able to rush on board. It was
thus in idea a revival of mediævalism. The historian James even went so
far as to refer to the Frenchmen as being “armed more like assassins
than men-of-war’s men; each having, beside the usual boarding weapons,
a poniard struck through the button-holes of his jacket.”
Thus, in every respect except tonnage the East Indiaman was a more
powerful vessel, and the preliminary tactics are interesting. At
9 a.m., when the Indiaman was well on her weather-quarter, the
Frenchman shook out the reefs from her topsails and stood towards the
merchantman, who held on her course. Half an hour later the frigate set
her t’gallant sails and stuns’ls, and at 10 a.m. hoisted the British
blue ensign and pendant. There was nothing wrong in this _ruse de
guerre_, and often during the war of 1914-1918 British ships hoisted
neutral colours _before_ opening fire on German submarines. _Warren
Hastings_ suspected the frigate was not a British man-of-war, but
hoisted her colours and made her private signal. For, in order that
East Indiamen might be able to make themselves known on the high seas
to British men-of-war, a special code of signals was always arranged by
the Admiralty during war-time. This code was sent sealed to the Secret
Committee of the company and then handed over to the commanding officer
of each ship.
The Frenchman took no notice of the signals, continued rapidly to
approach, so that at 11 a.m. the Indiaman shortened sail and cleared
for action: it was quite obvious now what was going to happen. At noon
the frigate took in her stuns’ls, staysails and mainsail, and then
hauled down British colours and hoisted French. After opening fire and
disabling part of the Indiaman’s rigging, the Frenchman again attacked,
this time killing and wounding several of the merchantman’s crew,
badly damaging the foremast, cutting away all the foreshrouds on the
port side and the ensign. The latter was quickly hoisted again at the
maintopgallant masthead.
A third attack followed, during which the _Warren Hastings_’ foremast
was finally crippled. Thus, owing to the wind and heavy sea, the latter
could carry sail on only her main and mizzen masts, and now opened
fire. A hot engagement followed, and unfortunately her mainmast was
now damaged as well as her standing and running rigging, besides the
further loss of men killed and wounded. The fifth attack found her with
only the main topsail set, and the enemy poured in a terrible fire,
which knocked the spanker boom into splinters and carried away the
mizzen-mast, which, falling forward, disabled every remaining effective
gun on the upper deck. Troubles came not singly, for the lower deck
was on fire, the rudder was rendered useless, and whilst the surgeon
was operating, a shell entered and destroyed all his instruments. For
four hours and a half the Indiaman had sought to defend herself, but
in spite of the zeal and perseverance of her officers and men she was
compelled in her crippled state to lower her colours.
Then, being thoroughly unmanageable, the Indiaman, with the heavy sea
running, happened to fall off, and crashed alongside the _Piémontaise_,
who was to leeward. Thereupon a number of Frenchmen leapt aboard the
merchantman with daggers and threatened to kill the lot, dragged the
captain about the ship and accused him of having tried to ram the
frigate so as to cripple her masts; and then stabbed the captain,
whereupon he fainted through loss of blood. The second officer,
surgeon, and a midshipman and boatswain’s mate were similarly stabbed.
Presently this fury died down, the Frenchman took the Englishman in tow
and both arrived at the Isle of France on July 4.
Thus, life in these merchant ships, although well rewarded, was at any
time during those long years of hostilities liable suddenly to become
most exciting. Ships and men were sent to the bottom or taken captive,
but the service went on. Lest the reader should imagine these incidents
isolated events, let the following be related. On May 2, 1809, a small
squadron of homeward-bound Indiamen had cleared the Sandheads of Bengal
River, escorted by H.M. sloop _Victor_. After three weeks the latter,
in dark and squally weather of the night of the 24th, parted company.
By the 30th, owing to stress of weather, two ships had left the convoy,
and there now remained only the _Streatham_, _Europe_ and _Lord Keith_
in company. The first two were 820-ton craft; the third was a vessel of
600 tons. The first two carried thirty guns apiece; the _Lord Keith_
had not more than twelve.
At five-thirty on the morning of May 31, when in Lat. 9° 15’ N., Long.
90° 30’ E., these three were on the starboard tack with the wind S.W.
by S. when a strange ship was seen seven miles off to the west of
south. This was the French 40-gun frigate _Caroline_, which mounted
forty-six guns in addition to her swivels. She had been cruising off
the Sandheads and had captured a few ships. Subsequently she had
learned from an American ship, the _Silenus_, which had sailed from
the Sandheads, of the number and probable route of the Indiamen.
But when first sighted the _Caroline_ was taken by the Indiamen for
the _Victor_. _Streatham_, being the senior ship, made the private
signal about 6 a.m., but having got no answer from the Frenchman,
signalled the other two to form into line, _Lord Keith_ leading,
followed by _Streatham_ and _Europe_, but the two last mentioned were a
considerable distance apart. Half an hour later the _Caroline_ hoisted
colours and attacked _Europe_, who quickly returned the fire. At the
end of half an hour the latter was disabled. Most of her guns were
put out of action, yards, foremast, sails and rigging cut to pieces
and hull damaged in several places. And then the enemy raked her from
forward and proceeded to deal with _Streatham_, which by eight o’clock
was so utterly crippled that she had to lower colours. Meanwhile _Lord
Keith_ and _Europe_ had been firing at _Caroline_, who now recommenced
the action with the last mentioned. Presently _Europe_ closed
_Streatham_, but on learning that the latter had surrendered, and that
_Lord Keith_ had escaped, running before the wind, also determined to
up helm. Then _Caroline_, after securing _Streatham_, went in chase
and captured _Europe_. On account of the leaking condition which the
two prizes were now in, it took three days to get them in a seaworthy
condition, but on July 22, with their valuable cargoes, they were
brought by _Caroline_ and anchored in the Bay of St. Paul, Isle of
Bourbon. It had been a heavy loss to the East India Company, though the
gallant merchant captains, with their ill-armed and badly-manned ships
(the crews consisting partly of cowardly Portuguese and lascars), had
done all that was possible. The one consoling feature was that _Lord
Keith_ managed to get right away, and actually arrived safely back in
English waters.
[Illustration:
[_By courtesy Messrs. T. H. Parker._
A CONVOY OF EAST INDIAMEN.
H.E. India Company’s ship “Inglis” leaving St. Helena in July 1830,
with H.M. Frigate “Ariadne” and the H E. India Company’s ships
“Windsor,” “Waterloo,” “Scaleby Castle,” “General Kyd,” “Farquharson”
and “Lowther Castle.”]
Similarly on July 3, 1810, three outward-bound Indiamen, the _Ceylon_,
_Windham_ and _Astell_, each of them of 800 tons, were about thirty
miles west of the island of Mayotta on a northerly course with a fresh
S.S.E. breeze when three ships were sighted close-hauled on the port
tack. These were the two French frigates _Bellone_, _Minerve_, and the
recaptured ship-corvette _Victor_, about nine miles distant, and it was
about six o’clock, just as the day was dawning. Half an hour later the
senior Indiaman _Ceylon_ made the private signal, and, as no answer
was returned, the merchant ships prepared for action. Presently, as
_Astell_ signalled she was overpressed, the other two shortened sail.
Captain Meriton made the following signal from _Ceylon_: “As we cannot
get away, I think we had better go under easy sail, and bring them to
action before dark.” To this _Astell_ replied: “Certainly.” _Windham_
answered: “If we make all sail and get into smooth water under the
land, we can engage to more advantage.”
The wind increased so much that the Indiamen were compelled to
heave-to, and took in the third reef of their topsails. It was not an
ideal day for an engagement, as the ships heeled over so that they
could not keep open their lower-deck ports. Captain Meriton formed
his ships in line abreast, _Ceylon_ in the centre, and at 2.15 p.m.
_Minerve_ opened fire on _Windham_ and _Ceylon_. There was a heavy sea
running and the action became general. During the afternoon Captain
Hay of _Astell_ was severely wounded, and the command was taken over
by the chief mate. _Windham_ had her sails and rigging considerably
damaged, and about 4.30 p.m. a temporary lull occurred, when _Minerve_
carried away her main and mizzen topmasts. And then Captain Meriton was
wounded, so the command of _Ceylon_ devolved on her chief mate, who a
few minutes afterwards was himself wounded and was succeeded by the
second mate. This ship had received great punishment throughout the
engagement: her masts, sails and rigging were badly damaged, many of
her guns disabled, her hull so injured that she was making three feet
of water an hour; six of her people were killed and twenty-one wounded.
Therefore before half-past seven she hauled down her colours and was
taken prize. _Astell_, already much injured, put out her lights, made
sail and escaped during the extreme darkness of the night. _Windham_
was now left alone, and finding that she was too damaged to make sail,
continued the action to help _Astell’s_ escape, and then hauled down
her colours and was taken captive.
The captains, officers and men had fought very gallantly against the
French, who were in superior force, and the East India Company, who
always could afford to treat their servants handsomely, awarded each of
the three captains the sum of £500, with a fine reward for the officers
and men. On Captain Hay of the _Astell_ the company also settled a
pension of £460 a year, and distributed £2000 among the officers and
crew. Furthermore, the Admiralty, to show their appreciation of the
ship’s gallantry, granted to the crew a protection from impressment
for three years. One of the men, Andrew Peters, had bravely nailed the
pendant to the maintop masthead, and having done so was killed while
descending the rigging.
It is fine to read of the resource, the able seamanship and great
gallantry of these wonderful old ships right through two centuries
until well into a third. But there was a new era coming, and the
final link with Tudor romance and mediæval shipping ideas was just
about to be severed. Looking back on events, it seems to us moderns
perfectly amazing that the East India Company should have enjoyed
so rich and enormous a monopoly so long, and in the year 1814 they
lost this privilege so far as India was concerned. The result was
that a new impetus was given to shipbuilding and shipowning, and the
element of competition was introduced with free trade and no favour.
In the task of making the Mercantile Marine of Britain such a solid,
dignified, stately and honourable service for all those years the
company did much; nor is this influence by any means dead, for it set a
high standard for subsequent independent shipowners to follow, and it
permeates the big shipping lines of to-day. What the Orient had meant
in a small way to the Tudor and Stuart seamen and merchants, it was to
mean on a much bigger scale to the traders of the nineteenth century,
and the wealth of Great Britain was to benefit thereby.
From 1814 the owners of the Blackwall yard began to build East Indiamen
for themselves to own and manage. In 1824 they built the _Carn Brae
Castle_, 570 tons, which was the first ship expressly built for the
passenger trade to Calcutta, and the finest ship of her day. She was
lost rather unnecessarily by the officer of the watch allowing her to
stand too close into Freshwater Bay, Isle of Wight, one day when the
captain and passengers were at dinner. In that same year Mr. Green had
purchased the _Sir Edward Paget_, which was the first of the well-known
passenger ships to India and Australia. She was elaborately fitted and
made quite a sensation. She was commanded by Captain Geary, R.N., and
in this connection the following true anecdote is recorded. The house
flag which she wore was a white ground with a red St. George’s cross
through the centre. One day, after arrival at Spithead, the Admiral at
Portsmouth sent his lieutenant off to inquire what ship was wearing an
admiral’s flag, and on learning that she was a merchant ship, at once
ordered it to be hauled down. A blue handkerchief was then sown on the
centre of the flag, and as this satisfied the lieutenant it was allowed
to be hoisted again, and continued to be the distinguishing flag of the
Wigram and Green ships until, some years later, the partnership in the
firm was dissolved.
After this ship returned to Blackwall from her first voyage, Mr.
Green proceeded on board to make his usual inspection, and, much to
his dismay, was received with manned yards, with a salute, and the
ship’s band playing “The Conquering Hero.” But the _Sir Edward Paget_
was not a man-of-war and Mr. Green was not an admiral; and it was all
very fine, but not suitable. He resented this kind of reception, and
the general man-of-war appearance everywhere on board so astonished
him, that he was not surprised also to find that when the accounts of
the voyage were balanced the style was not financially profitable. The
result was that a new captain came to the ship and there was a new set
of regulations before she went on her second voyage.
In 1825 a couple of 1325-ton ships were launched by the yard, and here
we get the final resemblance to the ships of the Caroline period, for
the figure-head, poop, decorations and so on have been considerably
modified. By the year 1830 the firm had ceased to build any more
vessels to be employed by the East India Company; for although that
corporation had lost its Indian monopoly, as already stated, it still
retained a like privilege in regard to China. But the public mind was
opposed to this being continued; in 1832 Parliament had to face the
question, and in April of 1834 the company lost its commercial charter
for ever. But, seeing this revolution was approaching, individual
firms had in the meantime been preparing to compete in this Eastern
trade. Not merely did the Greens and Wigrams from 1830 build ships for
themselves, but they ordered them from the Tyne firm of T. & W. Smith,
and this firm also began to own East Indiamen themselves in competition
with the Greens and Wigrams.
In 1831 the Blackwall firm consisted of George Green, Money Wigram,
Henry Loftus Wigram, Richard Green and Henry Green, but they were to
pursue a strange policy, which, if good for the Mercantile Marine, was
destined to ruin the firm. The owners of the Blackwall yard began to
build ships not for the firm, but for individual members of the firm—so
many for the Green family and so many for the Wigrams, but especially
for the former. Thus it came about that a Green fleet competed with
a Wigram fleet, whilst by the year 1841 the ships owned by the firm
itself numbered only two. Finally in 1843 the partnership was dissolved.
But in 1832 they launched the 577-ton _London_ for Money Wigram, and
this was the real pioneer of the celebrated Blackwall frigates of which
we shall speak in a later chapter. We thus enter on that last stage of
ship development which was to precede the golden age of the sailing
ship, when the clippers made eternal fame for themselves. This yard
was still the biggest private concern in Europe, though Liverpool as
a great port was now going ahead. The beginning of the American War
in 1812 had given it a serious set-back, but after peace came in 1814
there was a new era as well for the Atlantic shipping as for the East.
For America was going ahead. She had shown that she knew how to build
during the war frigates of an improved kind, and in peace she was now
producing better-designed merchantmen than ourselves.
In 1816 was inaugurated the famous Black Ball Line of New York packets,
which were the precursors of the present-day Atlantic liners. These
Black Ball liners were full-rigged ships of from 300 to 500 tons
register, with full bodies and bluff bows, and yet they averaged
at first only twenty-three days on the outward voyage to Liverpool
and forty-three days homeward-bound. This was the only means of
communication in those days between America and Liverpool, and in 1836
was started the Dramatic Line, consisting of 700-ton sailing ships. The
world’s trade was increasing, industrialism was prospering, the markets
of the whole world were now open to all, and there was a long spell of
peace ahead. Transatlantic shipping was encouraged so that these packet
ships increased in tonnage, and in 1846 the 1400-ton _New World_ was
built, being then the largest sailing ship in the world. Other famous
vessels were the _Isaac Webb_, _Albert Webb_ and _Guy Mannering_.
The ships of these two lines were exceedingly fine craft, and made
remarkable passages across to England, the Black Ball liners eventually
averaging twenty-one days and the Dramatic liners twenty and a half
days. The nineteenth century in regard to the sailing ship alone was
certainly a most wonderful period.
[Illustration:
[_By courtesy Messrs. T. H. Parker._
A FINE PIECE OF SEAMANSHIP.
The “Chesterfield” packet (Captain Robert Lea Jones) rescuing the crew
of a sinking ship. About 1795.]