in many respects better stocked, was not so regularly kept, owing to the
rains, and not so well attended on account of the labours which were
going on in the fields. Even slaves were now brought into the market,
sometimes as many as thirty, each being sold for from 25 to 30 khalágs,
or kholgán (“lebú”, common white shirts), a price equal to from six to
seven Spanish dollars. Cattle too were at present numerous, having not
only been brought in from the pagan tribes, who seem to possess only a
limited supply and of a small breed, but having been taken in far larger
numbers from the Shúwa tribe of the Deghághera, under pretext of their
disobedience. A good fat ox was sold for eight khalágs, or a little less
than two dollars. During my stay in Mélé, I had observed that sheep were
taken from Bagírmi to Bórnu, to be sold there.
In my expectation of being allowed to depart without further delay, I
was sadly disappointed; and day after day passed by without any
preparation for my departure. Besides, I had reason to complain of
inhospitable treatment, for, although I occasionally received a dish
from the sultan, far more frequently I remained without; but I was told,
upon inquiry, that the slaves who were ordered to bring me my food used
to keep it for themselves.
[Sidenote: August 1st.]
It was not till this day that I became convinced that my departure was
close at hand, from the fact that the slaves of my host began to dig up
the soil in my courtyard, in order to sow it with derába or bámiya
(_Hibiscus esculentus_); for if I had been going to stay longer, my
camel would soon have destroyed the seed. But nevertheless several days
elapsed before affairs were finally settled.
[Sidenote: August 6th.]
At length in the afternoon, there came a long _cortége_ from the sultan,
conducted by Zérma or Kadamánge, Sabún, and Kánadí, with a present of
fifty shirts of every kind, and which altogether might be valued at
about thirty dollars. Among the shirts were seven of a better sort, all
of which I sent to England, with the exception of one, which was very
light, consisting of silk and cotton, and which I kept for my own wear;
there were besides, twenty-three white ones of a better kind, and twenty
common market-tobes.
While presenting me with this royal gift, and explaining that the sultan
was sorry that I would not accept from his hands anything more valuable,
either slaves or ivory, Zérma announced to me officially that I might
now start when I thought proper; that hitherto neither the people of
Bagírmi had known me nor I them, but that if I were to return I might
regard Bagírmi as my own country. While expressing my thanks to the
sultan for his present, as well as for the permission to depart, I told
the messenger that, if they wished that either I or my brother
(companion) should ever visit their country again, the sultan ought to
give me a paper, testifying his permission by a special writ, sealed
with his own royal seal. This they promised, and moreover told me that a
man from the sultan should accompany me to the river, in order to
protect me against any further intrigues of the ferrymen, my great
enemies.
The sultan’s munificence, although not great, enabled me to reward my
friends and attendants. I had already divided the túrkedí which I had
received from Kúkawa, among those nearest to me, except two or three,
which I sold in the market in order to buy provisions. And of these
tobes likewise I divided thirty among the people of Zérma, my own
attendants, the fáki Sámbo, Bú-Bakr, and my other friends. The poor Háj
Áhmed, who sustained himself here with great difficulty, was very
grateful for my present, and offered up fervent prayers for my safe
arrival at home, although he would have liked better if I had
accompanied him on his journey eastward through Wádáy and Dár-Fúr.
But, although on my first arrival in this country I had entertained the
hope that it might be possible to accomplish such an undertaking, I had
convinced myself that, not taking into account my entire want of proper
means, it would be imprudent, under the present circumstances, to
attempt such a thing; for the state of affairs in the country of Wádáy
was exceedingly unfavourable at the time, a destructive civil war having
just raged, and matters not being yet settled. My own situation in this
country, moreover, was too uncertain to allow me to have sufficient
supplies sent after me, to embark in such a grand enterprise; and
besides, although I had become fully aware of the great interest which
attaches to the empire of Wádáy, as well owing to the considerable
extent of its political power, as on account of the great variety of
elements of which it is composed, and also on account of its lying on
the water-parting between the basin of the Tsád and that of the Nile, I
felt quite sure that the western part of Negroland, along the middle
course of the so-called Niger, was a far nobler and more fruitful field
for my exertions. However, there was one favourable circumstance for
attempting at that time a journey into Wádáy, as the messengers of the
sultan (or rather of Jérma or Zérma, one of the most powerful officers
in that country, who has the inspection of this province), were at
present here, in order to collect the tribute which Bagírmi, in its
present reduced state, has to pay to its mightier neighbour.
As for my friend the sheríf Slímán, he behaved like a gentleman on this
occasion, refusing my shirts, but begging for a little camphor and a
pair of English scissors.
[Sidenote: August 8th.]
After all the delay was overcome, I at length became aware what had been
the cause of it; for in the afternoon of that day my noble companion
Gréma ʿAbdú, who had left me so unceremoniously before I reached the
capital, and who altogether had been of so little use to me, came to
inform me that all was now ready for our departure, he having received
the five slaves whom he was to take to Kúkawa, partly for his own
benefit, and partly for the benefit of his master Mestréma, who, as I
have stated before, held a situation something like a consul of Bagírmi
in the capital of Bórnu. Indeed there were now unmistakable signs that I
was at length to leave this place, for the following day I was treated
with a large dish of rice and meat, swimming in a rich abundance of
butter, from the sultan, and another dish from my niggardly host the
zérma or kadamánge; and on the 10th of August I really left the capital
of Bagírmi, where I had certainly stayed much longer than I had desired,
as I was not allowed to move freely about in the country, but where,
nevertheless, I was enabled to collect a great deal of valuable
information, of which that part relating to the history and general
condition of the country I shall detail in the following chapter, in
order to inspire the reader with a greater degree of interest in these
little-known regions, while other matter will be given in the Appendix.
[Footnote 44: There is another ruin of baked bricks outside the town, on
the road to Ábú-Gher.]
[Footnote 45: See the Despatch in the Appendix, No. V.]
CHAP. LI.
HISTORICAL SURVEY OF BAGÍRMI. — GENERAL CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY AND ITS
INHABITANTS.
With regard to the history of the eastern part of Negroland, we are
still worse off than with regard to the western countries, however
scanty the documents relating to the latter regions may be, although I
may hope that, by my labours, a great deal more light has been shed upon
the history of these quarters than was even suspected to exist before.
But while for the kingdom of Songhay, with its celebrated towns Gógó and
Timbúktu, we have now obtained an almost continuous historical account,
by the taríkh of Áhmed Bábá, and while for Bórnu tolerably rich
materials have likewise come to our hands, by means of the chronicles of
that empire, and of the relation of Imám Áhmed, for this eastern part of
Negroland (which comprises the countries of Bagírmi, Wádáy, or Dár Suláy
and Dár-Fúr) no such documents have as yet been found, and, besides the
information to be gathered from the natives, only a few detached and
obscure statements have been handed down to us by the Arab writers of
the middle ages.
Those of the latter which relate in general to Kánem, and its capital
Njímí or Njímiye, I have already referred to in the historical sketch
which I have given of the empire of Bórnu; and the only circumstances
which these writers mention, with regard to the more eastern regions,
are the general names of tribes, such as the Zogháwa and the Bájó[46],
mentioned by Ébn Sʿaíd, and, on his authority, by Abú ’l Fedá, as
related tribes.[47]
The only author who distinctly speaks of these eastern regions is the
Spanish Moor generally known under the name of Leo Africanus; for it is
he who describes in this eastern quarter a large and powerful kingdom
which he calls Gaoga. This name, especially on account of its similarity
to the name of the Songhay capital, as the latter was generally written
by the Arabs, has caused a great deal of confusion, and has given rise
to numerous gratuitous conjectures. But if we compare Leo’s statements,
which are certainly very vague, and written down from memory after a
lapse of several years, but especially what he says about the political
relations of Gaoga with the empire of Bórnu, there cannot be the least
doubt that his Gaoga is identical with what the Bórnu people call the
empire of Bulála. And the reason why he called it Gaoga is obvious; for
the Bulála, who originally formed a branch of the princely family of
Kánem, guided by Jíl (surnamed Shíkomémi, from his mother Shíkoma),
founded their empire in the territory of the tribe of the Kúka[48], who
in former times were very powerful, occupying a great extent of country,
from the eastern part of Bagírmi as far as the interior of Dár-Fúr, the
place Shebína, on the shore of the Bat-há, being then the principal seat
of their power, while their head quarters at present are in the province
of Fittrí.[49] Here, owing to their introducing Islám, and a certain
degree of civilization, together with the Arabic alphabet called
“warash,” the Bulála soon appear to have obtained the sovereign power,
while they founded Yʿawó[50] as their new residence. While viewing the
relations of the countries on the east side of the Tsád in this light,
we get rid of every difficulty which may seem to be implied in the
statements relating to Gaoga; for, when Leo says that the language of
that country was identical with the idiom of Bórnu, he evidently only
speaks of the language then used by the dynasty and the ruling tribe of
the country, with whom on his visit to that kingdom he came into
contact, and who were of the same origin as the Bórnu people, while at
present, having intermingled and intermarried with the indigenous
population, the Bulála, who are still the ruling family in Fittrí,
appear to have forgotten their own language, and have adopted that of
the Kúka. At the time when Leo wrote his description of Africa, or
rather at the period when he visited Negroland (for of the events which
happened after he left the country he possessed only an imperfect
knowledge), the Bulála were just in the zenith of their power, being
masters of all Kánem, and (according to the information of Makrízí and
Ábú ’l Fedá) having in the latter half of the fourteenth century even
subjected to their dominion the large tribe of the Zogháwa, may well
have entered into the most intimate political relations with the rulers
of Egypt, as already, a century previous to the time of Leo, Makrízí
found ample opportunity in Egypt to collect all the latest news with
regard to the dynasty of Kánem.
On the other hand, we can easily imagine how Leo could call the prince
of Gaoga a Mohammedan, while the learned men of the country positively
affirm that the Islám in these regions dates no further back than the
eleventh century of the Hejra, the beginning of which exactly coincides
with that of the seventeenth century of our era, and consequently about
a century after Leo’s visit to Africa; for Leo speaks only of the rulers
themselves, whose religious creed, probably, had no influence upon the
people of the country in general. Leo’s statement entirely harmonizes
with the information gleaned from Makrízí; for the princes of Kánem in
the time of the latter historian were identical with the rulers of that
very kingdom which Leo calls Gaoga, although in Makrízí’s time they seem
to have established the capital of their empire in Njímiye, which they
had conquered from the Bórnu dynasty.[51]
Moreover this apparent discrepancy receives further explanation from the
fact, that soon after Leo visited these regions the pagan nation of the
Týnjur extended their empire from Dár-Fúr to the very borders of
Bagírmi, opposing a strong barrier to the propagation of Islám.
Respecting the name ʿOmár, by which Leo designates the king of the
Bulála in his time, I have already given an opinion on a former
occasion. The Týnjur, of whose original language I have not been able to
collect any specimens, and which seems to be almost extinct, are said to
have come from Dóngola, where they had separated from the Batálesa, the
well-known Egyptian tribe originally settled in Bénesé. Advancing from
Dóngola, the Týnjur are said to have vanquished first the Dájó, who, as
has been stated before, were at that period masters of Dár-Fúr, and in
course of time spread over the whole of Wádáy, and over part of Bagírmi,
making Kádama, a place situated about three days’ march to the S.W. of
Wára, and halfway between Malám and Kashémeré, the capital of their
extensive empire. They maintained their dominion, as far as regards
Wádáy, according to native tradition, ninety-nine lunar years, while the
eastern portion of this loosely-connected group of different
nationalities, which had been conquered at an earlier period, was
wrested from their hands much sooner, by Kúro vanquishing the Týnjur,
and founding the pagan kingdom of Dár-Fúr, some time before the general
introduction of Islám into these countries. This Kúro himself was the
third predecessor of Slímán, the first Moslim prince of Dár-Fúr. But as
for the centre of the empire of the Týnjur, it was overthrown by the
founder of the Mohammedan empire of Wádáy, viz. ʿAbd el Kerím the son of
Yáme,—according to tradition, in the year 1020 of the Hejra.
However, of the kings of Wádáy I shall not speak here, as their history
has not exactly reference to the country we are now describing.[52] Here
I will only introduce a few remarks concerning the kings of Bagírmi.
Bagírmi[53] is said to have emerged from the gloom of paganism
prevailing in the eastern regions of Sudán, a considerable time after
Western Sudán had been formed into mighty kingdoms—some years subsequent
to the introduction of Islám into Wádáy. But in the same manner as the
ruling dynasty which gave rise to this new kingdom had come from abroad,
so likewise the founders of Bagírmi seem to have immigrated into the
country; and from whence they immigrated can scarcely be doubtful,
though they themselves, like all the dominating tribes of Sudán, would
much rather connect their origin with the inhabitants of Yemen. But,
that the native inhabitants of Kénga, Kírsuwa, and Hírla are intimately
related to them, they are well aware, and acknowledge it without
hesitation; but they would try to make people believe that, in coming
from Yemen, their chief Dokkénge left at those places brethren of his as
governors. As for Hírla, they do not acknowledge its claims to entire
equality of birth, but derive the name of that place, as well as the
family of the kings of that district, from a slave of Dokkénge of the
name of Khérallah. But, on a close scrutiny, the people of Bagírmi
themselves confess that their origin is not to be sought for at a
greater distance than Kénga, or Kénga Matáya[54], and that this place,
distant five days east from Más-eñá and three long days S.S.E. from
Yʿawó, and distinguished by the strange form of its paganism[55], was
the original seat of their kings; for not only do the Bagírmaye regard
those of Kénga with solemn veneration, as being their ancestors, whom it
would be wrong to attack or to endeavour to subdue, but there are also
certain emblems which they exhibit on particular occasions, brought, as
they say, from Kénga. These consist of a rather long spear, borne on
certain occasions before the king of Bagírmi, a small sort of tympanum,
and the horn or bugle. The language Kénga is intimately connected with
that of Bagírmi, while it contains also some elements of a different
character; and these two dialects, together with the language of the
Kúka, constitute one idiom.
But, to proceed with our principal inquiry, the emigrants, led on by
their chief Dokkénge, penetrated, it would seem, towards the west by the
road marked by the sites of Hírla, Kírsuwa, and Naíromá—a place situated
near Más-eñá, on the Báchikám.
The state of the country where this pagan prince was to found the new
kingdom, at the time when this happened (that is to say, about 300 years
ago), was as follows. On the spot where the capital now stands, there is
said to have been nothing but a straggling settlement of Fúlbe cattle-
breeders; and the Bagírmaye themselves state that they named the place
from a large ʿardéb or tamarind-tree (“más” in the Bágrimma language),
under which a young Féllani girl of the name of Eñá was selling milk.
These Fúlbe (or Felláta, as they are called in all the eastern parts of
Sudán) are said to have been much oppressed by annual inroads of the
Bulála; and it was Dokkénge who undertook to protect them against these
invaders. With the exception of this Felláta settlement, a few Arab or
Shúwa tribes[56], who at that time had already begun to spread over the
country, principally the Bení Hassan, and the solitary settlement of a
Felláta sheikh, or holy man, in Bídderí, a place about nine miles east
from Más-eñá (who, however isolated he was, nevertheless exercised a
very remarkable influence over the introduction of Islamism into these
countries), all the rest of its inhabitants, as well as the chief
Dokkénge himself, were pagans.
In the centre of the country there were four petty kingdoms, all
situated on the small branch of the Shárí generally called Báchikám;
viz. that of Mátiya, Mábberát, Máriñé, and finally that of Meré or
Damré. Dokkénge, installing himself near the spot which was originally
called Más-eñá, and forming a small settlement, is said to have subdued
these four petty kings by stratagem, and, having driven back the Bulála,
to have formed in a short time a considerable dominion. He is reported
to have reigned a long time, and to have been succeeded by his brother,
of the name of Lubétko, to whom succeeded Delubírni, under whose
dominion the kingdom of Bagírmi spread considerably. The eldest son of
Delubírni was Maló, who ascended the throne, but was soon after engaged
in a desperate struggle with a younger brother of his, named ʿAbd-Allah,
who, it is said, had been converted to Islamism, and thought himself in
consequence better fitted to ascend the throne. After being defeated by
Delubírni on one occasion, ʿAbd-Allah is said to have vanquished his
brother with the assistance of the pagan tribes, and to have slain him
after a most sanguinary conflict in the midst of the town, which lasted
for several days.
Having thus ascended the throne, and consolidated his dominion by the
blood of all his kinsfolk, ʿAbd-Allah, the first Moslim prince of
Bagírmi, is said to have contributed largely to the prosperity of his
country, into which he introduced Islamism; and he is stated also to
have increased the capital to its present extent. The beginning of his
reign falls about ten years after the foundation of the empire of Wádáy
by ʿAbd el Kerím the son of Yáme. As to the order of his successors (all
the Moslim kings of Bagírmi numbering fourteen), it seems to be as
follows:—
To ʿAbd-Allah succeeded, as it seems, Wónja, who was succeeded by his
son Láwení, after whom followed Bugománda. Of these princes very little,
if anything, appears to be known. But then followed a glorious reign,
which marked another epoch in the history of Bagírmi—I mean the reign of
the king Mohammed el Amín, who, on account of his having performed a
pilgrimage to Mekka, is also called el Háj; for this prince not only
administered the government of his country with more justice than his
predecessors had done, and made it respected by his neighbours, but he
also considerably extended his dominion and sway, as he not only subdued
the formerly independent kingdom of Babáliyá, which at a former period
had belonged to Kánem, and whose king (of the name of Kábdu) he put to
death, but he is stated also to have extended his conquests in the
opposite direction as far as Gógomi, a strong and inaccessible
settlement, situated seven or eight days’ march to the south-east of the
capital, which the present sultan succeeded in subduing a second time
during my residence in the country, and which was thought a very great
achievement. It is even said that through the instrumentality of this
king a great majority of his countrymen adopted Islamism.
To this praiseworthy prince succeeded his son ʿAbd e’ Rahmán, whose
death can be fixed with approximative certainty, as it is connected with
the history of the neighbouring countries; for it was he against whom
the sheikh Mohammed el Kánemí solicited the assistance of ʿAbd el Kerím
Sabún the sultan of Wádáy, who died in the year 1815 for his having
thrown off the supremacy of Bórnu, which seems to have been established
during the reign of Láwení. The easy victory which the energetic and
unscrupulous ruler of Wádáy, who eagerly grasped at the offer made to
him, is said to have gained over the people of Bagírmi, is attributed to
the consequences of a severe plague, which had swept away the greater
part of the full-grown inhabitants of the country, and to the
circumstance of the fácha, or general of the army, not being on good
terms with his sovereign, whom he is stated to have deserted in the
battle, while he himself fled with his whole detachment. Sabún, after
having put to death ʿAbd e’ Rahmán, together with his favourite wife, or
ghúmsu, and having carried away a considerable portion of the
population, and all the riches of Bagírmi collected during the period of
their power, invested the younger son of ʿAbd e’ Rahmán, of the name of
Mʿallem Ngarmába Béri, with the title of king. However, as soon as Sabún
had retraced his steps, ʿOthmán, the eldest son of ʿAbd e’ Rahmán, with
the surname or nickname of Búgomán, who, as long as the king of Wádáy
was ravaging the country, had sought refuge behind the Shárí, in the
town of Búgomán (the same place the governor of which refused to receive
me), returned home, overcame his younger brother, and, having put out
his eyes, ascended the throne.