IX

Henry James came to England to admire. But his early reverence for the

men and women of an island with so fine and ancient a historic tone as

Great Britain soon faded. He had forgotten, in the first passion of

acquaintance, that the English are born afresh in every generation and

are about as new as young Americans, differing from them chiefly in

having other forms of domestic and ecclesiastical architecture and

smoother lawns to take for granted. He looked at old stone castles and

Tudor brickwork, at great hanging eaves and immemorial gardens, and then

he looked at the heirs of this heritage and listened intently for their

speech. This was disappointing, partly because they spoke so little. "I

rarely remember," he wrote when he had lived through several London

months, "to have heard on English lips any other intellectual verdict

(no matter under what provocation) than this broad synthesis 'so

immensely clever.' What exasperates you is not that they can't say more

but that they wouldn't if they could."

How different was this inarticulate world from the fine civilization of

Boston, from the cultivated circle that gathered round Charles Eliot

Norton at Shady Hill. To that circle he appealed for sympathy,

complaining that he was "sinking into dull British acceptance and

conformity. . . . I am losing my standard--my charming little standard

that I used to think so high; my standard of wit, of grace, of good

manners, of vivacity, of urbanity, of intelligence, of what makes an

easy and natural style of intercourse! And this in consequence of having

dined out during the past winter 107 times!" Great men, or at the least

men with great names, swam into his ken and he condemned them. Ruskin

was "weakness pure and simple." In Paris he found that he could

"easily--more than easily--see all round Flaubert intellectually." A

happy Sunday evening at Madame Viardot's provoked a curious reflection

on the capacity of celebrated Europeans to behave absurdly and the

incapacity of celebrated Americans to indulge in similar antics. "It was

both strange and sweet to see poor Turgenev acting charades of the most

extravagant description, dressed out in old shawls, and masks, going on

all fours, etc. The charades are their usual Sunday evening occupation

and the good faith with which Turgenev, at his age and with his glories,

can go into them is a striking example of the truth of that spontaneity

which Europeans have and we have not. Fancy Longfellow, Lowell, or

Charles Norton doing the like and every Sunday evening!"

Whether or not all celebrated Americans behave with invariable decorum,

the astonished spectator of Turgenev's performance had no temptation to

"do the like." His appearance among a company of artists and writers

gathered together in a country village during the late summer of 1886

has been characteristically recorded by Mr. Edmund Gosse. "Henry James

was the only sedate one of us all--benign, indulgent, but grave, and not

often unbending beyond a genial chuckle. . . . It is remembered with

what affability he wore a garland of flowers at a birthday feast, and

even, nobly descending, took part one night in a cakewalk. But mostly,

though not much our senior, he was serious, mildly avuncular, but very

happy and unupbraiding."

By that time Henry James was at his ease in England. The inhabitants

were no longer either gods or imbeciles. Through the general British fog

he had perceived gleams of intelligence shining on his bewilderment. He

was no longer wholly dependent on Boston for refreshment. He could fall

back upon the company of Mr. Edmund Gosse and he had found a friend in

R. L. Stevenson. The little handful of Islanders possessed of a genuine

interest in the art of letters and the criticism of life emerged from

the obscurity, and he made out that, on the whole, there were perhaps

about as many civilized people in England as in his native land. Yet he

was a little troubled about his position. He wondered, while he reviewed

the past, whether the path he had so carefully chosen for himself was

the right one, whether he might not have missed more by leaving the

United States than he had gained by coming to England. He lamented; in a

letter written to his brother William in 1899, that he had not had the

kind of early experience that might have attached him to his own

country. He earnestly advised a different treatment for his nephews.

"What I most of all feel, and in the light of it conjure you to keep

doing for them, is their being _à même_ to contract local saturations

and attachments in respect to their _own_ great and glorious country, to

learn, and strike roots into, its infinite beauty, as I suppose, and

variety. . . . Its being their 'own' will double their _use_ of it."

It was only after a visit to America in 1904 that he found, on his

return to Rye, that he had a home and a country. He was able after this

discovery to write to Mrs. Wharton that "your only drawback is not

having the homeliness and the inevitability and the happy limitation and

the affluent poverty, of a Country of your Own (comme moi, par

exemple!)"; and he could declare after taking the Oath of Allegiance to

the King of England in 1915 that "I was really too associated before for

any nominal change to matter. The process has only shown me what I

virtually _was_--so that it's rather disappointing in respect to acute

sensation. I _haven't_ any." Associated he certainly was, allied by

innumerable sympathies and affections to the adopted country. But he was

never really English or American or even Cosmopolitan, And it is too

difficult to suppose that even if he had passed all his youth in New

England and contracted all the local saturations and attachments he

urged for his nephews he could ever have melted comfortably into

American uniformity. He, who took nothing in the world for granted,

could surely never have taken New England for granted.

To-day, with the complete record before us--the novels, criticisms,

biographies, plays, and letters--we can understand how little those

international relations that engaged Henry James's attention mattered to

his genius. Wherever he might have lived and whatever human interactions

he might have observed, he would in all probability have reached much

the same conclusion that he arrived at by the way of America, France,

and England. When he walked out of the refuge of his study into the

world and looked about him, he saw a place of torment, where creatures

of prey perpetually thrust their claws into the quivering flesh of the

doomed, defenceless children of light. He had the abiding comfort of an

inner certainty (and perhaps he did bring that from New England) that

the children of light had an eternal advantage; he was aware to the

finest fibre of his being that the "poor sensitive gentlemen" he so

numerously treated possessed a treasure that would outlast all the

glittering paste of the world and the flesh; he knew that nothing in

life mattered compared with spiritual decency.

We may conclude that the nationalities of his betrayed and triumphant

victims are not an important factor. They may equally well be innocent

Americans maltreated by odious Europeans, refined Europeans fleeced by

unscrupulous Americans, or young children of any race exposed to evil

influences. The essential fact is that wherever he looked Henry James

saw fineness apparently sacrificed to grossness, beauty to avarice,

truth to a bold front. He realized how constantly the tenderness of

growing life is at the mercy of personal tyranny and he hated the

tyranny of persons over each other. His novels are a repeated exposure

of this wickedness, a reiterated and passionate plea for the fullest

freedom of development, unimperilled by reckless and barbarous

stupidity.

He was himself most scrupulously careful not to exercise any tyrannical

power over other people. The only advice he ever permitted himself to

offer to a friend was a recommendation to "let your soul live." Towards

the end of his days his horror of interfering, or seeming to interfere,

with the freedom of others became so overpowering that it was a misery

for him to suspect that the plans of his friends might be made with

reference to himself. Much as he enjoyed seeing them, he so disliked to

think that they were undergoing the discomfort of voyages and railway

journeys in order to be near him that he would gladly have prevented

their start if he could. His Utopia was an anarchy where nobody would be

responsible for any other human being but only for his own civilized

character. His circle of friends will easily recall how finely Henry

James had fitted himself to be a citizen of this commonwealth.

Henry James at Work · 第 12 / 13 题