LETTER III.

_Roxbury, December 24, 1772._

[1763.] Mr. _Israel Mauduit_, the Massachusetts agent, gave early notice

of the ministerial intentions to tax the colonies; but the general court

not being called together till the latter end of the year, instructions

to the agent, though solicited by him, could not be sent in season.

[1764.] The house of representatives came to the following

resolutions—“That the sole right of giving and granting the money of the

people of that province, was vested in them as their legal

representatives; and that the imposition of duties and taxes by the

parliament of Great-Britain, upon a people who are not represented in

the house of commons, is absolutely irreconcileable with their rights.”

“That no man can justly take the property of another without his

consent; upon which original principle, the right of representation in

the same body which exercises the power of making laws for levying

taxes, one of the main pillars of the _British constitution_, is

evidently founded.”

These resolutions were occasioned by intelligence of what had been done

in the British house of commons. It had been there debated in March,

whether they had a _right_ to tax the _Americans_, they not being

represented, and determined unanimously in the affirmative. Not a single

person present ventured to controvert the _right_. Soon after, the sugar

or molasses act was passed; [April 5.] and “it is certainly true, that

till then, no act avowedly for the purpose of revenue, and with the

ordinary title and recital taken together, is found in the statute book.

All before stood on _commercial_ regulations and restraints.”[71] It is

stiled “an act for granting certain duties in the British colonies and

plantations in America, for continuing, amending, and making perpetual,

an act passed in the sixth year of George the second (entitled an act

for the better securing and encouraging the trade of his majesty’s

colonies in America) for applying the produce of such duties, &c.” From

its perpetuating the sugar act of George II. it is called the sugar or

molasses act. It runs thus, “Whereas it is expedient that new provisions

and regulations should be established in improving the revenue of this

kingdom, and for extending and securing the navigation and commerce

between Great-Britain and your majesty’s dominions in America—And

whereas it is just and necessary, that a _revenue_ be raised in

_America_ for defraying the expences of defending, protecting, and

securing the same—We, the commons, &c. toward raising the same, give and

grant unto your majesty, after the 29th of September, 1764, upon clayed

sugar, indigo and coffee of foreign produce—upon all wines, except

French—upon all wrought silks, Bengals and stuffs mixed with silk of

Persia, China, or East-India manufacture—and all calicoes painted,

printed or stained there (certain specified duties)—upon every gallon of

molasses and syrups, being the produce of a colony not under the

dominion of his majesty, the sum of three-pence—the monies arising,

after charges of raising, collecting, &c. are to be paid into the

receipt of his majesty’s exchequer—shall be entered separate, and be

reserved to be disposed of by parliament, toward defraying the necessary

expences of defending, &c. the British colonies.” The wording of the act

might induce the colonies to view it as the beginning of sorrows; and

they might fear that the parliament would go on in charging them with

such taxes as it pleased, for such military forces as it should think

proper.—This ill prospect seemed to the Americans boundless in extent,

and endless in duration.

They objected not to the _parliament’s right of laying duties to

regulate commerce_; but the _right of taxing them_ was not admitted. The

ministerial plan sent to Mr. Shirley in 1754, occasioned much

conversation on the subject, and the common opinion was, that the

parliament could not tax them till duly represented in that body,

because it was not just, nor agreeable to the nature of the English

constitution. But though few or none were willing to admit the _right_,

the generality were cautious, how they denied the _power_, or the

obligation to submit on the part of the Americans, when the power was

exercised. Even Mr. _Otis_ tells us, “we must and ought to yield

obedience to an act of parliament, though erroneous, till repealed.”[72]

“The power of parliament, is uncontrolable, but by themselves, and we

must obey. There would be an end of all government, if one or a number

of subordinate provinces should take upon themselves so far as to judge

of the justice of an act of parliament, as to refuse obedience to it. If

their was nothing else to restrain such a step, prudence ought to do it;

for forcibly resisting the parliament and the king’s law is high

treason. Therefore let the parliament lay what burthens they please upon

us we must, it is our duty to submit, and patiently to bear them, till

they will be pleased to relieve us.”[73] He went so far as to publish

“It is certain that the parliament of Great-Britain has a just and

equitable right, power and authority, to impose taxes on the colonies,

internal and external, on lands as well as on trade.”[74] “The supreme

legislative represents the whole society or community, as well the

dominions as the realm. This is implied in the idea of a supreme power;

and if the parliament had not such an authority, the colonies would be

independent.”[75] But the two last quotations were extorted from him

through fear of being called to an account for the part he had acted, or

for what he had before advanced in print, conversation or debate. His

first pamphlet, _The Rights of the_ BRITISH _Colonies_, which had been

twice read over in the house of assembly within the space of five days,

though guarded by some expressions, had a strong tendency to excite a

powerful opposition to ministerial plans; especially where he says, “I

cannot but observe here, that if the parliament have an equitable right

to tax our trade, it is indisputable, that they have as good a one to

tax the lands and every thing else. There is no foundation for the

distinction some make in England, between an internal and external tax

on the colonies.”[76] These expressions could not but spread a general

alarm through the country, and enflame every planter against

parliamentary taxation. The house had so high an opinion of this

pamphlet, that they ordered it to be sent over to Mr. _Mauduit_, with a

letter, wherein they instructed him to use his indeavours to obtain a

repeal of the sugar act, and to exert himself to prevent a stamp act, or

any other imposition and taxes upon this and the other American

provinces. They do not appear to have made any particular objection to

the term _revenue_ introduced into the sugar act; but to have confined

their objections to the laying on of the duty, when they were not

represented.

The act disgusted the more, because of its being so unseasonable. The

duties were to be paid in specie, while the old means of procuring it

were cut off. The ministry, resolved to prevent smuggling, obliged all

sea officers, stationed on the American coasts, to act in the capacity

of the meanest revenue officers, making them submit to the usual

custom-house oaths and regulations for that purpose. This proved a great

grievance to the American merchants and traders. Gentlemen of the navy

were unacquainted with custom-house laws. Many illegal seizures were

made. No redress could be had but from Britain, which it was tedious and

difficult to obtain. Beside, the _American_ trade with the _Spaniards_

by which the British manufactures were vended in return (for gold and

siver in coin or bullion, cochineal, &c. as occasion served) was almost

destroyed instantly, by the armed ships under the new regulations. The

trade was not literally and strictly according to law, but highly

beneficial; and a thorough statesman would have declined employing his

own navy in crushing it. The trade also from the northern colonies with

the _French West-India_ islands was nearly suppressed. These irritating

measures strengthened the opposition to the sugar act.

[June 13.] The Massachusetts assembly, who were the first representative

body that took the act into consideration, ordered, that Mr. _Otis_ and

four others of the house should be a committee in the recess of the

court, to write to the other governments, and acquaint them with the

instructions voted to be sent to their agent; and that the said

committee, in the name and behalf of the house, should desire the

several assemblies on the continent to join with them in the same

measures. The committee attended to the business; and the end proposed

by it was answered: committees were moreover appointed by divers other

colonies to correspond with the several assemblies, or committees of

assemblies on the continent. Thus a new kind of correspondence was

opened between the colonies, tending to unite them in their operations

against ministerial encroachments on their privileges, and which proved

of great advantage to them afterward.

[Oct. 24.] At the next session a committee was appointed to consider the

state of the province, as it might be affected by certain duties and

taxes laid, and proposed to be laid by acts of parliament upon the

colonies. The consequence was, a committee of the council and house to

prepare an address to the parliament. The lieutenant governor, Mr.

_Hutchinson_, who was of the council, was chairman, but declined drawing

up any. Several were proposed, which expressed in strong terms an

exclusive right in the assembly to impose taxes. He urged the indecency

and bad policy, when they had the resolutions of the house of commons

before them, of sending an address, asserting, in express words, the

contrary. Many days having been spent upon the business, at the desire

of the committee he drafted an address, which considered the _sole

power_ of taxation as an indulgence of which they prayed the

continuance, and it was _unanimously_ agreed to. The petition does not

intimate the least denial of the right of parliament to tax them; but

sets forth the impolicy of the laws, and the hardships brought upon the

petitioners, and prays that they may be relived from the burdens brought

upon them by the sugar sct; that the privileges of the colonies relative

to their internal taxes, which they have so long enjoyed, may be still

continued; or that the consideration of such taxes as are proposed to be

laid upon the colonies may be referred, until the petitioners, in

conjunction with the other governments, can have an opportunity to make

a full representation of the state and condition of the colonies, and

the interest of Great-Britain with regard to them. The proceeding of the

general court was approved of out of doors, until the copy of the

_New-York_ address was received, which was so high, that many of the

friends of liberty were mortified at their own conduct, and if possible,

would gladly have recalled their own doings.[77]

[Nov. 18.] The Massachusetts petition was forwarded by governor Bernard,

and accompanied with a letter to lord _Halifax_; in which he wrote,

“Massachusetts is the only one of the old colonies, that I know of, that

enjoys a specie currency. This reflects great honor upon the province

itself, as it is a great instance of their prudence, who took hold of a

singular opportunity to destroy their paper money, which other colonies

who had it equally in their power neglected. But I fear, that if the

great sums which are expected to be raised in America are to be

transported to Great-Britain, there will soon be an end to the specie

currency of the Massachusetts, which will be followed by a total

discouragement for other provinces to attempt the same in future. In

which case, perpetual paper money, the very negative power of riches,

will be the portion of America.” After arguing against the duties, from

America’s being unable, for want of a sufficient specie currency, to pay

them without being drained of their specie, as it would require a dead

stock of three years value of the annual income of the revenues, he

added, “If due care be taken to confine the sale of manufactures and

Eoropean goods (except what shall be permitted) to Great-Britain only,

all the profits of the American foreign trade will necessarily centre in

Great-Britain; and therefore if the first purpose is well secured, the

foreign American trade is the trade of Great-Britain. The augmentation

and diminution, the extension and restriction, the profit and loss of it

all, finally comes home to the mother country. It is the interest of

Great-Britain, that the trade to both the Spanish and French West-Indies

should be encouraged as much as may well be, and the British West-Indies

should be taught that equitable maxim, _live and let live_. It appeared

to be the decided opinion of the governor, that the sending home the

produce of the duties and taxes proposed, would take from the Americans

the means of trade, and render it impracticable for them to make

remittances to Great-Britain.

The _Virginia_ council and house of burgesses petitioned the king,

presented a memorial to the house of lords, ramonstrated to the house of

commons. _New-York_, _Rhode-Island_, &c. petitioned.

The _New-York_ petition was conceived in such strong terms, and deemed

so inflammatory, that their agent could not prevail on any one member of

the house to present it.

The colonies denied the _parliamentary right of taxation_ many months

before any member of the British parliament uttered a single syllable to

that purpose: and the American opposition to the stamp act was fully

formed before it was known by the colonists that their cause was

espoused by any man of note at home, as _Britain_ is stiled.

Beside the colonial proceedings related above, it must be noted, that

the inhabitants of several places met, and agreed not to buy any

clothing (they could do without) which was not of their own

manufacturing. Divers associations also were formed, all of whom

resolved to consume as few British manufactures as possible.

The raising of a revenue from the molasses trade, and a fund to defray

the expences of denfeding the colonies, were in contemplation nine years

before;[78] but the resolutions taken by the house of commons in the

beginning of this year, might be forwarded by Mr. _Huske_, an

_American_, a native of _Portsmouth_ in _New-Hampshire_, who a short

time before obtained a seat in parliament. Instead of standing forth a

firm advocate for the country which gave him birth, he officiously

proposed to the house laying a tax on the colonies that should annually

amount to five hundred thousand pounds sterling, which he declared they

were well able to pay: and he was heard with great joy and

attention.[79] He, or some other, recollecting that the stamp act was

talked of by the commissioners at Albany in 1754, might suggest that

mode of taxing: for whatever was thought, _the stamp act was not

originally Mr. Grenville’s_.[80]

The dispositon to tax the _Americans_, unless they would tax themselves

equal to the wishes of the ministry, was undoubtedly strengthened by the

reports of their gaiety and luxuary, which reached the mother country:

it was also said, that the planters lived like princes, while the

inhabitants of _Britain_ laboured hard for a tolerable subsistence. The

officers lately returned, represented them as rich, wealthy, and even

overgrown in fortune. Their opinion might arise from observations made

in the American cities and towns during the war, while large sums were

spent in the country for the support of fleets and armies. American

productions were then in great demand, and trade flourished. The people,

naturally generous and hospitable, having a number of strangers among

them, indulged themselves in many uncommon expences. When the war was

terminated, and they had on further apprehension of danger, the power of

the late enemy in the country being totally broken—_Canada_, and the

back lands to the very banks of the _Missisippi_, with the _Floridas_,

being ceded to _Great-Britain_—it was thought they could not well make

too much of those who had so contributed to their security. Partly to do

honor to them, and partly, it is to be feared, to gratify their own

pride, they added to their show of plate, by borrowing of their

neighbours, and made a great parade of riches in their several

entertainments. The plenty and variety of provisions and liquors anabled

them to furnish out an elegant table at comparatively trifling expence.

Mr. _Grenville’s_ intended stamp act was communicated to the American

agents. Many of them did not oppose it. Half their number were placemen,

or dependent on the ministry. Mr. _Joseph Sherwood_, an honest quaker

agent for _Rhode-Island_, refused his assent to America’s being taxed by

a British parliament. Mr. _Mauduit_, the Massachusetts agent, favored

the raising of the wanted money of a stamp duty, as it would occasion

less expence of officers, and would include the West-India islands. But

the scheme was postponed, and the agents authorised to inform the

American assemblies, that they were at liberty to suggest any other way

of raising monies; and that Mr. Grenville was ready to receive proposals

for any other tax that might be equivalent in its produce to the stamp

tax. The colonies seemed to consider it as an affront, rather than a

compliment. He would not have been content with any thing short of a

certain specific sum, and proper funds for the payment of it. Had not

the sums been answerable to his wishes, he would have rejected them; and

he would scarce have been satisfied with less than £.300,000 per annum,

which was judged absolutely necessary to defray the whole expence of the

army proposed for the defence of America: he might rather have expected

that it should amount to what Mr. _Huske_ had mentioned. No satisfactory

proposals being made, he adhered to his purpose of bringing forward the

stamp bill, though repeatedly pressed by some of his friends to desist,

while he might have done it with honor. _Richard Jackson_, esq. had been

chosen agent for the Massachusetts; he, with Mr. _Ingersoll_, Mr.

_Garth_, and Mr. _Franklin_, lately come from Philadelphia, waited on

Mr. _Grenville_ the second of February, 1765, by desire of the colonial

agents, to remonstrate against the stamp bill, and to propose, that in

case any tax must be laid upon America, the several colonies might be

permitted to lay the tax themselves. At this interview Mr. _Jackson_

opened his mind freely on the subject; and Mr. _Franklin_, as must be

supposed, mentioned, that he had it in instruction from the assembly of

_Pennsylvania_, to assure the ministry, that they should alway think it

their duty to grant such aids to the crown as were suitable to their

circumstances, whenever called for in the usual constitutional manner.

Mr. Grenville, however, pertinaciously adhered to his own opinions; and

said, that he had _pledged his word for offering the stamp bill to the

house_, and that the house would hear their objections, &c. &c.

The bill was brought in; and on the first reading, Mr. _Charles

Townsend_ spoke in its favor. He took notice of several things that

colonel _Barre_ had said in his speech against it; and then concluded

with the following or like words: “And now will these _Americans_,

children planted by our care, nourished up by our indulgence, until they

are grown to a degree of strength and opulence, and protected by our

arms, will they grudge to contribute their mite to relieve us from the

heavy weight of that burden which we lie under?”

On this colonel _Barre_ rose, and, after explaining some passages in his

speech, took up Mr. _Townsend_’s concluding words in a most spirited and

inimitable manner, saying, “_They planted by_ YOUR _care_! No, your

oppressions planted them in America. They fled from your tyranny, to a

then uncultivated and unhospitable country, where they exposed

themselves to almost all the hardships to which human nature is liable;

and, among others, to the cruelties of a savage foe, the most subtle,

and I will take upon me to say, the most formidable of any people upon

the face of God’s earth; and yet, actuated by principles of true English

liberty, they met all hardships with pleasure, compared with those they

suffered in their own country, from the hands of those that should have

been their friends. _They nourished up by_ YOUR _indulgence_! They grew

by your neglect of them. As soon as you began to care about them, that

care was exercised in sending persons to rule them, in one department

and another, who were, perhaps, the deputies of deputies to some members

of this house, sent to spy out their liberties, to misrepresent their

actions, and to pry upon them—men, whose behaviour on many occasions,

has caused the blood of those _sons of liberty_ to recoil within

them—men promoted to the highest seats of justice; some who to my

knowledge were glad, by going to a foreign country, to escape being

brought to the bar of a court of justice in their own. _They protected

by_ YOUR _arms_! They have nobly taken up arms in your defence; have

exerted a valor, amidst their constant and laborious industry, for the

defence of a country, whose frontier was drenched in blood, while its

interior parts yielded all its little savings to your emolument. And

believe me, remember I this day told you so, that same spirit of

freedom, which actuated that people at first, will accompany them

still—but prudence forbids me to explain myself further. God knows I do

not at this time speak from motives of party heat; what I deliver are

the genuine sentiments of my heart. However superior to me in general

knowledge and experience the respectable body of this house may be, yet

I claim to know more of America than most of you, having seen and been

conversant in that country. The people, I believe, are as truly loyal as

any subjects the king has; but a people jealous of their liberties, and

who will vindicate them if ever they should be violated—but the subject

is too delicate—I will say no more.” These sentiments were thrown out so

entirely without premeditation, so forcibly and so firmly, and the

breaking off was so beautifully abrupt, that the whole house sat a while

amazed, intently looking, without answering a word.

The London merchants trading to America, being much alarmed on account

of their outstanding debts, petitioned against the stamp act. Their

petition was offered at the second reading of the bill. The rule of the

house, never to receive petitions against money bills, was urged.

General _Conway_ observed, that it appeared undeniable, that the

practice was by no means invariable; at best it was but a practice of

convenience, from which they ought, in the present instance, to vary.

The ministry publicly declared, “_That it was intended to establish the

power of Great-Britain to tax the colonies_.” They were induced to make

a point of it, because most of the petitions from thence denied, in the

strongest terms, the right of Britain to impose taxes. It was evident

that the ministerial forces would prevail, the petition of the London

merchants was therefore withdrawn. After that the others from the

colonies were offered, but rejected upon the plea taken from the rule of

the house. During the debate upon the bill, in this stage of it,

“General _Conway_ denied the _right_ of parliament to tax the

_Americans_, in the most peremptory manner; and urged, with great

vehemence, the many hardships, and what he was pleased to call

absurdities that would follow from the contrary doctrine and

practice.”[81] Alderman Beckford also disputed the right of parliament,

according to Mr. Ingersoll’s letter.

The supporters of the stamp act insisted much upon the colonies being

_virtually_ represented, and mentioned _Leeds_, _Halifax_, _Birmingham_,

_Manchester_, &c. as enjoying a _virtual representation_. Whoever had a

recourse to a _virtual representation_ of the colonies, in vindication

of the parliament’s taxing them, therein acknowledged, that there ought

not to be taxation without representation. But the difference between

_Leeds_, _Halifax_, &c. and the _American_ colonies, is as wide as the

_Atlantic_. The landholders of those towns enjoy a real representation,

if their freeholds yield a certain annual income. Many of the

inhabitants have a choice in the election of members, in one place or

another. The general interests of the freeholders and tenants, electors

and non-electors, are so interwoven, that all are liable to be equally

affected by the same common taxes. The one pays the same duty on his

sugar, tea, coffee, and chocolate, as the other. The relative connection

between them, produces what may be called, with a kind of propriety, a

_virtual representation_; answering, though in a lower degree, to what

the family of a freeholder or freeman enjoys. But was all the soil in

the British colonies a man’s freehold, it would not give him a single

vote for any one member of parliament. There is not an individual in

them, who, should he cross the Atlantic, would have a right to vote in

any election, by virtue of any privileges enjoyed in America. He must be

a freeholder of Britain, or a freeman of some British city, borough, or

corporation, and have a British qualification, before he can elect or be

elected. The interests of _America_ and _Britain_ are not interwoven, as

are those of British electors and non-electors. If the British

parliament impose taxes on the Americans, Britons do not bear with them

their part and proportion in the said taxes. The former are burdened

that the latter may be eased. The monies raised have the nature of a

tribute exacted from a conquered people in a slavish dependence, and not

of a tax voluntarily granted by the voice of freemen, through their own

elected representatives, paying scot and lot with themselves, for the

support of government. Beside, the British parliament are so far removed

from America, that they cannot obtain that full information respecting

the colonies which ought always to accompany the exercise of a taxing

power.

When the question upon the bill, in its last stage, was brought to a

vote, there were about 250 for, and 50 against it. In the house of

lords, so strong was the unanimity, that there was not a single syllable

uttered against the bill; and on the twenty-second of March, it obtained

the royal assent. The night after it was passed, Dr. _Franklin_ wrote

Mr. _Charles Thomson_,[82] “the sun of liberty is set; you must light up

the candles of industry and œconomy.” Mr. _Thomson_ answered, he was

apprehensive that other lights would be the consequence, and predicted

the opposition that followed.

The framers of the stamp act flattered themselves, that the confusion

which would arise upon the disuse of writings, would compel the colonies

to use the stamp paper, and therefore to pay the taxes imposed. Thus

they were led to pronounce it, _a law which would execute itself_. Mr.

Grenville, however, appears to have been apprehensive that it might

occasion disorders; to prevent or suppress which, he projected another

bill, which was brought in the same session, whereby it was to be made

lawful for military officers in the colonies, to quarter their soldiers

in private houses. This seemed intended to awe the people into a

compliance with the other act. Great opposition being made to it, as

under such a power in the army, no one could look on his house as his

own, that part of the bill was dropt; but there still remained a clause,

when passed into a law, to oblige the several assemblies to provide

quarters for the soldiers, and to furnish them with firing, bedding,

candles, small beer, rum, and sundry other articles, at the expence of

the several provinces; which continued in force when the stamp act was

repealed. It equally militated with the other against the American

principle, _That money is not to be raised on English subjects without

their consent_.

Whatever might be urged, government was under no necessity of adopting

the mode of taxing the colonies for their defence, and the securing of

the new ceded countries. Though after the general peace an Indian war

might be continued or renewed, that was no reason for continuing British

forces in America. The colonists were better able to deal with them than

the regulars. The new ceded countries required no great number of troops

to secure them. The colonies were at hand to support the British

garrisons in case assistance was wanted: and they had repeatedly shewed

their readiness upon former occasions. The idea of a dangerous enemy

upon the American continent, was at an end; and the British

administration must have been inexcusable, had they not guarded against

the transferring of one from Europe. It was become futile to

exclaim—“Shall it depend upon the resolutions of a Philadelphia

assembly, whether our fellow subjects shall arm in defence of liberty

and property? Does the fate of a whole continent bear any proportion to

an almost imperceptible encroachment upon the important privilege of an

American, deliberating for a year or two, whether he will pay six-pence

in the pound to save himself and family from perdition?” The danger of

perdition was a mere bugbear, which might frighten the ignorant into an

apprehension that it was absolutely necessary to maintain an army in

America, for the expence of which the colonies should be made to answer;

but the Americans knew better than to startle at the spectre. Had no

more troops been stationed upon the American continent than

circumstances called for, the ministry might have obtained all the aids

it was reasonable for the colonies to have given, by the old mode of

requisition. From the time that they were first considered as capable of

granting aids, the constant mode of obtaining them, was by _requisition

from the crown_, through the governors to the several assemblies; and

the ministers, from _Charles_ II. to the present king, most effectually

recognised the distinction between parliamentary superintendance and

taxation, in their requisitions to the colonies to raise men and money

by acts of assembly. Had this happy method been continued, all the money

that could have been justly expected from them in any manner, might have

been procured without the least breach of that harmony which so long

subsisted between the colonies and the mother country; and it was not

acting wisely to thwart unnecessarily the prejudices of the Americans.

But the imposition of taxes upon them might be introductory to, or a

part of the plan for overturning their civil and religious liberties,

alluded to by the Rev. Mr. _Whitefield_, before even the sugar act had

passed.

The stamp act having passed, the colony agents waited upon Mr. Wheatley

by desire, who told them, that Mr. Grenville did not think of sending

from Great-Britain stamp officers, but wished to have discreet and

respectable persons appointed from among the inhabitants; and that he

would be obliged to them to point out to him such persons. Thus the

agents were drawn in to nominate. Dr. Franklin recommended Mr. _Hughes_

to be chief distributor of stamps in _Pennsylvania_, and Mr. _Cox_ in

the _Jerseys_; and being consulted by Mr. _Ingersoll_, advised him to

accept, adding, _go home and tell your countrymen to get children as

fast as they can_—thereby intimating his opinion of the oppression the

colonists were under, and of their present inability to make effectual

resistance; but that they ought, when sufficiently numerous, to shake

off the yoke and recover their liberty. It is apparent from the

recommendations, and the appointments made in consequence of the

nominations, that the agents were far from thinking that such

disturbances would have been occasioned by the stamp act, or they would

have spared their friends. They certainly expected the act would have

gone down, and the stamp papers have been used. But it was the reverse.

A general discontent through the _Massachusetts_ discovered itself

immediately on the first advice of the acts having passed; but there was

no other expectation among the bulk of the people, than that the act

would be submitted to, and the duty paid; and several who afterward

opposed it violently, made interest with the distributor, that they or

their friends might obtain appointments. The newspapers, indeed, groaned

for the loss of liberty; however, nothing extravagant appeared in them;

but the friends to the claims of the colonies, pleased with Barre’s

sheech, and what he had pronounced the Americans, assumed to themselves

the title of—SONS OF LIBERTY.

In Connecticut the inhabitants were quite inattentive to the fatal

consequences that the act might draw after it in some distant period.

The judges themselves, several of whom were of the council, appeared

perfect secure, and were no ways alarmed. The Rev. Mr. _Stephen Johnson_

of _Lyme_, vexed and grieved with the temper and inconsiderateness of

all orders of people, determined, if possible, to rouse them to a better

way of thinking. He consulted a neighbouring gentleman, an Irishman by

birth, who undertook to convey the pieces he might pen to the

_New-London_ printer, so secretly as to prevent the author’s being

discovered. Three or four essays were published upon the occasion. The

eyes of the public began to open, and fears were excited. Other writers

engaged in the business, while the first withdrew, having fully answered

his intention. The congregational ministers saw further into the designs

of the British administration than the bulk of the colony; and, by their

publications and conversation, increased and strengthened the

opposition.—It became so considerable, that when governor _Fitch_

proposed that he and the counsellors should be sworn agreeable to the

stamp act, colonel _Trumbull_[83] went out, and refused even to witness

to the transaction. Others followed this spirited example, and only four

of the council remained.

In _Virginia_ a general disposition appeared to submit to the stamp act:

but _George Johnston_ and _Patrick Henry_, esqrs. consulted together;

and afterward, at the close of the sessions, when there was but a thin

house, many members being absent preparing to return home, Mr. Henry

brought in a number of resolves.—They were as follows, viz. “Whereas the

honorable house of commons in _England_, have of late drawn into

question how far the general assembly of this colony hath power to enact

laws for laying of taxes and imposing duties, payable by the people of

this his majesty’s most ancient colony—for settling and ascertaining the

same to all future times, the house of burgesses of this present general

assembly, have come to the following resolves:

Resolved, That the first adventurers, settlers of this his majesty’s

colony and dominion of _Virginia_, brought with them and transmitted to

their posterity, and all other his majesty’s subjects since inhabiting

in this his majesty’s said colony, all the liberties, privileges,

franchises, and immunities, that have at any time been held, enjoyed,

and possessed by the people of _Great-Britain_:

Resolved, That by two royal charters, granted by king _James_ I. the

colonists aforesaid are declared and entitled to all liberties,

privileges and immunities of denizens and natural subjects, to all

intents and purposes, as if they had been abiding and born within the

realm of _England_:

Resolved, That his majesty’s liege people of this ancient colony have

enjoyed the right of being thus governd by their own assembly, in the

articles of taxes and internal police; and that the same have never been

forfeited, or any other way yielded up, but have been constantly

recognised by the king and people of _Britain_:

Resolved therefore, That the general assembly of this colony, together

with his majesty or his substitutes, have in their representative

capacity, the only exclusive right and power to lay taxes and imposts

upon the inhabitants of this colony; and that every attempt to vest such

power in any other person or persons whatsoever, than the general

assembly aforesaid is illegal, unconstitutional, and unjust, and hath a

manifest tendency to destroy _British_ as well as _American_ liberty:

Resolved, That his majesty’s liege people, the inhabitants of this

colony, are not bound to yield obedience to any law or ordinance

whatever, designed to impose any taxation whatsoever upon them, other

than the laws and ordinances of the general assembly aforesaid:

Resolved, That any person who shall, by speaking or writing, assert or

maintain, that any person or persons, other than the general assembly of

this colony, have any right or power to impose or lay any taxation on

the people here, shall be deemed an enemy to this his majesty’s colony.”

Upon reading these resolves the _Scotch_ gentlemen in the house, cried

out treason, &c. They were however adopted.—The next day, some old

members got them revised, though they could not carry it to reject them.

As revised they stand thus on the printed journals of the house of

burgesses.

_Thursday, May 30, 1765._

Resolved, That the first adventurers, &c. &c. as above:

Resolved, That by two royal charters, &c. &c.

Resolved, That the taxation of the people by themselves, or by persons

chosen by themselves to represent them, who can only know what taxes the

people are able to bear, or the easiest method of raising them, and must

themselves be effected by every tax laid on the people, is the only

security against a burdensome taxation, and the distinguishing

characteristic of _British_ freedom, without which the ancient

constitution cannot exist:

Resolved, That his majesty’s liege people of this his most ancient and

loyal colony, have, without interruption, enjoyed the inestimable right

of being governed by such laws, respecting their internal policy and

taxation, as are derived from their own consent, with the approbation of

their sovereign or his substitute; and that the same hath never been

forfeited or yielded up, but hath been constantly recognised by the king

and people of _Great-Britain_.

[June 1.] Lieutenant-governor Farquier dissolved the house of burgesses

upon being made acquainted with their resolves.

A manuscript of the unrevised resolves soon reached _Philadelphia_,

having been sent off immediately upon their passing, that the earliest

information of what had been done might be obtained by the sons of

liberty. From thence the like was forwarded on the seventeenth of June.

At _New-York_ the resolves were handed about with great privacy: they

were accounted so treasonable, that the possessors of them declined

printing them in that city. The _Irish_ gentleman alluded to above,

being there, inquired after them, and with much precaution was admitted

to take a copy.—He carried them to _New-England_, where they were

published and circulated far and wide in the newspapers, without any

reserve, and proved eventually the occasion of those disorders which

afterward broke out in the colonies. Till they appeared, it was thought

that the _Rhode-Islanders_ would submit. Murmurs indeed were continually

heard; but they seemed to be such as would die away. The Virginia

resolutions gave a spring to all the disgusted, and they began to adopt

different measures.

The _Massachusetts_ assembly had hit upon a wise and quiet mode of

seeking address, before ever they could be acquainted with what had been

done in Virginia. It was projected and brought on by Messrs. _Otis_,

father and son. They were visiting at _James Warren’s_, esq. of

Plymouth, a son and brother-in-law, he having married Miss _Otis_. The

state of public affairs, and how to get rid of the burdens coming upon

the colonies, were the subjects of conversation. Congresses had often

been held, and though there was no precedent of any one’s being called,

but at the instance of persons authorised or employed by the ministry,

excepting the first congress we read of, which was proposed by the

_Massachusetts_ general court in 1690; yet no reasonable objection could

be made against holding one upon the present emergency, notwithstanding

it might want the sanction of administration.—It was agreed to forward

the meeting of a congress as a proper method for obtaining the removal

of American grievances. The matter was moved in the house of assembly;

[June 6.] the consequence was, an agreement, that “It is highly

expedient there should be a meeting, as soon as may be, of committees

from the houses of representatives or burgesses in the several colonies,

to consult on the present circumstances of the colonies, and the

difficulties to which they are and must be reduced, and to consider of a

general address—to be held at New-York, the first Tuesday of October.”

Within two days, a letter was drafted to be sent to the several

speakers; and at the close of a fortnight, _James Otis_, jun. _Oliver

Partridge_, and _Timothy Ruggles_, esqrs. were chosen the committee for

the Massachusetts. The governor, in his account to the lords of trade,

said, “It was impossible to oppose this measure to any good purpose; and

therefore the friends of government took the lead in it, and have kept

it in their hands. Two of the three chosen are fast friends to

government, prudent and discreet men, such as I am assured will never

consent to any improper applications to the government of

Great-Britain.” Lieutenant governor _Colden_ designedly prorogued the

meeting of the _New-York_ assembly, till after the time appointed for

the congress; but the committee ordered, by the vote of the house of the

eighteenth of October 1764, to be a committee during the recess, to

write to and correspond with the several assemblies or committees of

assemblies on the continent, did, by virtue of that order, meet in

congress; and the house afterward approved of their conduct on the

twentieth of November; and moreover resolved, “that for the obtaining

relief from the operation and execution of the stamp act, and other acts

for levying duties and taxes on the colonies, humble petitions be

prepared to the king, the house of lords, and the house of commons, as

nearly similar to those drawn up by the congress as the particular

circumstances of the colony will admit.”

The assemblies of _Virginia_, _North-Carolina_ and _Georgia_, were

prevented, by their governors, having the opportunity of sending

committees to congress. _The Massachusetts-Bay_, _Rhode-Island and

Providence Plantations_, _Connecticut_, _New-York_, _New-Jersey_,

_Pennsylvania_, the _Delaware Counties_, and _South-Carolina_, had their

respective committees present at the place appointed; and Mr. _Ruggles_

was chosen chairman. The petition to the house of commons being

finished, was signed, though only by member from six colonies; the

committees from _Connecticut_, _New-York_ and _South-Carolina_, not

having been sufficiently empowered. Mr. _Ruggles_, took leave of the

members, Thursday evening the twenty-fourth of October, and came off the

next morning without signing; for which he was afterward censured by the

_Massachusetts_ assembly. Mr. _Otis_ was upon the point of trespassing

in like manner; but was prevented by the influence of Mr. _Thomes Lynch_

of the _South-Carolina_ committee. The congress dissolved on October the

twenty-fifth, having finished the business to which they had been

appointed. The colonies that could not send committees, showed, as

opportunities offered, their approbation of what had been done, by

forwarding to their agents petitions to the like purpose with that of

congress. _New-Hampshire_ had excused their not sending to congress,

from the then situation of their governmental affairs; but the speaker

laying before the assembly the proceedings of congress, on November the

twenty-second, they voted unanimously, “That this house do fully approve

of, and heartily join in the resolves and several petitions agreed to by

the said general congress; and that the speaker, with two others, (all

whose names are mentioned) be empowered to sign the same in behalf of

this house, if not too late; if the general petitions are forwarded, in

that case the said petitions be fairly engrossed, that they sign them in

behalf of the house, and forward them, with duplicates, to _Barlow

Trecothick_ and _John Wentworth_, esqrs. who are appointed special

agents for the house, and are empowered and desired to present the said

petitions, &c.” The committee wrote to these agents on December the

sixth, and concluded with saying, “We in this province have not been so

boisterous and irregular as some others, not because we are insensible

of our distresses, but because we though the present method most likely

to obtain relief.”

The _Virginia_ resolves having had their full operation, and the spirits

of the people being highly inflamed, the colonial disturbances break out

upon the following occasion. Messrs. _John Avery_, jun. _Thomas Crafts_,

_John Smith_, _Henry Welles_, _Thomas Chace_, _Stephen Cleverly_, _Henry

Bass_, and _Benjamin Edes_, to manifest their abhorrence and detestation

of those persons who they supposed were endeavouring to subvert the

British constitution to enslave the colonies, and to alienate the

affections of his majesty’s most faithful subjects in America, provide

and hang out early in the morning of August the fourteenth, upon the

limb of a large old elm, toward the entrance of Boston, over the most

public street, two effigies, one of which by the labels appear to be

designed for the stamp officer; the other is a jack boot, with a head

and horns peeping out of the top. Not only the usual passengers pass

under it, but the report spreads, and draws great numbers from every

part of the town and the neighbouring country. The affair is left to

take its own course; an enthusiastic spirit diffuses itself through the

body of the spectators. In the evening the pageantry is cut down, and

carried in funeral procession, the populace shouting, _liberty and

property for ever_, _no stamps_, &c. &c. They direct their way to a new

building, lately erected by Mr. _Oliver_, which they pull down, falsely

supposing it to be designed for the tsamp office. They go on to his

house, before which they behead his effigy, breaking at the same time

all the windows next the street. They then repair to Fort Hill, on the

ascent of which stands his house, where they burn his effigy. After this

they return to attack his premises; and many of they with clubs, staves,

&c. go to work on the garden, fences, barns, &c. Mr. Oliver had

prudently retired, leaving a few friends behind to keep possession of

the dwelling: these committed some slight indiscretions, the populace

are so enraged, that they force themselves into the lower part of it,

break the windows and destroy the furniture. They disperse about

midnight. The next day [August 15.] Mr. Oliver, fearful of what may

otherwise happen declares that he has written to England, and resigned.

The mob assemble again at night: and, after some expressions of joy for

the resignation, proceed to the lieutenant-governor’s, Mr.

_Hutchinson’s_ house, which they besiege for an hour, though in vain,

insisting repeatedly upon knowing whether he had not written in favor of

the stamp act: at length, through the influence of some discreet

persons, they withdrew and finished their evening’s entertainment at a

bonfire.

[August 26.] Eleven days after, the disorders grew more enormous and

alarming. In the evening a number of persons, disguised and armed with

clubs, sticks, &c. collect in King-street, in consequence of a

preconcerted plan. They go first to Mr. _Paxton’s_, marshal of the court

of admiralty and surveyor of the port; being assured by the owner of the

house, that Mr. Paxton had quitted it with his best effects; and being

invited by him to the tavern to drink a barrel of punch, they accept the

offer, and the house is saved. Having finished the punch, they proceed

to and attack the house of Mr. _William Story_, deputy register of the

court of admiralty; break the windows; force into the dwelling; strip

the office of the books and files belonging to the said court; burn and

destroy them with many other papers; injure and ruin a great part of his

furniture.

It is the opinion of some, that the first movers in the affair, meant

mainly an assault upon the house of the deputy register, who, by various

mal-practices, had made himself highly obnoxious to persons doing

business in his office. But mobs once raised, soon become ungovernable

by new and large accessions, and extend their intentions for beyond

those of the original instigators. Crafty men may intermix with them

when they are much heated, and direct their operations quite differently

from what was at first designed.

How far the scheme of the present mob extended, when it first collected,

is hard to say; but upon leaving Mr. _Story_’s, they proceed to the

house of Mr. _Benj. Hallowell_, comptroller of the customs for Boston;

and to the repetition of similar excesses to what have been just

committed, add the drinking and destroying of liquors in the cellars,

the taking away of wearing apparel, the breaking open of desk and

drawers, and the carrying off thirty pounds sterling in money. Many

being now inflamed with liquor, and numbers having joined them, they

become more riotous, and are ready for any mischief. They hurry away to

Mr. _Hutchinson_’s house with the rage of madmen. He sends off his

children, bars his doors and windows, and means to remain; but is soon

under the necessity of withdrawing, first to one house, then to another,

where he continues till four in the morning, by which time one of the

best finished houses in the colony, has nothing remaining but the bare

walls and floors. Gentlemen of the army, who have seen towns sacked by

an enemy, declare they never before saw an instance of such fury. The

rioters carry off about nine hundred pounds sterling, beside plate,

family pictures, household furniture of every kind, and the apparel of

the lieutenant governor, his children and servants.—They also empty the

house of every thing whatsoever, except a part of the kitchen furniture;

and scatter or destroy all the manuscripts and other papers he has been

collecting for thirty years back, beside a great number of public papers

in his custody. The loss of papers is irreparable.

[Aug. 27.] The next day it was strongly reported by the enemies of Dr.

_Jonathan Mayhew_, that he approved of these doings; and had, indeed,

encouraged them, in a sermon preached the preceding Lord’s day, on

_Gal._ v. 12, 13. This led him to write immediately to Hutchinson; and

in his letter he condoled with him, “on account of the almost

unparalleled outrages committed at his house the preceding evening;” and

said, “God is my witness, that, from the bottom of my heart, I detest

these proceedings; and that I am sincerely grieved for them, and have a

deep sympathy with you and your distressed family on this occasion. I

did, indeed, express myself strongly in favor of civil and religious

liberty, as I hope I shall ever continue to do; and spoke of the stamp

act as a great grievance, like to prove detrimental, in a high degree,

both to the colonies and the mother country, and I have heard your honor

speak to the same purpose. But as my text led me to do, I cautioned my

hearers very particularly against the abuses of liberty, and expressed

my hopes, that no persons among ourselves had encouraged the bringing of

such a burden on their country, notwithstanding it had been strongly

suspected. In truth, Sir, I had rather lose my hand than be an

encourager of such outrages as were committed last night. I do not think

my regard to truth was ever called into question by those that knew me;

and therefore hope your honor will be so just as to give entire credit

to these solemn declarations.”

This same day the superior court began its term. The chief justice, Mr.

_Hutchinson_, attended in his only suit, and necessarily without those

ensigns of office so wisely calculated to procure regard to authority;

while the other gentlemen of the bench and bar, appeared in their

respective robes. The court refused to do any business, and adjourned to

the fifteenth of October, to show their resentment of the insult offered

to the lieutenant governor, as well as their sense of the anarchy to

which the government was reduced. Half a dozen of the dregs of the

people, who, being taken up, refused to discover the ringleaders, were

committed. Three broke jail and fled, against one of whom a bill was

found; against the other three in custody none was found; for it was not

thought safe to prosecute. The temper of the public would not admit of

it, without hazarding further disturbances; and for that reason, one who

was capitally charged with being a principal in the riot, and secured,

was finally dismissed by the justices.

Various causes might contribute toward the outrageous attack upon the

house and property of Mr. Hutchinson. As long back as 1748, the currency

having depreciated to about an eighth of its original value, he, being

then speaker of the house, projected and carried through a bill for

abolishing it, and substituting gold and silver in its place, which made

him extremely obnoxious to several who had lived by fraud, and were much

dissatisfied with the alteration. They then threatened him with

destruction; and retaining their rancour, are supposed to have been

aiders and abettors, if not actors in the riot. A certain gentleman of

great integrity, and who fills a place in the judicial department with

much credit, and to the satisfaction of the public, has expressed a

strong apprehension that the mob was led on to the house by a secret

influence, with a view to the destruction of certain papers, know to be

there, and which, it is thought, would have proved, that the grant to

the New-Plymouth compay on Kennebec river, was different from what was

contended for by some claimants. The papers were never found

afterward.—But Mr. _Hutchinson_ had certainly disgusted the people

exceedingly, by promoting the superior court’s granting writs of

assistance; and by showing himself so strenuous in supporting

government, when become odious, by the measures adopted for obliging the

colonies to pay taxes in compliance with British acts of parliament.—He

was also strongly suspected of having forwarded the stamp act, by

letters written upon the occasion. These circumstances, co-operating

with the general disposition in the people to tumult, produced by a

prevailing persuasion, that they were deprived of the liberties of

Englishmen, will account for the excessive outrages against him in

particular. But their enormity was alarming. No one knew who might be

the next sacrafice. The town of Boston, therefore, beside condemning

them the next day, unanimously voted, “That the select men and

magistrates be desired to use their utmost endeavours to suppress the

like disorders for the future:” and for some time, the magistrates and

private gentlemen, the cadet and other companies, kept watch at night to

prevent further violences.

In justice to Mr. _Hutchinson_, it must be observed, that from his

letters to Messrs. _Bollan_, _Jackson_, and others, it appears, that he

then considered parliament’s taxing the colonies as inconsistent with

the rights of the colonists, and as a mere act of power, without regard

to equity. He was at the trouble of writing a pamphlet in 1764,

cantaining _A brief state of the claim of the colonies, and the

interests of the nation with respect to them_. This, when he had

disguised it so as that it might not be suspected to come from America,

he sent to Mr. Jackson the agent, who was either to suppress or publish

it; and he afterward expressed a surprise at his not having done the

latter. The following are extracts from it.

“The right to new acquired countries, according to the constitution of

England, two hundred years ago, was allowed to be in the crown. The

crown from time to time disposed of these countries not only to their

own subjects, but to foreign princes: particulary _Acadia_ and

_Nova-Scotia_, when begun to be settled by British subjects, were ceded

to _France_, although France had no better claim to them than

New-England: and _Surinam_ was sold to, or exchanged with the _Dutch_.”

He might have adduced in proof of James I. being of opinion, that he had

a personal right to alienate at pleasure new acquired territory, his

granting, in September 1621, _Nova-Scotia_, which he could not inherit

but as king of England, to Sir _William Alexander_, of Menstry,

afterward Lord Stirling, under the seal of Scotland; and his erecting it

into a palatinate, to be holden as a fief of the crown of Scotland.

Under the same seal, and in the same words, the grant was confirmed by

Charles I. in June 1625. The legality of these grants appear not to have

been questioned at the time, which indicates that the prevailing opinion

of the English corresponded then with that of their sovereigns.

Mr. Hutchinson goes on to mention, “_American_ lands in their natural

state are of no value; there is not any colony which has not cost more

to render it capable of rendering profit than it is now worth.”

“In the trading towns, in some of the colonies the last war, one fourth

part of the profit of the trade was annually paid to the support of the

war, and other public charges. In the country towns, a farm which would

not rent for twenty pounds a year, paid ten pounds taxes. Was it from

parental affection to the colonists, and to save them from French

vassalage, that Great-Britain was at such expence; or was it from fear

of losing the advantageous trade she had carried on with her colonies?”

“When there is peace in Europe, what occasion is there for any national

expence in America?”

“It cannot be good policy to tax the Americans; it will prove

prejudicial to the national interests. The advantages proposed by the

increase of the revenue, are fallacious and delusive. You will lose more

than you will gain. Britain reaps the profit of all their trade, and the

increase of all their substance.”

“Your commerce with the colonies will be enough for you, should you have

no commerce elsewhere, if you encourage, the colonies to increase the

consumption of your manufactures for fifty years to come, as they have

done for fifty years past; and with no more than reasonable

encouragement they will infallibly do it, and in much greater

proportion.”

Though the disturbances began in _Boston_ yet they were not confined to

the _Massachusetts_. They broke out in the other colonies; and so near

to the same time, as to excite suspicions that it was not wholly the

effect of accident, but partly of a pre-concerted design. _Rhode-Island_

and _Providence Plantations_ shewed themselves among the foremost in

their opposition to the stamp act.

[Aug. 24.] A gazette extraordinary was published at _Providence_, with

_Vox populi, Vox Dei_, in large letters for the frontispiece; and

underneath, _Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty_. The

publication had a tendency to prepare the people for action. Effigies

were also exhibited; and in the evening cut down and burnt by the

populace.

[27.] About nine in the morning, the people of _Newport_, in

_Rhode-Island_, brought forth three effigies, meant for Messrs.

_Howard_, _Moffat_, and _Johnson_, in a cart, with halters about their

necks, to a gallows near the town-house, where they were hung; after a

while cut down, and burnt amid the acclamations of thousands.

[28.] By the next day there was time enough to hear of what had been

done at _Boston_. The people collected, or rather were mustered afresh,

and beset the house of Mr. _Martin Howard_, jun. a lawyer of reputation,

and a writer in defence of the parliament’s right to tax the colonies.

They destroyed every thing, and left only a shell. They passed on to Dr.

_Thomas Moffat’s_, a physician, one who had warmly supported in

conversation the same right, and behaved in like manner. They intended

doing it to Mr. _Augustus Johnson_, but desisted upon persuasion; and on

his coming to town, and giving it under his hand that he would not

accept the office of distributor of the stamps, unless the public were

satisfied, they became quiet. Messrs. Howard and Moffat hastened on

board a ship of war for personal protection.

The commotions in _Connecticut_ were not equally violent; but Mr.

_Ingersoll_ was the subject of exhibition in several places.

[Aug. 22.] They had their pageantry at _Norwich_, which they committed

to the flames when the day closed.

[26.] They had the same at _Lebanon_; but before they executed and

burnt, they had a parade of a mock trial.

[27.] The next day there was a repetition of the like, excepting the

trial. At length the resentment against the stamp distributor became so

general and alarming, that he resigned his office.

A like resignation takes place in _New-York_, some time in August. It

becomes a necessary point of prudence from the spirit which the citizens

discover. The stamp act is treated with the most indignant contempt, by

being printed and cried about the streets, under the title of, _The

folly_ of ENGLAND _and ruin of_ AMERICA. Toward the end of October the

stamp papers arrive; and Mr. M‘Evers having resigned, lieutenant

governor Colden takes them into _Fort George_. Some extraordinary

preparations for securing them, having displeased the inhabitants,

joined to the dislike they have entertained to Colden’s political

sentiments, [Nov. 1.] and its being the day for the stamp act to take

place, numbers are induced to assemble in the evening. They proceed to

the fort walls; break open his stable; take out his coach; and, after

carrying it through the principal streets of the city in triumph, march

to the common, where a gallows is erected; on one end of which they

suspend his effigy, having in his right hand a stamped bill of lading,

and in the other, a figure for the devil. After hanging a considerable

time, they carry the whole, with the gallows entire, the coach

preceding, in procession to the gate of the fort; from whence it is

removed to the bowling-green, under the muzzles of the guns, where a

bonfire is immediately made, and all, coach included, are consumed amid

the exultations of some thousands of spectators. They go from hence to

major _James’s_ house, before known by the name of _Vaux-Hall_, which is

genteelly furnished, contains a valuable library, and many curiosities,

and has a handsome garden belonging to it. They strip it of every

article, make another bonfire, and consume the whole, beside destroying

the garden; and all because of his being a friend to the stamp act.

[Nov. 2.] The next morning a paper is privately drawn up, and given to a

man to read from the balcony of the coffee-house, to and about which the

citizens are used to frequent; it sets forth the necessity of being

peaceable, and calls upon the inhabitants to turn out with their arms

upon any alarm, and quell all riotous proceedings. The effect it appears

to have upon being heard, is frustrated by captain _Isaac Sears_, who

formerly commanded a privateer, and is bitterly set against the stamp

act. Having been secretly informed in the morning what is to be done, he

is present, and tells the populace who collect about him, “The intention

of the proposal that has been read, is to prevent our having the stamp

papers;” and adds, “but we will have them within four and twenty hours.”

He then flourishes his hat, and cries, “Huzza, my lads.” They

immediately comply in loud shouts. He turns to several gentlemen

present, and says, “Your best way, as you may now see, will be to advise

lieutenant governor _Colden_ to send the stamp papers from the fort to

the inhabitants.” In the evening the mob assemble, and insist upon his

delivering them into their hands. He hopes to satisfy them, by declaring

he will do nothing in relation to the stamps, but leave it to Sir Henry

Moore to do as he pleases on his arrival. The people are not contented;

they will have the stamps, or attempt taking them away by force; which

must probably be attended with much bloodshed. After repeated

negociation, it is agreed that they shall be delivered to the

corporation; which is accordingly done, and they are deposited in the

city-hall, to general satisfaction. Ten boxes of the like, which arrive

afterward, meet with a worse fate, being committed to the flames.

The destruction of major _James’s_ house, (for it was reduced to a

shell) convinced the gentlemen who were standing up for the rights of

the colonies, that it was necessary to have leaders to manage the mob.

It was therefore contrived to call the people together.

[Nov. 6.] They met in the fields; and it was proposed, that a committee

be appointed to open a correspondence with the other colonies. This was

a measure of so serious and important a nature, as to endanger the lives

and property of the committee, especially should the stamp act be

enforced and carried through; and therefore there was no one, for more

than half an hour who would venture to accept. Mr. _James De Lancey_,

who had joined the popular side, in order to secure a seat in the

assembly at the next general election, was nominated; but declined,

pleading his being upon the committee to converse with the lawyers, on

their proceeding to business without stamps, instead of suspending it,

as they appeared to intend. At length, however, captain Sears, with four

others, offered and were approved.

They agreed among themselves to sign all the letters with their several

names, and to open a correspondence with all the colonies. The

_Philadelphians_ were requested to forward their inclosed letters to the

more southern states, and the _Bostonians_ to forward those for

_New-Hampshire_.

Here we see another set of corrosponding sons of liberty originated to

strengthen the opposition of the colonies to parliamentary taxation.

The commotions beyond _New-York_, did not terminate in similar excesses

to what had happened there, at _Newport_ and _Boston_; but the

exhibition of effigies in the day, the burning them at night, and other

marks of displeasure, induced the stamp officers to resign. Some did it

with a better grace than others. Mr. _George Mercer_, distributor for

_Virginia_, arrived in the evening at _Williamsburg_. The people

immediately urged him to resign. The next day he declined acting, in so

genteel a manner, that he had the repeated acclamations of all present.

At night the town was illuminated, the bells were set a ringing, and all

was joy and festivity.

[Oct. 3.] At _Philadelphia_ upon the appearance of the ships having on

board the stamps, all the vessels in the harbour hoisted their colours

half-staff high; the bells were muffled and continued to tool till

evening; and every ccuntenance added to the marks of sincere mourning. A

large number of people chiefly of the presbyterian persuasion, and of

the proprietary party, with _William Allen_, esq. the chief justice’s

son at their head, assembled and endeavoured to procure the stamp

distributor’s resignation. It had been for some time warmly talked of,

that he ought to resign. Mr. _Hughes_ was obnoxious to both the

presbyterian and the proprietary party; but particularly hateful to the

latter as it was his _interest_, _assiduity_, and _influence_, in the

_Pennsylvania_ house of assembly that enabled the province to send home

Dr. _Franklin_ to present their petitions, for a change of govenment

from proprietary to royal—a change highly disagreeable to each party.

The body of quakers seemed disposed to pay obedience to the stamp act,

and so did part of the church of _England_, and of the baptists not

under proprietary influence. But no pains were spared to engage the

_Dutch_ and lower class of people in the opposition; and though Mr.

_Hughes_ held out long,[84] yet he found it necessary at length to

comply.

Mr. _Hood_, stamp distributor for _Maryland_, that he might avoid

resigning fled to _New-York_, and obtained protection in the fort. Upon

Sir _Henry Moor’s_ arrival he left the fort, and went to _Long-Island_.

A number of the freemen crossed over unexpectedly; surprised him;

obliged him to sign a paper, declaring his absolute and final

resignation; and then took him before a magistrate, to whom he read the

paper, and afterward made oath to the matter therein contained.

At _Boston_ they took care to keep up the spirit of liberty, though they

avoided former violence. [Sept. 21.] A new political paper appeared,

under the significant title of “The Constitutional Courant, containing

matters interesting to _liberty_, and no ways repugnant to _loyalty_;

printed by _Andrew Marval_, at the sign of the _Bribe refused_, on

_Constitution Hill, North America_.” It wore a more significant

head-piece—a snake cut into eight pieces, the head part having N E, The

initials of _New-England_ affixed to it, and the rest the initials of

the other colonies to _South-Carolina_ inclusive and in order, NY, NJ,

P, M, V, NC, SC.—The device accompanying them was, JOIN or DIE.

[Nov. 1.] The morning of the day when the stamp act took place, was

ushered in with the tolling of bells. The large old elm (which since the

fourteenth of August, when the riots began, had been adorned with an

inscription, and obtained the name of _liberty tree_, as the ground

under it had that of _liberty hall_—and which gave rise to other trees

being so called, upon an appropriation to popular purposes by the sons

of liberty) was decorated with two effigies. They were cut down at there

o’clock amid the acclamations of thousands, carried about town, then to

the gallows upon the Neck, there hung up again, after a while cut down,

torn in pieces, and scattered. The people repaired home; and the evening

passed away quietly. But a transaction took place afterward not much to

the credit of the town.

[Dec. 16.] Mr. _Oliver_ was called upon by a letter from (as is was

improperly signed) _the true sons of liberty_, to make a public

resignation of his office on the morrow under liberty tree. He desired a

gentleman to interpose, and procure him at least leave to resign in the

town-house; but after several consultations, nothing more could be

obtained than a promise of having no affront offered, and a proposal to

invite the principal persons of the town to accompany him. He was

obliged to repair to liberty tree; there to read his declaration in the

presence of more than two thousand people; and then to swear to it

before a justice, on the spot for that purpose. The cool, firm, and

judicious sons of liberty must condemn this procedure toward the

secretary, as mean, revengeful and cruel. It was torturing his feelings

afresh, as upon a stage, in the most conspicuous manner, after having

been terrified into a resignation four months before; and when it might

be expected, that the bitterness of the resentment against him was

ended.

The opposition to the stamp officers was not confined to the continent.

The people of St. _Kitts_ obliged the distributor and his deputy to

resign. _Barbadoes_ submitted to the act. _Jamaica_ in general cleared

out with stamps; but _Kingston_, as before, without. Upon the continent,

_Canada_ and _Halifax_ submitted.

The general fears that individuals were under, either of distributing or

using stamps, was increased in one government by the following paper,

pasted up at the door of every public office, and at the corner of the

streets—

Pro Patria.

The first man that either distributes or makes use of stamped paper, let

him take care of his house, person, and effects.

We dare

Vox populi.

The public resentment was kept alive and lively by the contemptuous

treatment which the stamp act itself met with, being openly burnt in

several places with the effigies of the officers; and by caricatures,

pasquinades, puns, bon mots, and such vulgar sayings fitted to the

occasion, as being short, could be most easily circulated and retained,

while, being extremely expressive, they carried with them the weight of

great many arguments.

The resignation of the officers, and the want of persons, either to

undertake the delivery of stamps or to receive and use them, necessarily

laid the colonists under a legal inability for doing business, according

to parliamentary law. They however ventured upon it, and risked the

consequence. The vessels sailed from the ports as before; excepting

that, in some instances, a certificate was given, that the person

appointed to distribute stamped papers in the province, refused to

deliver them, which certificate being handed by the masters to the naval

officer, they were admitted to give bond in his office, and to pass

through the other offices without stamps. The _Rhode-Island_ and

_Providence_ Plantations kept their courts open the whole time, even

when they were suspended in the other colonies. Toward the end of

November it was agreed in _Maryland_ and _Virginia_ to proceed on

business in the usual manner without stamps. In the Massachusetts the

popular party so far prevailed, that the house of assembly resolved,

January the twenty-third, 1766, “That the shutting up the courts of

justice is a very great grievance; and that the judges, justices, and

all other public officers in this province ought to proceed as usual.”

But when the superior court opened, on the eleventh of March, the

parties concerned evaded the prosecuting of business. The lawyers in a

body waited, as usual, upon the judges, on the first day of the term,

before they went into the court. The chief justice, Mr. Hutchinson, not

being present at this meeting, Mr. Peter Oliver said he attended

according to his duty, and that he understood it would be expected that

he and his brethren should proceed in business in defiance of the late

act of parliament: such proceeding, he added, was contrary to his

judgment and opinion; and if he submitted io it, it would only be for

self-preservation, as he knew he was in the hands of the populace: he

therefore previously protested, that all such acts of his, if they sould

happen, would be acts under duress. To which the other judges assenting,

it was proposed to each of the lawyers singly, _Do you desire that

business should proceed contrary to the act of parliament?_ Every one of

them answered in the negative, even Mr. Otis himself.—But they said, it

would be proper to try a cause or two to quiet the people: accordingly

one cause, which had been at issue before the stamp act took place, was

tried and all other civil business was postponed to the middle of April.

Though the violent and righteous proceedings, which have been noticed,

were severely censured by many; and numbers in all the colonies might

seem inclined to submit to the stamp act, yet the right of imposing it

was universally condemned, and the colonial rights as universally

acceded to by the most peaceably disposed. The resolutions of the

_Pennsylvania_ assembly, which met at _Philadelphia_ in September 1765,

were passed _nemine contradicente_; and left upon their minutes, “as a

testimony of the zeal and ardent desire of that house, to preserve their

inestimable rights, which as _Englishmen_ they possessed ever since the

province was settled, and to transmit them to their latest posterity.”

They “resolved, That the only legal representatives of the inhabitants

of this province, are the persons they annually elect to serve as

members of assembly—Resolved, therefore, That the taxation of the people

of this province by any other persons whatsoever, than such their

representatives in assembly, is unconstitutional, and subversive of

their most valuable rights—Resolved, That the laying of taxes upon the

inhabitants of this province, in any other manner, being naturally

subversive of public liberty, must of necessary consequence, be utterly

destructive of public happiness.”[85] There might not be so many quakers

in the house as usual; the times probably occasioned a larger choice out

of other denominations; but there must have been several, and these we

find acquiesced. These resolutions are as much opposed to the claims of

the British parliament, as are those of the _Massachusetts_ assembly,

passed October the twenty-ninth. Indeed the latter dwell more upon the

unalienable essential rights of mankind, of which these cannot be

divested, consistent with the law of God and nature, by any law of

society; and they evidently mark it out, in their opinion, as one of

those rights, that no man can justly take the property of another

without his consent. They also resolved, that a representation in

parliament of the inhabitants of their province, such as the subjects of

Britain actually enjoy, is impracticable for the subjects in

America.[86]—But both assemblies, though their expressions differed,

agreed in resolving, that the extensions of the court of admiralty

within the provinces, is a most violent infraction of the right of

trials by juries. The resolves of the _Maryland_ and _Connecticut_

assemblies, passed, the one September the twenty-eighth, and the other

November the first, breathed the same spirit.[87]

[Oct. 31.] But we have now to attend to a judicious measure pursued by

the _New-York_ merchants, the more effectually to obtain a repeal of the

stamp act. They resolved to direct their correspondents not to ship any

more goods till it was repealed; and that they would not sell any goods

upon commission, which should be shipped from Britain, after the first

of January, unless upon that condition. They were the foremost in

adopting the non-importation agreement; and recommended the like conduct

to the _Massachusetts_, and the neighboring provinces in trade.

[Nov. 7.] The merchants and traders of _Philadelphia_ had a general

meeting, and entered into a similar agreement. Some quakers, who would

not sign the combination, thought it prudent to be governed by the same

restriction; and gave directions that the goods ordered should not be

sent, unless the stamp act was repealed.

It was not till December the ninth, that the merchants and traders of

Boston resolved upon a non-importation. Government may deem such

combinations illegal, as they are apt to do all that are opposed to

their own measures; but surely the case of communities is bad indeed, if

they have not a right voluntarily to agree among themselves, merely to

suspend buying till they can obtain their own terms, when equitable.

The peaceable line pursued in these agreements, had not been attended to

by all who opposed the stamp act. They therefore, for their own safety,

had a recourse to another, which might have drenched the country with

blood, had not the repeal prevented. The way had been prepared by the

publication of a system of politics, which appeared originally in the

New-York papers, the principal point of which was, that the colonies are

no otherwise related to Great-Britain than by having the same king. The

essays meant to propagate and support this system, made their first

appearance in the New-York prints, but most probably some of the

manuscripts were sent from Boston. The New-York sons of liberty had, at

length, a meeting, wherein they resolved, that they would go to the

extremity, with lives and fortunes to prevent the stamp act. This spirit

produced the following agreement between them and the sons of liberty in

Connecticut:

[Dec. 25.] “Certain reciprocal and mutual agreements concessions and

associations made, concluded, and agreed upon by and between the sons of

liberty of the colony of _New-York_, of the one part, and of the sons of

liberty of the colony of _Connecticut_, on the other part, this

twenty-fifth day of December, in the sixth year of the reign of our

sovereign lord _George_ the Third, by the grace of God, of

_Great-Britain_, _France_ and _Ireland_, king, defender of the faith,

and in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and sixty-five.

“The aforesaid parties taking into their most serious consideration the

melancholy and unsettled state of _Great-Britain_ and her

_North-American_ colonies, proceeding, as they are fully persuaded, from

a design in her most insidious and inveterate enemies, to alienate the

affections of his majesty’s most loyal and faithful subjects of

_North-America_ from his person and government—Therefore to prevent as

much as in us lies, the dissolution of so inestimable an union, they do,

in the presence of _Almighty God_, declare, that they bear the most

unshaken faith and true allegiance to his majesty king _George_ the

Third—that they are most affectionately and zealously attached to his

royal person and family, and are fully determined, to the utmost of

their power, to maintain and support his crown and dignity, and the

succession as by law established; and with the greatest cheerfulness

they submit to his government, according to the known and just

principles of the BRITISH CONSTITUTION, which they conceive to be

founded on the eternal and immutable principles of justice and equity,

and that every attempt to violate or wrest it, or any part of it, from

them, under whatever pretence, colour, or authority, is an heinous sin

against God, and the most daring contempt of the people, from whom

(under God) all just government springs. From a sacred regard to all

which, and a just sense of the impending evils that might befal them in

consequence of such a dreadful dissolution, they do hereby voluntarily,

and of their own free will, as well for the support of his majesty’s

just prerogative and the British constitution, as their own mutual

security and preservation, agree and concede to associate, advise,

protect, and defend each other in the peaceable, full, and just

enjoyment of their inherent and accustomed rights as British subjects of

their respective colonies, not in the least desiring any alteration or

innovation in the grand bulwark of their liberties and the wisdom of

ages, but only to preserve it inviolate from the corrupt hands of its

implacable enemies—And whereas a certain pamphlet has appeared in

America, in the form of an act of parliament, called and known by the

name of the _Stamp Act_, but has never been legally published or

introduced, neither can it, as it would immediately deprive them of the

most invaluable part of the British constitution, viz. the trial by

juries, and the most just mode of taxation in the world, that is, of

taxing themselves; rights that every British subject becomes heir to as

soon as born. For the preservation of which, and every part of the

British constitution, they do reciprocally resolve and determine to

march with the utmost dispatch, at their own proper costs and expence,

on the first proper notice (which must be signified to them by at least

six of the sons of liberty) with their whole force, if required, and it

can be spared, to the relief of those that shall, are, or may be in

danger from the _stamp act_, or its promoters and abettors, or any thing

relative to it, on account of any thing that may have been done in

opposition to its obtaining—and they do mutually and most fervently

recommend it to each other to be vigilant in watching all those who,

from the nature of their offices, vocations or dispositions, may be the

most likely to introduce the use of stamped papers, to the total

subversion of the British constitution and American liberty; and the

same, when discovered, immediately to advise each other of, let them be

of what rank or condition soever; and they do agree that they will

mutually, and to the utmost of their power, by all just ways and means,

endeavor to bring all such betrayers of their country to the most

condign punishment—and further, they do mutually resolve to defend the

liberty of the press in their respective colonies from all unlawful

violations and impediments whatever, on account of the said act, as the

only means (under divine Providence) of preserving their lives,

liberties, and fortunes, and the same in regard to the judges, clerks,

attornies, &c. that shall proceed without any regard to the _stamp act_,

from all pains, fines, mulcts, penalties, or any molestation

whatever—and finally, that they will, to the utmost of their power,

endeavor to bring about, accomplish and perfect the like association

with all the colonies on the continent, for the like salutary purposes,

and no other.”

The opposition to the stamp act raged apparently more in New-York and

Connecticut than in the Massachusetts; but the association being agreed

upon, was sent by express to the sons of liberty at Boston, and received

Sunday the second of February, 1766. On its receipt, letters were

forwarded to a few individuals; and on the sixth of February, a circular

letter to the several towns in the colony, containing the association

and the desire of the first original associators to accomplish the like

association, with a request to be informed of the sentiments and

dispositions of the people in such towns. A letter was also sent on the

same subject, to the sons of liberty at Portsmouth, in Hampshire colony.

They met; and in their answer of February the eighth, testified their

approbation of the measure already taken, and their determination to

oppose the execution of the stamp act, &c.

The Boston sons of liberty accepted the proposal of uniting themselves

to _New-York_ and _Connecticut_; and in their letter to the brotherhood

at _Norwich_, proposed to commence a continental union, of which the

latter greatly approved in their answer of February the tenth.

On February the thirteenth, the sons of liberty at _Boston_ wrote a

_circular letter_ to _New-Hampshire_, _Connecticut_, and _New-York_; and

before the month was ended, the _New-Yorkers_ sent circular letters as

far as _South-Carolina_, urging a continental union.

Most of the towns in the _Massachusetts_ having been applied to,

signified “their determination to march with their whole force to the

support of the British constitution, and consequently the relief of

those that shall or may be in danger from the stamp act, or its

abettors.”

It is not to be supposed, that the disorderly proceedings above related,

were chargeable solely on the dregs of the colonies.—The sons of liberty

at New-York, who held regular meetings, were said to be directed by much

greater persons than any that appeared among them. The mobs consisted

not of mere rabble; but were composed much of independent freemen and

freeholders, so that some of the first people in the provinces were

intimidated, and left the cause of the parliament without proper

support. Merchants, assemblymen, magistrates, &c. united directly or

indirectly in the riots, and without their influence and instigation the

lower class of inhabitants would have been quiet; but great pains were

taken to rouse them into action. At _Boston_ such was the protection and

countenance given to the rioters, that some of the principal ringleaders

walked the streets with impunity, no officer daring to attack them, no

attorney-general to prosecute them, no witness to appear against them,

and no judge to sit upon them. But when the enormities are said to have

originated from the Presbyterians and Congregationalists, the charge

must be imputed to malevolence, or to gross ignorance, or a mixture of

both. The gentlemen on the side of government who were upon the spot, in

their letters written at the time, placed them to the account of the

_Virginia_ resolves. Mr. _Hutchinson_ tells his correspondent, “Nothing

extravagant appeared in the papers till an account was received of the

_Virginia_ resolves.” Mr. _Hughes_ writes, “the fire began in

Virginia:”—governor _Bernard_, “the publishing the _Virginia_

resolutions proved an alarm bell to the disaffected:” another, in his

letter to Mr. Secretary _Conway_ from _New-York_, “the resolves of the

assembly of _Virginia_ gave the signal for a general outcry over the

continent.” The _Virginians_ are episcopalians and if there is either

blame or merit in exciting that fixed and spirited opposition to the

stamp act which followed upon their resolves, let them be credited for

the same; to them belongs the honor or disgrace; and solely to

particular colonies the disgrace of the several enormites committed in

them. The bulk of the people at _Boston_ are congregationalists; at

_New-York_, the presbyterians, including the Dutch and foreign

societies, may possibly be fully equal to, or even exceed the

episcopalians. At _Newport_ all denominations are equally encouraged,

and enjoy no ascendency over each other, and therefore might be equally

concerned, the peaceable quakers excepted. At _New-York_ the most

violent actors were episcopalians; at _Boston_ congregationalists;

though here they were joined by a number of episcopalians, and there by

a number of presbyterians.

People in _Britain_ were differently affected by the disturbances in the

colonies. This party was for supporting the authority of parliament at

all adventures, and for enforcing the stamp act, if needful, with the

point of the sword: that for quieting the colonies by the repeal of it.

Happy for them, Mr. _Grenville_ and his party had thrown themselves out

of place on a difference as to the regency bill; so that the marquis of

_Rockingham_, and others in opposition, who were better inclined to the

Americans, came into office, July 10, 1765. The marquis and his friends

did not come to a resolution directly to repeal the act. The main lines

of their own plan were not marked out, nor the repeal determined upon,

until a little before the meeting of parliament. But the choice of the

measure, and of the principle to proceed upon was made before the

session. The papers relative to American affairs were produced to the

house of commons; and it was a kind of plan on all sides, to maintain

the authority of parliament, and by that very authority to give the

colonies every relief the nature of the case required. But the great

commoner Mr. _Pitt_, who neither communicated, nor connected himself

with any one, came to the house and declared, that parliament had _no

right_ to tax the colonies; and said also, _I am glad America has

resisted_. He hereby deranged matters; threw the opposition into a rage;

and reduced the ministry to a necessity of accompanying the repeal, with

a declaratory bill, expressive of the _right_ of parliament to _bind_

the colonies _in all cases whatsoever_.

[1766.] Mr. _Grenville_ moved that the stamp act should be enforced, and

was supported by 134, but opposed by 274—The merchants and manufacturers

joined their efforts with ministry to obtain a repeal. They were alarmed

at the non-importation agreement, and the confusions which existed, as

being necessarily prejudicial to their own interests, and tending to the

destruction of commerce. The ministry did not fail to encourage

petitions, complaining of hardships brought on by the great decay of

trade to the American colonies; and also instructions to members from

the trading and manufacturing towns. The petition of congress was not

admitted; the members not being called together by the authority of the

crown, though a futile, was yet a prevailing argument against its

admission. But the repeal was grounded on the other petitions; and after

a six weeks inquiry into _American_ affairs, was moved for, with the

greatest propriety, by general _Conway_, the secretary, who had opposed

the stamp bill at the second reading, and denied the right of parliament

to tax the Americans. The debate, which ensued, was warm, interesting

and long. But, by three o’clock in the morning, “[Feb. 22.] the house,

by an independent noble spirited and unexpected majority, in the teeth

of all the old mercenary _Swiss_ of the state, in despite of all the

speculators and augurs of political events, in defiance of the whole

embattled legion of veteran pensioners and practised instruments of

court, gave a total repeal to the stamp act, and (if the scheme of

taxing the colonies had been totally abandoned) a lasting peace to the

whole empire.”[88] The motion was carried by 275 against 167. The cyder

counties supported it; for they expected a repeal of the duty on cyder,

and obtained it in April. It has been said, that had not the ministry

bartered the stamp act against the repeal of the cyder duty, they would

not have succeeded.[89] This however must be a false charge, if the

former marked paragraph is strictly true. During the debate, “the

trading interests of the empire crammed into the lobbies of the house of

commons, with a trembling and anxious expectation, and waited, almost to

a winter’s return of light, their fate from the resolution of the house.

When at length, they had determined in their favor, and the doors thrown

open, showed them the figure of their deliverer, in the well earned

triumph of his important victory, from the whole of that grave multitude

there arose an involuntary burst of gratitude and transport. They jumped

upon him, like children on a long absent father. They clung about him as

captives about their redeemer, All _England_ joined in his applause. Nor

did he seem insensible of the best of all earthly rewards, the love and

admiration of his fellow citizens. _Hope elevated, and joy brightened

his crest._”[90]

The ministry had certainly great difficulties to encounter: the

principal originated in the colonies, and were caused by the intemperate

proceedings of the various ranks of men within them. “Their violence

awakened the honor of parliament, especially after Mr. _Pitt’s_ speech,

and thereby involved every friend of the repeal into the imputation of

betraying its dignity. This is so true, that the act could not have been

repealed, had not men’s minds been in some measure satisfied with the

_declaration of right_.”[91] All the _Scotch_ members, save two, voted

against the repeal. Mr. Bollan, who informed lieutenant-governor

Hutchinson of it by letter, omitted mentioning the names of the

gentlemen.

The bill having passed the house of commons, went up to the house of

lords. Lords _Bute_ and _Strange_ publicly declared, that his majesty’s

wish was nor for a repeal. The marquis of _Rockingham_ and Lord

_Shelberne_ went together to the king, and told what was reported. They

were informed, that his majesty had expressed his desire that it should

be inforced; but if it could not be done peaceably and without

bloodshed, it was his sincere desire and intention that it should be

totally repealed. The dukes of York and Cumberland, the lords of the

bedchamber and the officers of the household, were for carrying fire and

sword to America. Most of the bench of bishops joined them. Instead of

ascribing that to a sanguinary disposition, to which their profession

was opposed; let it be imputed to the painful prospect of being hindered

eventually from establishing the English hierarchy whithin the American

colonies. There was in the house of lords, proxies included, for the

repeal 105, against it, 71.

On Wednesday, March the nineteenth, his majesty went to the house of

peers, and passed the bill for repealing the American stamp act; as also

that for securing the dependency of the colonies on the British crown.

On this occasion the American merchants made a most numerous appearance,

to express their gratitude and joy; ships in the river displayed their

colours; houses at night were illuminated all over the city, and every

decent and orderly method was observed, to demonstrate the just sense

they entertained of his majesty’s goodness, and wisdom of parliament in

conciliating the minds of the people on this critical occasion. An

express was dispatched immediately to Falmouth, with letters to the

different provinces, acquainting them with the news of the repeal: that

so their fears might vanish, and give place to joy and exultation.