These letters might be transmitted to, and might dispose the ministry to
decline urging their plan of uniting and governing the colonies; but Mr.
Shirley wrote to governor _Wentworth_, of _New-Hampshire_, May 31,
1755—“I may assure your excellency, from every letter I have of late
received from Sir Thomas Robinson, I have reason to think that his
majesty hath a dependance upon a _common fund’s_ being raised in all his
colonies upon this continent, in proportion to their respective
abilities, for defraying all articles of expence entered into for their
common defence; and that such an one must in the end, be either
voluntarily raised, or else assessed in some way or other.” The ministry
discovered a disposition to raise a revenue in them, which induced the
_Massachusetts_ general court [Nov. 6.] thus to instruct their agent;
“It is more especially expected, that you oppose every thing that shall
have the remotest tendency to raise a _revenue_ in the plantations, for
any public uses or services of government;” he wrote to them the
twenty-ninth of May following, “The inclinations I have reason to think
still contitinue for _raising a revenue_ out of the molasses trade.” The
alarming state of public affairs might divert the ministry from pursuing
their inclinations.
It had been concluded to take effectual measures for driving the French
from the _Ohio_; and for the reduction of _Niagara_, _Crown-Point_, and
their forts in _Nova-Scotia_. General _Braddock_ was accordingly sent
from Ireland to Virginia, with two regiments of foot; and when arrived,
and joined by the rest of the forces destined for that service, found
himself at the head of about 2200 men. He had bravery, but wanted other
qualifications to render him fit for the service to which he was
appointed. His severity prevented his having the love of the regulars;
his haughtiness, the love of the Americans; and, what was worse,
disgusted the Indians, and led him to despise the country militia, and
to slight the advice of the Virginia officers. Colonel _Washington_
earnestly begged of him, when the army was marching for fort _Du
Quesne_, to admit of his going before, and scouring the woods with his
rangers, which was contemptuously refused. The general had been
cautioned by the duke of _Cumberland_, to guard against a surprise; and
yet he pushed on heedlessly with the first division, consisting of 1400
men [July 9, 1755.] till he fell into an ambuscade of 400, chiefly
Indians, by whom he was defeated and mortally wounded, on the ninth of
July. The regulars were put into the greatest panic, and fled in the
utmost confusion; the militia had been used to Indian fighting, and were
not so terrified. The general had disdainfully turned them into the
rear: they continued in a body, unbroken, and served under colonel
_Washington_ as a most useful rear-guard; covered the retreat of the
regulars, and prevented their being entirely cut off.
Previous to this, and agreeable to the views of the British ministry,
the _Massachusetts_ assembly, who had never been remiss upon the
prospect of a French war, raised a body of troops, which were sent to
_Nova-Scotia_, to assist lieutenant governor _Lawrence_ in driving the
French from their several encroachments within that province. The
secrecy and dispatch used in this service, was rewarded with success.
The expedition against Niagara was entrusted with governor Shirley; but
failed through various causes.
Sir _William_ (then colonel) _Johnson_, appointed to go against
Crown-Point. The delays, slowness, and deficiency of preparations,
prevented the several colonies joining their troops till about August.
Meanwhile the active enemy had transported forces from _France_ to
_Canada_, marched them down to meet the provincials, and attacked them;
but, meeting with a repulse, lost six hundred men, besids having their
general, baron _Dieskau_, wounded and made prisoner.
The _Massachusetts_ the next year, raised a great armament to go to
_Crown-Point_; but lord _Loudon_, on his arrival, did not think it
proper that the forces should proceed. Afterward a temporary
misunderstanding took place between his lordship and the general court;
from his apprehending that they thought a provincial law necessary to
enforce a British act of parliament, and were willing to dispute upon
that subject. He determined to have no dispute, but that the troops
under his command should be quartered agreeable to what he thought the
public good required; and wrote to governor _Pownall_ [Nov. 15, 1757.]
“I have ordered the messenger to wait but 48 hours in _Boston_; and if,
on his return, I find things not settled, I will instantly order into
_Boston_ the three battalions from New-York, Long-Island, and
Connecticut; and if more are wanted, I have two in the Jerseys at hand,
beside three in Pennsylvania.” Notwithstanding this declaration, on
December the sixth, the legislature passed an act which led him to
conceive that he was under an absolute necessity of settling the point
at once, and therefore he ordered the troops to march. The general court
finding how matters were going, did not venture upon extremities, but
became pliable; so that his lordship wrote, December 26, “As I can now
depend upon the assembly’s making the point of quarters easy in all time
coming, I have countermanded the march of the troops.” The general court
were certainly terrified; and to remove all unfavorable impressions,
said, in the close of the address to the governor [Jan. 6, 1758.] “The
authority of all acts of parliament which concern the colonies, and
extend to them, is ever acknowledged in all the courts of law, and made
the rule of all judicial proceedings in the province. There is not a
member of the general court, and we know no inhabitant within the bounds
of the government, that ever questioned this authority. To prevent any
ill consequences that may arise from an opinion of our holding such
principles, we now utterly disavow them, as we should readily have done
at any time past, if there had been occasion for it; and we pray that
his lordship may be acquainted therewith, that we may appear in a true
light, and that no impressions may remain to our disadvantage.” However
they might not question, whether the authority of acts of parliament,
concerning and extending to the colonies, was made the rule of all
_judicial_ proceedings in the province; yet you are not to infer from
their disavowal of the contrary principle, that they admitted the right
of parliament, either to impose internal taxes, or to controul their
colonial government.
When, happily for the British nation, the great Mr. _Pitt_ was placed at
the head of the ministry, the face of affairs was soon changed; the war
was prosecuted with unexampled success, and the enemy at length driven
out of _America_. But the frequent delays given to the raising of the
necessary supplies, especially in proprietary governments, through the
refusal of their governors or councils, to admit that the estates of the
proprietors should be taxed, led Mr. _Pitt_ to tell Mr. _Franklin_, that
when the war closed, was he in the ministry, he should take measures to
prevent its being in the power of the colonies to hinder government’s
receiving the supplies that were wanted; and he added, that, was he not
in the ministry, he would advise his successors to do it. What these
measures were he did not mention. But toward the close of 1759, or the
beginning of 1760, Mr. _Pitt_ wrote to _Francis Fauquier_, esq.
lieutenant governor of _Virginia_, and mentioned in his letter, that
though they had made grants to the colonies, yet, when the war was over,
they should tax them, in order to _raise a revenue_ from them. Mr.
_Fauquier_, in his answer, expressed his apprehension that the measure
would occasion great disturbance. The answer might divert Mr. Pitt from
his intention. Many months before, the present lord _Camden_ (then Mr.
_Pratt_) said to Mr. _Franklin_, in a course of free conversation, “For
all what you _Americans_ say of your loyalty, I know you will one day
throw off your dependance upon this country; and notwithstanding your
boasted affection to it, will set up for independence.” The other
answered, “No such idea is entertained in the mind of the Americans; and
no such idea will ever enter their heads, unless you grossly abuse
them.” “Very true (replied Mr. _Pratt_) that is one of the main causes I
see will happen, and will produce the event.”
The colonies in general, and the Massachusetts in particular, complied
with the requisitions of the minister, and shewed themselves ready to
support his plans for the reduction of the French power. To assist and
encourage their extraordinary exertions, the parliament granted them
during the war, at different periods, no less than £.1,031,666 13s. 4d.
But though the large importation of specie annually, did not answer one
half or their expences, it was still of such benefit to each government,
that they cheerfully seconded the views of ministry. Upon application
from admiral _Saunders_, the squadron employed against _Louisburg_ and
_Quebec_, was supplied by 500 seamen from the _Massachusetts_; beside,
many were at several times impressed out of vessels on the fishing
banks. The colonies lost by the war 25,000 of their robust young men,
exclusive of sailors. The _Massachusetts_ continually raised the full
number of troops assigned them; nor was it to be ascribed to the
peculiar address of Mr. _Pownall_, who guided them with a silken cord,
and by praising them plentifully, and flattering their vanity, did
business with them in an easy manner; for it was the same after he was
succeded by governor _Bernard_. [August 13, 1760.] Beside their annual
quota of men, in some years of the war they garrisoned Louisburg and
Nova-Scotia, which gave the regular forces opportunity for retaining
Canada. The whole cost they were at upon these accounts, and for
scouting companies sent into the Indian country, and for two armed
vessels built and maintained for the protection of the trade, amounted
to £.754,598 10s. 10½d. sterling. In this sum, the expence of many forts
and garrisons on the frontiers is not included. Add, that no estimate
can be made of the cost to individuals, by the demand of personal
service. They that could not serve in person, who were much the greater
number, when it came to their turn, were obliged to hire substitutes at
a great premium. They also who could not be impressed, to lighten the
burdens of others, advanced largely for encouraging the levies.
Moreover, the taxes were exceeding heavy. A Boston gentleman, of
reputation and fortune, sent one of his rate bills to a correspondent in
London, for his judgment on it; and had for answer, “That he did not
believe there was a man in all _England_ who paid so much in proportion
toward the support of government.” Such was the assessment of the town
in one of the years, that if a man’s income was £.60 per annum, he had
to pay two-thirds or £.40 and in that proportion whether the sum was
more or less; and if his house or land was valued at £.200 per annum, he
was obliged to pay £.72 He had also to pay for his poll, and those of
all the males in his house, more than sixteen years old, at the rate of
14s. 3d. each: and to all must be added, the part he paid of the excise
on tea, coffee, rum, and wine.[67] Other towns and colonies might not
have been assessed so exorbitantly, but some must certainly have been
burdened with taxes.
The above statement of expences is thought to be more correct than what
governor Bernard transmitted, in his letter of August 1, 1764, to the
lords of trade, in which he wrote, “From 1754 to 1762, the sums issued
amount to £.926,000 sterling; out of which deduct, received by
parliamentary grant, £.328,000 and the ordinary expences of government
estimated at £.138,000 there remains £.490,000 that is near £500,000
sterling expended by this province in the extraordinary charges of the
war within eight years. An immense sum for such a small state! the
burden of which has been grievously felt by all orders of men.—Whereas
if we compare this with the southern governments, Pennsylvania for
instance, which has expended little more than they have received from
parliament, and Maryland which has expended scarce any thing at all, we
cannot sufficiently admire the inequality of the burden between one
province and another, and when Pennsylvania has not been prevented by
domestic dissensions, and have as it were done their best, they have
sent to the field only 2,700 men, when this province has sent
5,000—5,500, and one year 7,000. And notwithstanding the vast sums this
province has raised, is has, by severe taxations, kept its debt under.
The first part of governor _Bernard’s_ administration was agreeable to
the _Massachusetts_ general court. The two houses, in answer to his
speach, [May, 1761.] said, “It gives us pleasure to see, that the civil
rights of the people are not in danger; nor are we in the least degree
suspicious, that they ever will be, under your excellency’s
administration. The experience we have had of your excellency’s
disposition and abilities, encourage us to hope for a great share of
public happiness under your administration.” The next year the governor
told them, at the close of the session, [April 23, 1762.] “The unanimity
and dispatch with which you have complied with the requisitions of his
majesty, require my particular acknowledgment.” In his sheech he said,
“Every thing that has been required of this province, has been most
readily complied with.”
[May 31, 1763.] Both houses in their address to him expressed themselves
thus: “We congratulate your excellency upon that unanimity which your
excellency recommends, and which was never greater in the province than
at that time.”—The governor at the close of the session, declared his
great satisfaction, in having observed, that the unanimity they assured
him of, had fully evinced itself throughout all their proceedings. But
the lieutenant governor, Mr. _Hutchinson_, gained after a while too much
ascendency over him, and encouraged him in the pursuit of wrong
measures, highly offensive to the colony. He had indeed done him an
irreparable injury, not long after his coming to the chair. Colonel
_James Otis_ (who was repeatedly returned for _Barnstable_, in
_Plymouth_ county, notwithstanding the strenuous efforts which had been
made to prevent it, on account of his siding with government) being a
lawyer, had been promised by Mr. Shirley, when in the chair, to be made
a judge of the superior court, upon an opportunity’s offering. The first
vacancy which happened, was filled up by the appointment of the
secretary’s son-in-law; for which Mr. Shirley apologized by pleading a
promise made to the secretary, and his having forgotten the former one.
Mr. Otis was satisfied with a fresh assurance of the next vacancy, which
was considered by him in the light of a governmental promise; and it was
expected that whenever a new vacancy happened, Mr. Otis would be
appointed. There was no new vacancy till a short time after governor
Bernard entered upon his administration, when chief justice _Sewall_
died.—Upon this death, Mr. _James Otis_, the son, of whom there will be
a call to make frequent mention, expressed himself as follows: “If
governor Bernard does not appoint my father judge of the superior court,
I will kindle such a fire in the province as shall singe the governor,
though I myself perish in the flames.” Mr. Hutchinson, however hurried
to Mr. Bernard, procured a promise, which being once given, the governor
would not retract, and got himself appointed chief justice, by which he
gratified both his ambition and covetousness, his two ruling passions.
The friends of government regretted the appointment, foreboding the
evils it would produce. The governor lost the influence and support of
colonel Otis. The son quitted the law place he held; would never be
persuaded to resume it, or to accept of another; joined himself to the
party which was jealous that the views of administration were
unfavorable to the rights of the colony, and stood ready to oppose all
encroachments; and soon became its chief leader. He signalised himself
by pleading in a most masterly manner, against granting _writs of
assistance_ to custom-house officers. These writs were to give them,
their deputies, &c. a general power to enter any houses, &c. that they
would _say they suspected_. The custom-house officers had received
letters from home, directing them to a more strenuous exertion in
collecting the duties, and to procure writs of assistance. The idea of
these writs excited a general alarm. A strong jealousy of what might be
eventually the effect of them upon the liberties of the people,
commenced. They might prove introductory to the most horrid abuses;
which the meanest deputy of a deputy’s deputy might practise with
impunity, upon a merchant or gentleman of the first character; and there
would be the greater danger of such abuses, by reason of the immense
distance of the scene of action from the seat of government. The voice
of the complainant would not be heard three thousand miles off, after
the servants of government had deafened the ears of administration by
misrepresentations. From this period may be dated the fixed, uniform,
and growing opposition which was made to the ministerial plans of
encroaching upon the original rights and long established customs of the
colony. In 1761, the officers of the customs applied to the superior
courts for such writs. The great opposition that was made to it, and the
arguments of Mr. _Otis_, disposed the court to a refusal; but Mr.
_Hutchinson_, who had obtained the place of chief justice, prevailed
with his brethren to continue the cause till next term; and in the mean
time wrote to England, and procured a copy of the writ, and sufficient
evidence of the practice of the exchequer there, after which, like writs
were granted. But before this was effected, Mr. _Otis_ was chosen one of
the representatives for Boston, by the influence of the friends to
liberty; whose jealousies there and elsewhere, afterward increased
apace, upon hearing that the British officers insisted frequently upon
the necessity of regulating and _reforming_, as they stiled it, the
colonial governments; and that certain travellers were introduced to
particular persons [1762.] with a—“This is a gentleman employed by the
earl of _Bute_ to travel the country, and learn what may be proper to be
done in the grand plan of _reforming_ the _American governments_.” It
was understood that their business was to make thorough observation upon
the state of the country, that so the ministry might be enabled to judge
what regulations and alterations could safely be made in the police and
government of the colonies, in order to their being brought more
effectually under the government of parliament. They were also, as much
as possible, to conciliate capital and influential characters, to
ministerial measures speedily to be adopted. The British ministry have
been greatly mistaken, in supposing it is the same in _America_ as in
their own country. Do they gain over a gentleman of note and eminence in
the colonies, they make no considerable acquisition. He takes few or
none with him; and is rather despised than adhered to by former friends.
He has not, as in Britain, dependants who must act in conformity to his
nod. In _New-England_ especially, individuals are so independent of each
other, that though there may be an inequality in rank and fortune, every
one can act freely according to his own judgment.
But nothing, it may be, excited a greater alarm in the breasts of those
to whom it was communicated, than the following anecdote, viz. The Rev.
Mr. _Whitefield_, ere he left _Portsmouth_ in _New-Hampshire_, on Monday
afternoon, April the second, 1764, sent for Dr. _Langdon_ and Mr. Haven,
the congregational ministers of the town, and upon their coming and
being alone with him, said, “I can’t in conscience leave the town
without acquainting you with a secret. My heart bleeds for _America_. O
poor _New-England_! There is a deep laid plot against both your civil
and religious liberties, and they will be lost. Your golden days are at
an end. You have nothing but trouble before you. My information comes
from the best authority in _Great Britain_. I was allowed to speak of
the affair in general, but enjoined not to mention particulars. Your
liberties will be lost.”[68] Mr. Whitefield could not have heard what
the commons did in the preceding month; his information must have been
of an earlier date, and might have been communicated before he left
Great Britain. Beside the general design of taxing the colonies, the
plan was probably, this in substance—Let the parliament be engaged to
enter heartily and fully into American matters; and then under its
sanction let all the governments be altered, and all the councils be
appointed by the king, and the assemblies be reduced to a small number
like that of New-York. After that, the more effectually to secure the
power of civil government by the junction of church influence, let their
be a revisal of all the acts in the several colonies with a view of
setting aside those in particular, which provide for the support of the
ministers. But if the temper of the people make it necessary, let a new
bill for the purpose of supporting them pass the house, and the council
refuse their concurrence; if that will be improper, then the governor to
negative it. If that cannot be done in good policy, then the bill to go
home and let the king disallow it. Let bishops be introduced, and
provision be made for the support of the episcopal clergy. Let the
congregational and presbyterian clergy, who will receive episcopal
ordination, be supported; and the leading ministers among them be bought
off by large salaries.—Let the liturgy be revised and altered. Let
episcopacy be accommodated as much as possible to the cast of the
people. Let places of power, trust and honor, be conferred only upon
episcopalians, or those that will conform. When episcopacy is once
thoroughly established, increase its resemblance to the English
hierarchy at pleasure.
These were the ideas which a certain gentleman communicated to Dr.
Stiles,[69] when they were riding together in 1765. The Doctor, after
hearing him out, expressed his belief, that before the plan could be
effected, such a spirit would be roused in the people as would prevent
its execution. The good man groaned and replied, “If the commotions now
existing prevail on the parliament to repeal the stamp-act, I am afraid
the plan cannot be accomplished.
In reference to alterations in the civil line, Dr. Langdon informed me,
that governor _Wentworth_ told him, the _Massachusetts_ and
_New-Hampshiere_ were to be one government, under one governor; the
Doctor thought the design of joining _Rhode-Island_ with them was also
mentioned, though of this he could not be certain. The New-England
colonies would have suffered most by the proposed alterations, while
they deserved it the least and were entitled for their ready exertions,
to a return expressive of gratitude. Many of the common soldiers, who
gained such laurels, by their singular bravery on the plains of Abraham,
when Wolfe died in the arms of victory, were natives of the
Massachusetts-Bay. When Martinico was attacked in 1761, and the British
force was greatly weakened by the death and sickness, the timely arrival
of the New-England troops, enabled the former to prosecute the reduction
of the island to an happy issue. A part of the British force being now
about to sail from thence for the Havannah, the New-Englanders, whose
health had been much impaired by service and the climate, were sent off
in three ships, to their native country for recovery. Before they had
completed their voyage they found themselves restored, ordered the ships
about, steered immediately for the Havannah, arrived when the British
were too much reduced to expect success, and by their junction served to
immortalize afresh, the glorious first of August, old stile, in the
surrender of the place on the memorable day; they exhibited at the same
time, the most signal evidence of devotedness to the parent state. Their
fidelity, activity, and courage were such as to gain the approbation and
confidence of the British officers.[70]
As to the religious part of the plan, recollect what has been already
mentioned of archbishop _Secker_; carefully peruse Dr. _Mayhew’s_ noted
answer to one of his publications, and what is related concerning him in
the collection of papers above quoted; and you will scarce doubt, “but
that it was the metropolitan’s intention to reduce all the British
colonies under episcopal authority.” Remember also, that the bishop of
_Landaff_ in his sermon of 1766, assures us, that _the establishment of
episcopacy_ being obtained, “the _American_ church will grow out of its
infant state, be able to stand upon its own legs, and without foreign
help, support and spread itself, and _then this society will be brought
to the happy issue intended_.” Mr. Whitefield said upon it, in his
letter to Mr. _Durell_, “supposing his lordship’s assertions true, then
I fear it will follow, that a society, which since its first institution
hath been looked upon as _a society for propagating the gospel_, hath
been all the while rather _a society for propagating episcopacy in
foreign parts_.”
This letter will close with a few more articles of information. Among
the original instructions to _Benning Wentworth_, esq. governor of
New-Hampshire, signed June 30th, 1761, the 27th says, “you are not to
give your assent to, or pass any law imposing duties on negroes imported
into New-Hampshire:” some of the colonies were for discouraging the
introduction of negroes—for which purpose they wished to lay a duty upon
them. The 69th contains the following direction, “No school-master to be
henceforth permitted to come from England without the licence of the
bishop; and no other person now there, or that shall come from other
parts, shall be admitted to keep school without your licence first
obtained.”
[Feb. 1762.] A law passed in the Massachusetts, entitled, “An act to
incorporate certain persons, by the name of _The society for promoting
Christian knowledge among the Indians in North America_; but was
disallowed at the court of St. James’s the 20th of May, 1763. Mr.
_Jasper Mauduit_, in his letter to Mr. _Bowdoin_ of April 7, 1763,
writes, “So long ago as the 10th of December, I was told at the
plantation-office, that this act was opposed by the archbishop and the
society for propagating the gospel. Mr. _Pownall_ told me that the bill
would not pass; that the lords would not dispute the laudableness of the
design, but there were political reasons for not confirming it; that the
people might apply the money to oppose the missionaries of the church of
England. I answered, I wished that the society for propagating the
gospel had employed their missionaries more among the Indians than they
had hitherto done in North America.” From what passed, the real reasons
for disallowing the bill may be gathered.