THE FUTURE OF TURKEY.
The survey that has been taken of the Turkish empire, political and
social, will furnish the component parts of this wonderful structure
of human power and religious fanaticism. Owing to the remarkable
sway attained by the sword of the Prophet, the various ingredients
mingled by the power of conquest, have all been brought together,
like so many antagonistic elements, to be wrought into some degree
of unity of spirit and purpose, and to be rendered subservient to
one great potentate, absolute and despotic.
The dread power of the Turk, ravaging and blood-thirsty, has only of
late years ceased to inspire terror to the world in general, and to
hold in trembling awe the subjects over which it domineered. Suddenly
the dark cloud of barbarism began to disperse from this vast clime of
the Orient, as Mahmoud, seizing the torch of civilization, scattered
the light of science and reform over the land.
Ever since his day, the struggling beams of knowledge and truth have
been casting a mistlike glow over these dominions, sometimes almost
bursting into a blaze of brightness, and again subsiding into the
obscurity of olden times and religions bigotry.
The principles of progress, and the maintenance of ancient and
long established usages were now at war; the former supported by the
semi-enlighted portion of the people, and the latter by the formidable
body of the ulema or the Mohammedan clergy.
The Rayas, or Christian subjects, hitherto quiescent and despairing,
now saw the star of hope and comparative liberty in their horizon,
and were ready to grasp at any straw of deliverance from the storms
of oppression and tyranny. The mass is in commotion--Mussulman power
trembles at the vision of the emancipation of its victims. Oppressed
and suffering humanity even dares to utter one vast groan, and to
raise a furtive glance towards the glorious temple of liberty, and
the equality of man with man.
Mahmoud, the bold champion of his country, is surrounded by intrigues,
both foreign and domestic, and becomes entangled in the web of
turbulence and opposition, until his soul can endure no longer,
and wings its flight from the terrible field of battle.
But the iron gates of barbarism had been unlocked; and even the
extreme youth of the succeeding Sultan, Abd-ul-Medjid, bringing with
him a sort of regency, could not refasten the heavy bolts.
Thus we find this empire only advancing in progress, the more wonderful
since there has been comparatively so little reform in the actual
government. Even the Sultan has abrogated his absolute and despotic
sway; the once powerful viceroy still sits at his right hand, but no
longer unfettered; and the various religious and civil functionaries,
although the same as the creatures of yesterday, are themselves
amenable to the tribunal of justice and reform, where the spirit of
Mahmoud seems to linger as a reproving and condemning monitor.
The opposing influences to all innovations were strong; the very soil
rank with bigotry, conceit, and prejudice, and the powers in actual
possession of the commonwealth self-willed and cunning. Hitherto a
comparative isolation had created natural walls, within which despotism
had its unmitigated sway. But as distance became annihilated throughout
the world's dominions, as oceans dwindled into lakes, rivers into
little rills, and broad acres into mere pleasure gardens, before
the mighty achievements of modern invention, all natural barriers
disappeared.
As in ancient times the walls of the great city of Jericho fell at
the blast of the trumpets of Joshua, no sooner did the echoes of the
shrill whistle of the mighty steamship reverberate along the shores
and among the seven hills of Stamboul, than were annihilated the
frontiers of a barbarous and spiritual despotism, in the stronghold
of the Mussulmans. Civilization from Europe was no longer stayed,
but boldly stepped into this natural garden of the world. To stem
the current would be to perish in an overwhelming vortex; and the
very government was obliged to conform, to compromise, and to make
treaties of peace with this new element, social and political progress.
Not only in Turkey, but universally, the spirit of domination has
been pre-eminent, until the march of human improvement awakened the
community to a sense of their own power and individual rights. Thus
the elements of democracy have been arrayed in opposition to the
oppressions of despotism, threatening its utter annihilation, and
forcing the ruling powers to terms of capitulation. The Reformation
checked the authority of the Pope, a charter was granted to the
English, and their colonies in America soon grew to a great and
independent state.
Though the European states cannot boast of that degree of independence
they have ofttimes struggled for, yet their rulers and potentates
have ever been, and are still, forced to don the mantle of Liberty,
and maintain the guise of Justice in their various administrations;
thus proving the supremacy of the spirit of democracy.
But despotism, fostered in the bosom of the little dukedom of Moscow,
has maintained its unbroken sway, and spread over the vast territories
now known as the Russian dominions.
It has engulphed Finland, Crimea, Poland, Bessarabia, Circassia,
Georgia and many other provinces, and by its continued and systematic
encroachments upon Turkey, even threatened to overwhelm Europe
itself. Local circumstances have combined to favor her designs,
and render her aggressions successful.
The remarkable spirit of Mohammedan fanaticism led the Turks on to
conquest. The neighboring countries were all subjugated, until the
thirst for war enticed them into Europe, where victory still followed
their banner. But the very nations that they conquered, many of whom
were induced, by force or otherwise, to make their abode in the Turkish
dominions, tended by degrees to undermine their power. With them came
various religions and creeds, conflicting with each other, and creating
the bitterest animosities. Apart from this, the vast extent of their
territories, without any of the modern facilities of intercourse,
rendered the empire unmanageable by an unenlightened and barbarous
government. The army was numerous and powerful, but turbulent and
refractory, usurping the power of governing to themselves, as attests
the well known history of the Janissaries, who could only be subdued by
the bold daring of the illustrious Mahmoud. A new army was organized,
on European principles, and various civil reforms attempted, but
without any beneficial result; for the neighboring nations, especially
the formidable power of Russia, the inveterate enemy of Turkey,
were anxiously regarding the waning decline of Ottoman supremacy.
Russia, who never missed an opportunity to expedite the rain of
this rival empire, has at various times waged war upon the most
trifling pretexts. Upon the termination of the Greek insurrection,
and immediately after the destruction of the Janissaries, a most
aggressive and iniquitous war was commenced, in which the European
powers acted as sleeping partners. The Albanian, Servian, Egyptian
and Kürdish rebellions were each successively instigated by Russian
and Austrian emissaries, or secret agents, until the whole country
became the arena of party intrigue, and the direst confusion, thus
realizing the plans of its enemy, and rendering it an easy prey to
Moscovite cunning.
To Europe, now awakened to a sense of her own impending danger, the
division of Turkey seemed the only alternative, since that empire
showed evident symptoms of decay and inability to resist so powerful
an enemy as Russia.
Reshid Pasha, one of the ablest and oldest statesmen and a true
patriot, was at this time in Europe as representative of the Porte. On
hearing of this proposed division of his country, he hastened home
to offer his counsels to the young sultan who had just ascended
the throne. By his representations and suggestions, his majesty was
induced to issue a proclamation called the Tanzimat, or reformation,
by which it was hoped that the country would be regenerated, and the
world convinced that Turkey could maintain itself.
THE TANZIMAT.
Translated from the Turkish.
In the former days of the Ottoman empire, as every one knows, the
glorious precepts of the Koran and the laws of the monarchy were
universally observed; and consequently the empire increased both in
power and size, and all subjects, without exception, attained the
highest degree of ease and prosperity. For one hundred and fifty
years a succession of accidents and of divers causes have put an end
to this obedience to the sacred code of the laws, and to the rules
which spring from it, and our former power and prosperity have been
changed into weakness and poverty; for an empire loses all stability
when the laws cease to be observed.
These considerations are constantly present to our mind, and from the
day of our accession to the throne, the idea of the public welfare,
the amelioration of the state of the provinces, and condolence with
the people, have been its sole occupations. Now, when we consider
the geographical position of the Ottoman empire, the fertility of
the soil, the aptitude and intelligence of the inhabitants, we are
convinced that by applying ourselves to discover suitable means, the
result, which by the aid of God we hope to attain, may be obtained
in the space of a few years. Thus, then, full of confidence in the
Most High, and relying upon the intercession of our Prophet, we have
judged proper to seek by new institutions to procure for the provinces
composing the Ottoman empire the benefit of a good administration.
These institutions must bear principally upon three points, to wit;
1st. The pledges which insure to our subjects a perfect security of
life, honor and fortune. 2d. A regular mode of assessing and levying
the taxes. 3d. A mode equally regular, for the levy of soldiers,
and the duration of the service.
And are not life and honor truly the most precious goods which
exist? What man, however base his situation, if his character adapt
him for violence, could be prevented from having recourse to it, and
thus doing injury to his government and the country, if his life and
honor are endangered? If, on the contrary, he enjoys, in this respect,
a perfect security, he will not wander from the paths of loyalty,
and all his acts will concur to the prosperity of the government, and
of his brethren. If his fortune be not secured to him, each remains
cold to the voice of the prince and the country; no one is occupied
with the progress of public fortune, absorbed as every one must be in
his own inquietudes. But if, on the other hand, the citizen possess
in confidence his property of every kind, then full of ardor in his
business, the circle of which he seeks to enlarge in order to extend
that of his pleasure, he finds each day redoubled in his heart the
love of his prince and country, and devotion to her cause; these
sentiments become in him the source of the most praiseworthy actions.
As to the regular assessment and establishment of the taxes, it is
very important that this matter should be regulated, for the State
that is driven to various expenses for the defense of its territory,
can procure the money necessary for its armies and other services only
by the contributions levied upon the subjects. Although, thanks be
to God, those of our empire have for some time been delivered from
the scourge of monopolies, improperly regarded in former times as
a source of revenue, an injurious custom still exists, and which
cannot but have disastrous consequences, I mean that practice of
venal concession known as the Iltizam. By this system the civil and
financial administration of a locality is delivered to the arbitration
of a single man, and sometimes to the iron hand of the most violent
and base passions, for if this farmer of the revenue be not good,
he will only have regard to his own advantage.
It is requisite, then, that this time forward each individual of
the Ottoman society be taxed his quota of his established impost,
in the ratio of his fortune and possessions, and nothing farther can
be required of him. Special laws too must fix and limit the expenses
of our armies by sea and land.
Although, as we have said, the defense of our common country is an
important matter, and although it is the duty of all the inhabitants
to furnish soldiers to that effect; laws must now be established to
regulate the proportion that each locality shall furnish upon the
necessity of the moment, and to reduce to four or five years the term
of military service. For it is both acting unjustly, and giving a
death blow to agriculture and industry, to take, without regard to
the respective population of the districts, from one more, and from
another fewer, than they can supply; while it reduces the soldiers
to despair, and contributes to the depopulation of the country to
retain them all their life-time in the service.
To resume, without these different laws, the necessity for which we
have just seen, the empire can possess neither power, riches, happiness
nor tranquillity; while all these blessings may be obtained from
the existence of the new laws. Therefore, from this time forward the
cause of every accused will be publicly judged conformably to our own
divine law, after thorough inquest and examination, and so long as the
regular judgment is not interrupted, no one will be able in secret, or
in public, to put another to death by poison, or any other punishment.
No one will be permitted to attaint the honor of another. Each
individual will possess his property, of every kind, and will dispose
of it with the most entire liberty, without the opposition of any one;
thus, for example, the property of a criminal shall not be confiscated
to his innocent heirs.
These imperial concessions, extending to all our subjects, of
whatever religion or sect they may be, shall by them be enjoyed
without exception. A perfect security is thus granted by us to the
inhabitants of the empire in their lives, honor, and fortunes, as
the sacred text of our law demands.
Upon all other points, as they must be regulated by the agreement of
enlightened opinion, our Council of Justice (augmented by new members
when it shall be necessary), to which will be joined, on certain
days by us appointed, our Ministers and the Notables of the Empire,
will assemble for the purpose of establishing regular laws, for the
security of life and fortune, and the imposition of taxes. In these
assemblies each man will freely express his ideas and give his opinion.
The laws for the regulation of the military service will be fixed
by the military council, to hold its sessions at the Palace of the
Seraskier.
As soon as a law is fixed to be forever available and executory, it
shall be presented to us, and we will give it our sanction, which we
shall write at the head with our own imperial hand.
As the present institutions have for their aim but the establishment of
religion, government, the nation and the empire, we pledge ourselves
to do nothing contrary to them. In pledge of our promise we will,
after having placed them in the hall in which is kept the glorious
mantle of our Prophet, in presence of all the ulema and grandees of
the empire, make oath by the name of God, and afterwards the ulema
and grandees shall also swear. And if, after this, any one among the
ulema, or grandees of the empire, or any other person whatsoever,
shall violate these institutions, he shall undergo, without regard to
rank, consideration, or credit, the penalty annexed to his well-proved
crime. To this effect a penal code will be re-enacted.
As all the functionaries of the empire at the present day receive
suitable salaries, and as the appointments of those, whose duties
are not sufficiently well remunerated as yet, will be regulated,
a vigorous law will be enacted against the traffic of favor and of
charges (richvet), which is reproved by the divine law, and which is
one of the principal causes of the decadence of the empire.
These dispositions, above stated, being an alteration, and a complete
renovation from the ancient usages, this imperial edict will be
published at Constantinople, and in all the other cities of our empire,
and will be communicated officially to all the Ambassadors of friendly
powers residing at Constantinople, that they may be witnesses of
the alteration in our institutions, which, if it please God, shall
ever endure.
To this may God have us all in his holy and worthy keeping.
May those who are guilty of an act contrary to the present
institutions, be the object of divine malediction, and be forever
deprived of every kind of happiness.
This document, which is an official acknowledgment of the existing
evils and corruptions, was read at Gül-hané, on the 3d of November,
1839, with the greatest solemnity, before a vast concourse of people,
and in the presence of the foreign representatives.
In order to commemorate the occasion, and enforce these new principles,
it was proposed to erect a magnificent public monument, the plans
and designs of which were confided to the writer; but before the
foundations could be laid, a complete
"Change came o'er the spirit of their dreams."
The great Napoleon has wisely pronounced that "Constantinople is the
key to all Europe, and designed to be the capital of the world." Turkey
may, therefore, be divided and subdivided, but Constantinople, the
great bone of contention, being indivisible, the partition of Turkey
becomes an impossibility, and political equilibrium will not permit
any one power to usurp its possession.
It was fortunate that it fell accidentally into the hands of the
Turks, who were incapable of availing themselves of its advantages;
and for the same reason it is desirable they should retain it. Hence
the maintenance, or diplomatically speaking, the integrity of Turkey
became an essential element in the polity of Europe.
The proclamation of the above Hatti Sherif, or Royal Edict, was
therefore hailed with general satisfaction by the European states,
and hopes were awakened that the impending danger would be averted
by such an entire change in the administrative government.
But the Turks of the ancien régime, perceiving no threatening attitude
in their European neighbors, and highly offended at the ultra-liberal
measures of the reform party, who even dared to insult their Mussulman
prejudices, and coolly inform them that "the council chamber was
not a theological school for the discussion of religious polemics,
nor convertible into a mosque," resolved to resist to the utmost, and
re-establish their own party. They, therefore, in a body, protested
to the sultan, who, in such a dilemma, could do nothing but dismiss
the actual ministry, and organize a new one.
Rendered bold by success, the new ministry, at whose head was placed
Riza Pasha, soon began to adopt fanatical measures, whereby to modify
the Tanzimat, which it did not suit their policy to nullify altogether;
for, by it additional security of life and property was granted even
to themselves.
Besides, the lords of the realm, who only existed by the "cohesive
power of public plunder," foresaw that the Tanzimat secured equality
of civil and political rights to the Christians, especially to the
Armenians, who, being better educated and more enlightened than
they themselves were, and in fact the ruling spirits, would soon
have preceded them in all the departments, and taken the lead in the
control of the country.
Schemes of oppression were formed to deprive the Rayas of their newly
acquired privileges. Even the external semblance of equality was no
longer tolerated. To distinguish them from the true followers of the
Prophet, their dress being the same, an order was issued, that the
giavours should wear a certain mark on their fesses, a piece of black
tape. Even the grandees of the Christian community were stigmatized
by a mock badge of honor, made of gold, to be also worn on the side
of the fess. They carried their fanaticism so far as even to defy
Europe in the decapitation of Ovagim, an Armenian apostate, who had
abjured Mohammedanism.
Though his life was promised to Lord Stratford, no sooner had the
secretary of legation, Mr. Alison, left the Porte, than the unfortunate
victim was led forth and beheaded. Whatever may have been the cause
of the sudden reversal of their merciful intentions, it is well known
that Prince Handgery, the Russian Dragoman, was also at the Porte,
and did not leave until the consummation of the sentence. His body
was exposed in the streets of Constantinople at Baluk-Bazaar, the
head placed between his legs, as was customary, with the European
cap which he wore, upon it, as an extra insult to all Europe.
The bodies of state criminals were formerly exposed in public for
three days, but the weather being at this time excessively warm,
the late Sheikh-ul-Islam was advised that injurious effects might
result from such a long exposure; who sagely remarked, that "the
fact was indeed so, but the sad results would be still more palpably
felt three years hence." Strange to say the prediction has been fully
verified by recent events.
Thus Mussulman fanaticism brought on a retrograde movement, and
threatened the entire ruin of the country; and the rapacious and
ambitious dispositions of those who lived on the fat of the land, by
degrees so consumed its vitality that it justly merited the cognomen
of the SICK-MAN.
The Eagle and the Vulture were hovering over the expiring empire,
and Humanity and Civilization demanded that it should be watched
over, with the hope either of prolonging its existence, or at least
of giving it a decent burial.
Russia and Austria, who thought that the propitious moment had arrived
to pounce upon their victim, resolved to accomplish their own plans
by one sudden and effective coup-de-main, as the insulting conduct and
threatening attitude of their respective emissaries fully demonstrated.
But their expectations were not to be realized; for, notwithstanding
the corrupt character of those in power, the spirit of regeneration
was not wholly extinct in the country. The liberal party, some of whom
had retired from public life in disgust, and others, who, giving up
all hope of reform, had abandoned their favorite project, and joined
the powers that be, in such an emergency, like true patriots, whose
moral influence had been silently exerted over the people, came to
the rescue; resisting every form of bribery and fearless of menaces,
they boldly took up the gauntlet, and war was declared.
The interests of Europe being involved in the fate of Turkey, "foreign
interference" became inevitable. Fortunate it is not only for Turkey,
but for Europe in general, that this event happened at a time when such
interference was available, otherwise Turkey, like Poland, would have
been ingulphed by Russia and Austria. The result is known to the world.
Although the battle has been fought, the Russian bear been driven
to his den, and the congress of nations at Paris has adopted the
Osmanlis into their fraternity, still the "Eastern question," or the
maintenance of Turkey, as a barrier between Russian despotism and
European liberty, is far from being settled. For the problem is not
solved, in as much as the ways and means for the future permanence
of this empire are not proclaimed to the world.
Turkey is apparently secured from Russian animosities, but unless the
country be set on a new basis, and rendered capable of maintaining
itself, the future of Turkey will inevitably be only a repetition of
the past, if not indeed far worse.
This difficult subject will, no doubt, engross the wisdom of Europe,
but the present is the moment to be seized, while the indebtedness
of the Osmanlis to their allies is fresh in their memories, and the
gates of their vast empire stand open to civilization and reform.
Will the Allies again content themselves with mere scrolls, parchments,
and state papers like the Tanzimat of 1839? Shall the patriots of
the state again be left subject to the sway of a conceited bigotry
and blind fanaticism? In a word, shall the country be permitted to
feed upon its own vitals until it consumes itself?
The time has arrived when fictitious progress can no longer be
tolerated, and a wholesome reaction most take place.
Turkey and its inhabitants have suffered not only from external
aggressions, but internal discord has maintained an empire of misrule.
Religious animosity and party spirit have reigned supreme. Greeks
and Christians hating each other, Christians denouncing Christians,
and the Grand Mufti pouring out the anathemas of the Prophet upon
the whole host of giavours. Whence then, in such a population, can
any unity of feeling or of action spring? Amor patriæ, philanthropy,
progress are all merged in sectarianism and the rage for religious
supremacy. Hitherto, Mohammedanism filling the places of authority,
and possessing the only permanent foothold upon the territory itself,
has left the Christian population without incentive to competition
of any sort. Even in the earliest conflicts of Mohammedanism,
three proposals were always made to those whose territories were
invaded--to join the standard of the Prophet; to adhere to their
own religious tenets as tributaries; or the trial by combat; thus
evincing a wonderful spirit of liberality in a conquering power,
whether the antagonism was that of conquest or propagandism.
Religious toleration was only a wise policy of the Ottoman government,
for as long as the rayas were of various creeds and conflicting
with each other, the Mussulmans were in no danger. As in union is
strength, so in the disunion of the subjects was the safety of the
rulers. The rayas, as has been said, losing their own nationality in
their condition of servitude, clung to the tenets of their respective
creeds, and knew no country, no nationality but that of religion. In
Turkey all classes of Christians and Jews have always had freedom of
religions worship with the free exercise of their peculiar rites and
observances, public and private.
The proof may daily be witnessed in their funeral processions with
torches, crosses, and chanting priests, preceded by kavasses or police
officers, as the pages of the "Missionary Herald of the American Board
for Foreign Missions" amply testify. Besides it is a well known fact
that all the Christian churches are privileged to hold vakufs of their
own, on the same footing as those of the mosques; the very existence
of so many differing creeds, and their constant free discussions,
is proof of a great degree of religious toleration.
Even the recent war was the result of this tolerance; for it is well
known that the original matter of debate was whether Russia or France,
or, in other words, whether the Greek church or the Catholic should
control the holy places of Jerusalem!
These holy places not only are in the dominions of the Sultan, but
are the objects of religious veneration to the Mussulmans themselves,
who reverently style them Coods-u-Sherif, or Holy Jerusalem; yet with
a remarkable spirit of conciliation, their jurisdiction was conceded
to the Christians.
Travellers who have chanced to be in Jerusalem during the festivities
of Easter, may remember, that when the Christians are quarrelling and
contending with each other, the Mussulmans are forced to interfere
to keep peace and tranquillity!
It is true that the Ottoman government has frequently refused
permission to the Christians to erect or repair churches, etc. This,
however, is not from a spirit of intolerance, for it soon was
understood that a liberal sum might be obtained for these privileges,
and the officials could not resist such occasions for increasing their
revenues. The same advantage is taken of the party intrigues, at the
time of the election of the new patriarchs of the Armenians and Greeks.
In the days of ignorance, this election cost the Armenians 40,000
piasters, but years of experience have raised the value of the
Sultan's sanction to 200,000 piasters, and the Greeks, amongst whom
party strife is far greater, pay between two and three millions for
the installation of their spiritual head.
Hence it is evident that religious toleration is a principle of the
government, and the contrary an incidental abuse for the advantage of
those in power. This very abuse has had its origin among the Christians
themselves, who were ready to bribe the ruling power to any amount,
in order to gain their own ends.
Nevertheless, Russia has endeavored to mislead the whole world, and
especially the Christian population of Turkey, with the plausible
pretence of a "Guarantee of Liberty of Worship to all classes of
Christians in Turkey;" while her conduct at home belies her sincerity.
The cross upon the Armenian church at Odessa was, not long ago,
removed by order of the government, lest the population should be
misled by the impression that the edifice belonged to the established
church. And in the case of intermarriage, the law orders that the
children should invariably be educated in the Russian faith.
The adage "nearer the church, farther from God," is peculiarly
applicable to Russia; for we are told by Gibbon, that long before the
Turks were in Constantinople, the Russians made several attempts
to capture this fated city, and were only driven away by the
flood discharged from the batteries. Were the Greeks of that time
Mohammedans, or was there any suffering Christianity, that these
philanthropic Muscovites were impelled to come to the rescue of the
Christian faith?
There are some strange records in history which conflict materially
with political hypocrisy! The fact is, under the pretence of being
the champion of the Cross, the real object of Russia has ever been
to avail herself of the existing religious fanaticism of the East,
and by fanning the flames of Christian ardor, to institute a crusade
of the nineteenth century!
Nations are not, however, governed by sympathy, but by interest, and
the Christians have had too bitter experience of Russian protection
to be again caught in the same net.
The Armenians of Erzuroum were induced to emigrate into the Russian
land of Canaan, which, they were assured, flowed with milk and honey;
but when they drank these honeyed waters, they found them only
wormwood and gall, and all who could, eagerly burst their fetters,
and returned to Turkey, preferring Moslem oppression to Moscovite
despotism and systematic serfdom.
The Greeks, who were so clamorous against the Turks, when they
succeeded in obtaining their independence, by raising the standard
of the Cross against the Crescent of the Prophet, showed very little
preference for the Hellenic government, since after a while they
returned by thousands into Turkey!
The effect of Turkish policy has been such, that there is a prevalent
desire among the Rayas to escape from their allegiance to such a
government, and place themselves under foreign protection, not from
any fear of religious intolerance whatever, but merely to obtain
comparative liberty and justice. Indeed, what incentive have the
people in general, either Turks or Rayas, to patriotism, or what
care they for national prosperity, when they are forced to regard
themselves as mere tenants of their own houses and lands?
Missak, the late Armenian banker, did not escape into Russia from any
fear of religious oppression, but to avoid the vindictive persecutions
of the Minister of Finance.
It is not, then, religious freedom that the Christians of Turkey
require, but political franchise and unbiased justice.
The past has sadly proved that the Mohammedans are incapable even
of self government, or at best, Mohammedan domination has had a
demoralizing tendency over half, if not the entire population.
Is the country, then to be ruled by the other half of the inhabitants
viz., the Christian population?
This is another impossibility; for this population is like a house
divided against itself, and besides their incapacity in other
respects, they, having so long felt the bitterest animosity towards
their Mussulman masters, would in their turn become even greater
oppressors than the Mohammedans themselves, as was evinced by the
conduct of the Armenians of Erzuroum during the last war with Russia.
The "Eastern question" is not, however, one of propagandism, either
of Christianity or of Mohammedanism, but demands, while granting
perfect liberty of conscience to all classes, how political and civil
equality may be maintained throughout the Ottoman dominions. Fusion,
then, is the only policy that can resuscitate the Turkish Empire.
The Tanzimat was the beginning of a reform, but there were no coercive
measures put into play, to overthrow the power of ancient usages,
so that the proclamation soon became almost a dead letter. The
blind bigotry of the people and the absolute power of the heads
of government, imbued as they are with a spirit of favoritism and
corruption, have hitherto excluded the unfortunate subjects of the
sultan from the justice and protection which are the sacred rights
of every son of Adam. There has been no security for property nor
any inducement to honesty in Turkey.
A man has, under the existing laws, every temptation to injure
his neighbor to any extent, and the innocent have no other means
of protecting themselves and their interests, than by resorting to
counter dishonesty. For instance, if a man is unjustly accused of a
debt of one hundred dollars, it would naturally be inferred that he
would at once deny the accusation, and call for proof. But such an
honest procedure would not answer in the Turkish courts of justice,
for it would immediately give the plaintiff the desired privilege of
producing two hired witnesses, by whose testimony the defendant would,
beyond a doubt, be condemned to pay the pretended debt.
The only alternative, in such instances, is to verify the principle
"set a rogue to catch a rogue" by acknowledging the debt, at the same
time declaring that it has already been paid; thus the accuser is
deprived of the privilege of suborning witnesses, and the defendant
avails himself of that prerogative.
Therefore the moral sense of the community is corrupted, and
self-preservation impels the people only to strive to excel each other
in roguery. In such a poisoned atmosphere, no salutary influence can
be exercised until the axe is laid at the root of the evil. In order,
then, to give a fresh stamina to this fading empire--
1. A new and complete code of justice is needed, consistent with
progressive civilization, and suited to the necessities of these
heterogeneous peoples.
2. To overthrow the sceptre of oppressive bigotry, the next thing
to be effected is an entire separation of church and state, so as
to prevent the interference of the ulema in the administration of
justice. Thus also the aristocracy of religion being abolished,
the animosity existing between the Moslems and Christians will be
annihilated, and the hitherto excluded portion of the subjects of
the sultan acknowledged as members of the great Ottoman family.
The identity of religious faith and nationality long swayed even the
European states, but in those countries, this idea is now obsolete,
and must of necessity become so in Turkey, since she has entered
their confederacy.
3. A mixed administration must be formed, composed of representatives
of the different communities, and Mussulman supremacy no longer
tolerated. The mutual benefit of this combination is evident; for
while the Christians, in sharing the supreme power, would lose their
former incentives to cunning and self-interest, the Mussulmans, on
their part, would make rapid strides in the true science of government.
The tenure by which this mutual authority is to be held, must be
supported and confirmed by a superior tribunal, as it were, consisting
of the powers of Europe, who, having constituted themselves the
champions of Turkey, and shed their blood in her defense, are entitled
to become the guardians of her interests, which are, henceforth,
so identified with their own.
4. The resources of the country must be developed, and a system of
internal improvements established, by which the ruinous principle of
centralization will be counteracted, and the beneficial effects of
this regeneration felt in the uttermost corners of the land.
A general and accurate survey of the country is indispensable, defining
the exact boundaries of both public and private lands, and the idea
that the natural treasures of the soil, belonging to individuals,
appertain to the government, must be abandoned. Hitherto much of the
wealth of the country has lain dormant, because there was no incentive
to exploration of any sort.
5. The Vakuf system must be abolished, and the accumulated wealth
devoted to internal improvements, thus depriving the Ulema of their
great arm of power. It is true, the government has in some measure
controlled these revenues, and established a Bureau of all the Vakufs,
called Evkaf, but it has never dared to appropriate, or to touch any
portion of this income for its own purposes.
6. Equal taxation should be levied on property, and the tariff
equitably regulated.
7. A limited free press must be established as the only means of
bringing into publicity the corruptions and abuses to which the
officials have hitherto been addicted.
These are the most apparent means of the preservation and regeneration
of Turkey.
Broad principles may be laid as the foundation, but the edifice is
to be raised and the master builders must not desert their work. For,
unless these salutary reforms are accomplished by the aid and influence
of the European Powers, there is no hope of the preservation of Turkey,
nor is there any security for the peace of all Europe and the world
in general.
The only question is, Can these reformations be effected in Turkey?
The nature of the Mohammedan religion is not essentially in opposition
to reform. Modern times have proved the Koran of a more elastic nature
than was once supposed, as was exemplified in the establishment of
quarantine regulations; when it was pretended, that it was blasphemous
to interfere with the decrees of Allah to protect human life; but as
it was proved that the Koran allowed self-protection, the measure
was sanctioned by the expounders of that sacred book, and accepted
by the Mussulmans.
Apostasy from Islamism was formerly punished with death; but when
Lord Stratford de Redcliffe interfered in behalf of humanity in the
case of poor Ovagim, who was beheaded in 1843, the Koran was found to
be on his side. The same lenity was manifested by the Mohammedans of
Hindoostan, only a few months ago, towards an apostate, on the plea
that the country was now under British jurisdiction. The reason is,
that the principles of Islamism are so very simple that they can be
adapted to any degree of modification and reform, especially under
the pressure of circumstances--besides, necessity knows no law,
not even the Koran itself.
But it may be said that the government thus remodelled will no longer
be Turkish or Mohammedan.
Surely the aim of the friends of this falling empire is not to
re-instate a decaying faith, but to enable the Turks and all the
inhabitants of the land, to gird up their strength and stand before
the world a united and powerful people, freed from bigotry and
superstition, a great Ottoman nation.
Turkey has been admitted into the fraternity of Europe; not as a
Mohammedan power, but as one of the powers that rule the earth's
domains.
The sultan has a voice among the potentates of his times--not the
voice of Mohammed the Prophet, but of the civilized and regenerated
friend of his own people and the world in general.
A new era has dawned upon Mohammedanism; for, if the Christian
world has for the first time received into its confederation
an anti-Christian empire, the Mohammedans, by entering such a
confederation, have also for the first time placed themselves on an
equality with the former Giavours, whom the precepts of the Koran have
proscribed, and doomed to the sword of the Faithful. Here then is a
bold stride beyond the confines of a faith only suited to barbaric
days, and well calculated to sway the minds of a superstitious
multitude on to conquest. As consanguinity with civilization is
strengthened, who can trace the pathway of the Mussulman nation
through the world's history!
The genius of the country and the condition of the people are not in
opposition to the progress of reform.
The past history of this nation has been the progress of
Mohammedanism--its conquests and its laws. As Moses was both the
spiritual and temporal law-giver to the Jews, so has Mohammed been
to the Turkomans. Such laws suited the exigencies of the times; but
the sword is sheathed, and in its sheath too, must abide the darkness
and barbarity of past ages.
Besides Mohammedanism in Turkey is not the same as in Arabia or
Bokhara, where Imams and priests predominate. The Turkomans had,
previous to embracing Islamism, a civil government of their own;
and in making the Koran the rule of faith and conduct, they never
lost the idea of Sovereignty independent of Religion. Hence the
Turkish has never been like the Papal government, where cardinals and
bishops represent all the departments of the pontifical state. The
very existence of two distinct representatives of the Sultan, the
Grand Vezir and the Sheikh-ul-Islam, are evidences of a separation
of church and state. If the ecclesiastical has hitherto superseded
the civil power, it has been through the superstitions of the people,
and the chicanery of the officials.
The only real union is in the person of the Sultan, who is the proxy
of Allah, and the supreme Ruler of his people. His will and his edicts
are regarded by them with superstitious reverence.
The natural relations of this empire with the rest of the world,
as well as its new ties of consanguinity with civilization, must,
of necessity, bring about a revolution of policy as well as of action.
His majesty has already introduced many measures of reform--such
as the abolishing of capital punishment--the promulgation of a new
constitution, with the privilege of free deliberation in the national
councils, etc.; and besides all these, he has already commenced, even
in his own person and household, a renovation, which is, in reality,
only a conformation to the habits of civilized life. He has become
himself a salaried executive, diminished his own retinue, etc.
The Sultan well understands the imitative nature of his own people,
and is aware that he is the model to the Grand Vezir and the various
Pashas, who, in their turn, are the channels of his majesty's own
movements to the rest of their fellow citizens. Constantinople is
the city where the game is played by high and low, "So does the
Grand Mufti."
Indeed, the very monkeys of India cannot excel them in their
disposition to imitate each other. For, it is said that a merchant
once carrying a large bale of fesses, or red caps on a speculation,
opened his goods on the way, with the view to examine them; and taking
one out and putting it upon his head laid down to repose a while under
a tree. What was his astonishment on waking, to find his stock of caps
had taken wings. He looked around in dismay, but happening to cast
his eyes upwards, he beheld a whole colony of monkeys each sporting
one of his caps! It seemed a hopeless case to catch each one of them
and force him to surrender the cap. In his anger and bewilderment
he seized his cap and in a passion threw it to the ground; when the
whole tribe of these mimicking creatures of the grove, instinctively,
with the same vehemence, divested themselves of their head-gear!
In imitation of Sultan, Pashas, and Efendi, the people in the East
have already doffed their robes and turbans; and are ready for other
reforms, if derived from the same honored projectors; crosses now
adorn the breasts of statesmen, and his majesty, the Sultan, displays
on his person the insignia of the garter. Indeed much good may be
anticipated from the liberal sentiments and benevolent dispositions of
the Sultan, were he but rightly advised and sustained in the exercise
of his absolute power; with the requisite protection against inimical
intrigues and aggressions, both foreign and domestic.
Besides, the government itself is already divided into two parties, the
liberal, who are ready to throw off the yoke of ancient prejudices,
and the church party, who not only with a blind zeal, but with
hopes of self-aggrandizement, are resolved to maintain the rule of
superstition. Now as the advancement, the maintenance of the country
is dependent on the one, its retrogradation and downfall involved in
the other, so Europe necessarily holds out its strong arm to the one,
and leaves the other not only unsupported but threatened. The wisest
of the Turkish statesmen are therefore prepared for changes; indeed,
they feel themselves bound to certain compromises with their friends
the Allied Powers, who engaged in the war, as they well know, not with
the view to reinstate Mussulman oppression and bigoted misrule, but to
set the country on a new footing--by raising the Christian population
to a level with the Mussulman. Considering the almost equal proportion
of the Christians to the Mohammedans, it is but just, there should
at least be an equality of national rights and privileges. For in
civilized countries, even a MINORITY is protected and their rights
respected; how much more then should this be the case where there
is not only no disproportion in numbers--but decided superiority
in civilization.
Besides, should the Mohammedans resist the required concessions--the
great Christian population of Turkey is ready to join their western
co-religionists in any movement. Therefore it is only a wise policy
in the Mohammedans, making a virtue of necessity, to submit to
circumstances, rather than by opposing, to work their own ruin.
The great essential is a community of interest, which has already,
in some cases, produced a legitimate action. The corps of firemen is
composed of both Mussulmans and Christians, who not only unite in a
common effort for mutual good, but call each other brothers, carouse
together, shed their blood in each other's defense, and never seem
to remember their characteristic dissimilarities.
There is already an indisposedness towards the tenacity of religious
fanaticism, which is so hostile to moral and social progress. Many
of the distinguished men of Turkey having resided abroad, and
acquired foreign languages, have imbibed a taste for the literature
of Europe. A familiarity with the works of such authors as Voltaire,
Volney, and Rousseau, has made many of them free-thinkers. Indeed,
most of the younger members of the Porte are men of liberal sentiments.
They pay external deference to the religion of the state rather from
motives of self-interest than from any moral conviction.
Nevertheless, some of these very men, so long habituated to power and
the spoils of office, may, under the guise of religious enthusiasm,
become the instigators of opposition through the superstitions of
the multitude.
Hence the gazettes will occasionally report hostile demonstrations,
and even bloodshed; but any attempts at insurrection must prove
futile; for, with the destruction of the Janissaries, the spirit of
rebellion perished in Turkey. Besides, recent events having brought
the superiority and power of Europe within the immediate vision of
the whole population, they have been forced to call to mind their
own proverb, that "the elephant is greater than the camel," and
doubtless they will henceforth arrive at a juster appreciation of
their own capabilities.
Much more might be written on so extended a theme as The Sultan and
His People, and an abler pen portray the condition of this interesting
Eastern empire, just emerging from barbarism into civilization. Yet
it may be hoped that these humble efforts will awaken some sympathy
in behalf of a country and its inhabitants, who so much need the
interest and assistance of other lands; at a moment, too, when the
question is of life or death; of free progressive life, under the
shelter of the broad wings of civilization, or of a suffering death
within the claws of the rapacious Vulture of despotism and oppression.
It may be objected that Turkey has been represented "en couleur de
rose." If that roseate hue has been given, the odorous flower has
been presented with all its thorns, divested of the verdure which
might have concealed their bristling points.
But the sweetest rose may preserve its pure essence and odor, even
while growing amid wild and poisonous roots; and if the noxious weeds
can be uprooted, Turkey may, with the requisite culture, become one
of the fairest gardens which adorn our beautiful planet.
It is to be hoped, that the morning twilight is already casting its
softening beams over this land of the Orient; and that the noon-tide
glory of the sun of peace and regeneration, will, ere long, irradiate
with its glorious effulgence, this ancient and interesting Empire!
THE END.
NOTE
[1] Some historians attribute the origin of the janissaries to
Orkhan; at the same time all agree that they were blessed by Hadji
Bektash--forgetting that the said sheikh was only contemporary with
Mourad, and not Orkhan.
End of Project Gutenberg's The Sultan and his People, by C. Oscanyan