For two years Augereau remained at Perpignan, where he had time to

understand the causes of his failure. Though completely dominated by

Bonaparte while in his presence, he had not the guileless heart of a

Lefebvre, and he began to perceive how the wily Corsican had used him

and betrayed him. Accordingly, when Bonaparte returned from Egypt he

read his design of becoming Dictator, and, true to his Jacobin

principles, at first resolved to fight him to the death; when, however,

he found generals, officers, and men going over to Bonaparte, he

hastened off to make his submission, saying reproachfully, "When you

were about to do something for our country, how could you forget your

own little Augereau?" But though he made his submission, again and again

his Jacobin principles made themselves felt. Forced to accompany

Bonaparte to the first mass held in Paris after the Concordat, Augereau

attempted to slip out of the carriage during the procession to Notre

Dame, and was ignominiously ordered back by one of the First Consul's

aides-de-camp; but he revenged himself by laughing and talking so loudly

during the service that the priest could hardly be heard. But Napoleon

knew his man and his price: a Marshal's baton and a princely income did

much to control his Jacobin proclivities. As early as 1801, Augereau

invested part of his savings on the beautiful estate of La Houssaye,

where, when not actively employed, he spent his time dispensing lavish

hospitality, and delighting his friends and military household with

magnificent entertainments, himself the life and soul of the whole

party, enjoying all the fun and the practical jokes as much as the

youngest subaltern. However he gained his money, he spent it freely and

ungrudgingly. When the First Consul tried to put Lannes in an awkward

position by ordering him at once to replace the deficit of three hundred

thousand francs, caused by the magnificent uniforms he had ordered for

the Guard, Augereau, as soon as he heard of it, hurried to his

solicitors and told them to pay that sum to General Lannes's account.

When Bernadotte, whom he scarcely knew, asked him to lend him two

hundred thousand francs to complete the purchase of an estate, he at

once assented; and when Madame Bernadotte asked him what interest he

would require, he replied, "Madame, bankers and moneylenders, no doubt

quite rightly, draw profit from the money they lend, but when a Marshal

is fortunate enough to oblige a comrade, the pleasure of doing him a

service is enough for him."

In the scheme for the invasion of England the Marshal's corps, which was

stationed round Brest, was destined for the seizure of Ireland, so when

the Grand Army was turned against Austria his divisions were the last to

arrive on the theatre of operations, and were directed to the Tyrol,

where they forced General Jellachich and most of his army to surrender.

In the following year the Marshal greatly distinguished himself at Jena

and Pultusk; but at Eylau, though not owing to his own fault, he

suffered a reverse. The Emperor had placed him in the centre of the

first line and ordered him to advance against the Russian centre. The

fog and snow were so thick that the French could not see the foe until

they came within two hundred yards of them; the enemy suddenly opened

fire on them with massed batteries; in a moment Augereau's staunch

divisions were cut to bits by the hail of grape, and, owing to the smoke

and snow, they could not see their foes; they tried to hold their ground

and reply to the fire, but at last they wavered and broke. The Marshal,

so ill with fever that he had to be tied to his horse, did his utmost to

stop the rout, but in vain; at last, wounded and sick at heart, he had

to return and report his failure. The Emperor, wishing to cover his own

mistake, laid all the blame for the ill-success of the day on Augereau,

and breaking up the remnants of his corps among the other Marshals, he

sent him home. Afraid, however, of arousing his enmity, and mindful of

his past services, next year he created him Duke of Castiglione; but he

never entrusted him again with an important command in the field. In

1809 the Marshal was sent to Spain to supersede St. Cyr at the siege of

Gerona. He had lost his lust for fighting, and was soon recalled for not

showing sufficient energy. In 1812 he commanded part of the reserve of

the Grand Army in Prussia. In 1813 he was in command of a corps of

recruits in Germany, and was present at Leipzig, but all through the

campaign he grumbled against his troops. When reproached for slackness,

and told that he was not the Augereau of Castiglione, he turned on

Napoleon, crying out, "Ah, give me back the old soldiers of Italy and I

will show you that I am!" Still, he had no heart for the war, and after

the catastrophe at Leipzig he broke out into open revolt, cursing the

Emperor and telling Macdonald that "the idiot does not know what he is

about ... the coward, he abandoned us and was prepared to sacrifice us

all, but do not imagine that I was fool enough to let myself be killed

or taken prisoner for the sake of a suburb of Leipzig." In spite of

this, in 1814 Napoleon was so hard pressed that he was forced to employ

him. He sent him to Lyons with orders to prevent the Allies from

debouching from Switzerland, and, if possible, to fall on the line of

communication of Schwartzenberg's army, which was threatening Paris; and

he implored him "to remember his former victories and to forget that he

was on the wrong side of fifty." But old age and luxury had snapped the

once famous spirit of the Duke of Castiglione, and his operations round

Lyons were contemptible. As Napoleon said at St. Helena, "For a long

time Augereau had no longer been a soldier; his courage, his early

virtues, had raised him high above the crowd, but honour, dignity, and

fortune had forced him back into the ruck." Accordingly, as soon as he

heard of the capitulation of Paris he hoisted the white cockade, and

issued a proclamation saying, "Soldiers, you are absolved from your

oaths; you are so by the nation, in which the sovereignty resides; you

are still more so, were it necessary, by the abdication of a man who,

after having sacrificed millions to his cruel ambition, has not known

how to die as a soldier." Soon after this he met his former Emperor and

benefactor on his way to exile at Elba, and a bitter conversation

ensued, in which, in reply to the Emperor's recriminations, the Marshal

asked, "Of what do you complain: has not your insatiable ambition

brought us to this?"

Yet when the Emperor returned to Paris Augereau threw up his command in

Normandy and hastened to proffer his allegiance. But Napoleon would have

none of it, and refused him place or preferment. After Waterloo the

Bourbons also showed him the cold shoulder; so the Marshal retired to

his country seat of La Houssaye, where he died on June 11, 1816, of

dropsy on the chest. Born and bred a Paris boy, he had lived as such,

and of such were his virtues and his vices. Physically brave, yet

morally a coward; vain, blustering, yet kind-hearted; full of boisterous

spirits, greedy, yet generous; liberal by nature, hating control, yet a

severe disciplinarian; a firm believer in the virtue of principles, yet

ever ready to sacrifice his principles at the altar of opportunity,

Augereau, in spite of his many faults, knew how to win and keep the love

of his soldiers and his friends. A leader of men rather than a tactician

or strategist, he played on the enthusiasm of his soldiers by example

rather than precept. Unfortunately for his reputation, his moral courage

failed him at the end of his career, and he added to the imputation of

inconstancy the crime of ingratitude.

XVI

GUILLAUME MARIE ANNE BRUNE, MARSHAL

Guillaume Marie Anne Brune, poet and warrior, was born on May 13, 1763,

at Brives-la-Gaillard. His father, who belonged to a legal family,

destined his son to follow in his footsteps, and after giving him a good

education, sent him to finish his study of law at the College of France

at Paris. But the boy's taste did not lie among the dull technicalities

of law. Artistic and emotional by temperament, he early threw himself

heart and soul into literature. At the age of eighteen he published his

first work, half prose, half verse, in which he described a holiday in

Poitou and Angoumois. But his father viewed with suspicion his son's

literary aspirations, and the breach between them widened when Guillaume

married a young burnisher of metal, Angelique Nicole Pierre, the

orphaned daughter of a miller from Arpajon, who had captivated him by

her beauty and then nursed him through a dangerous illness. The young

couple were thrown entirely on their own resources, and Angelique had to

continue her burnishing, while to ensure the publication of his works

Brune took to the trade of printer. But in spite of poverty and hard

work the marriage was a happy one, for Angelique's beauty, and purity of

mind and character were the necessary complement to her husband's

artistic desires. While engaged in his literary work Brune met the

celebrated Mirabeau, who introduced him to his friends, Camille

Desmoulins and Danton. Generous by nature, and smarting under the social

disgrace which followed his marriage, the poet, turned printer, threw

himself heart and soul into the philosophy of the day: when the

Revolution broke out he hailed the new era with delight, but, like many

another visionary, he failed to see the cruel necessities which the

Revolution was bringing in its train. Following the example of his

friend Camille Desmoulins, on September 15, 1789, he started a

newspaper, the _Magazin Historique ou Journal General_, and followed up

this speculation by editing, in collaboration with Gauthier, the

_Journal de la Cour_; but owing to the violent politics of Gauthier,

Brune broke his connection with the paper in August, 1790. As the

Revolution grew in violence and blind disorder, and hate took the place

of his dream of platonic justice, eager to escape from cruelty and lust,

the printer hastened to console himself among those who were hurrying to

the frontier to fight the enemy as the only means of getting away from

the chaos at home. In August, 1791, he enlisted in the volunteers of the

Seine and Oise, and within a few weeks his activity, zeal, and talent

for administration caused his comrades to elect him adjutant-major.

Early in 1792 he joined the staff of the army as assistant

adjutant-general, and, owing to the influence of Danton and his

political friends, was recalled from Thionville to Paris in September,

1792, as commissary general, to direct and organise the newly raised

battalions of volunteers. But when he arrived in Paris on September 5th,

and found the streets swimming in blood and Danton gloating over his

work, disgusted with Paris and its savage population, he at once applied

for active service, and was back at the camp of Meaux in time to take

part in Dumouriez's campaign of Valmy. Though he recoiled from their

methods, his friendship with Danton and Camille Desmoulins stood him in

good stead; as adjutant-general he served at Neerwinden, and after that

battle was one of the five general officers chosen to rally the

scattered troops of the Army of the North. In July he was ordered to

Calvados to assist in crushing the Girondists. After his success in

Normandy his friends offered him a post in the ministry at Paris, but

"he loved liberty fair and free, as she existed in the army, but not as

she was adored in Paris, to the sound of the tocsin and the beat of the

generale, and fierce songs of death trolled out by cannibals."

Accordingly he returned to the Army of the North in time to fight under

Houchard at Handschoetten. But he had to pay the penalty for his

friendship with the Terrorists, for just as he was setting out full of

delight to fight the English at Dunkirk, owing to the exigencies of

political strife he was hurriedly recalled to give the Girondists their

coup-de-grace at Bordeaux.

[Illustration: BRUNE

FROM AN ENGRAVING AFTER THE PAINTING BY F. J. HARRIET]

Brune returned to the capital in 1794 in time to witness the fall of his

patron, Danton; but fortunately for him Barras took him under his

protection, and in October, thanks to his influence, he became

commandant of Paris. For a whole year the General held this post, and on

October 5th commanded the second column while Bonaparte with the first

column ended the reaction of the Terror with a few rounds of grape shot.

Still under the patronage of Barras, Brune spent the year 1796 in

pacifying the Midi, and his work there has been admirably portrayed in

Alexandre Dumas' "Les Compagnons de Jehu," where he figures as General

Rolland. From this vexatious and wearisome struggle against hostile

countrymen he was summoned to Italy at the beginning of 1797, and was

present with Massena's division at the battle of Rivoli. Under Massena,

he fought through the campaign which ended at Leoben, and attracted the

notice of Bonaparte by his courage and goodwill: in reward for his

services he was created general of division. From Italy the general,

with his division, was sent in October to join the Army of England;

while marching north it was suggested that he should take the post of

ambassador at Berlin; but when the troops heard of this offer they

asked the adjutant-general to write to their commander, saying, "Listen

general: your division charges me to tell you not to give up fighting;

the division will bring you honour, and that is much better than an

embassy." However, there was to be no question of an embassy, for on

February 7, 1798, the Directors sent him to take over the command of the

French troops whose duty it was to annex Switzerland to France. This was

the general's first independent command; and though the campaign added

to his military reputation, unfortunately it left a stain on his honour.

The war was entered on merely with the desire of capturing the Swiss

treasury at Berne, and thus providing funds for Bonaparte's Egyptian

expedition. Brune had learned his lesson in Italy, so the campaign was

short, in spite of the difficulty of the country and the patriotism of

the Swiss. Writing to Bonaparte, the general explained the cause of his

success: "From the moment I found myself in a situation to act, I

assembled all my strength to strike like lightning: for Switzerland is a

vast barrack, and I had everything to fear from a war of posts. I

avoided it by negotiations which I knew were not sincere on the part of

the Bernese, and since then I have followed out the plan which I traced

to you. I think always I am still under your command." The crushing of

the Swiss peasantry and the capture of Berne were followed by the hour

of spoliation; no less than one million seven hundred thousand pounds

were wrung from the wretched Swiss. Brune himself kept his own hands

clean and was, as he wrote, "constantly paring the nails of rascals and

taking the public treasure from them"; but the fact that he was

officially responsible for the spoliation and that his own share of the

plunder was thirty-two thousand pounds caused his name to be loathed

throughout the length and breadth of Switzerland, and "to rob like a

Brune" became a proverb, which was eagerly seized on by his detractors.

The Directors, pleased with his operations in Switzerland, despatched

Brune, on March 31, 1798, to take command of the Army of Italy. His task

was a difficult one, for at Rome and Mantua the starving troops had

mutinied, while the contractors and agents of the Directors were

amassing huge fortunes. To complicate the situation the general was

encumbered by a civil Commission, whose duty it was to supervise the

governments of the Cisalpine Republic. Trouve, the moving spirit of the

Commission, had but one idea, to curb the growing democratic spirit of

the Piedmontese. The commander-in-chief, whose love of freedom had not

yet been blunted, violently opposed Trouve, and at last forced his views

on the Directory, and Trouve was replaced by Fouche. But it was too

late; the mischief had been done. The Piedmontese would no longer bear

the French control: "This then," they cried, "is the faith, the

fraternity, and the friendship you have brought us from France!" In

spite of Brune's efforts to restore confidence they had lost all faith

in French honour, and on December 6th his successor found himself forced

to expel, at the point of the bayonet, all senators opposed to the

French interest.

Leaving Italy in November, Brune found himself sent at the beginning of

1799 to Holland, where danger was threatening: it was evident that

England was going to make an effort to regain for the Prince of Orange

his lost possessions. In spite of this knowledge, as late as August the

French commander could only concentrate ten thousand men under General

Daendals to oppose an equal force of English under Abercromby when they

landed on the open beach at Groete Keten. Though as strong as the enemy,

General Daendals made the most feeble attempt to oppose the landing. Day

by day English and Russian reinforcements poured into Holland, till at

last they numbered forty-eight thousand. But the Duke of York, the

English commander-in-chief, had a hopeless task. With no means of

transport, no staff, and an army composed of hastily enrolled militia

recruits and insubordinate drunken Russians, his only chance of success

lay in a general rising of the Dutch; for early in September the French

forces were numerically as strong as his own. Abercromby's opinion was

that defeat would mean utter disaster: "Were we to sustain a severe

check I much doubt if the discipline of the troops would be sufficient

to prevent a total dissolution of the army": while the English opinion

of the Russians was that they were better at plundering than at

fighting. As a militiaman wrote, "The Russians is people as has not the

fear of God before their eyes, for I saw some of them with cheeses and

bitter and all badly wounded, and in particklar one man had an eit day

clock on his back, and fiting all the time which made me to conclude and

say all his vanity and vexation of spirit." In spite of this the English

had some considerable tactical success, and drove the French back

towards Amsterdam; but lack of provisions compelled them at the

beginning of October to fall back on their entrenched position on the

Zype. Fortunately Brune, who had been much impressed by the fighting

powers of the enemy, did not understand how difficult it would have been

for them to re-embark their forces if he pressed an attack. He allowed

some of his staff officers to throw out hints of an armistice and

convention, which were eagerly accepted, for on October 20th the English

had only three days' provision of bread. With Massena's victory at

Zurich and the embarkation of the Allies after the convention of

Alkmaar, the ring of foes which had so gravely threatened France was

snapped asunder, and Brune, although he had shown but little resource or

initiative during the fighting in Holland, and had failed to diagnose

the extremity of the enemy, was hailed, along with Massena, as the

saviour of the country, and his tactical defeats were celebrated as the

victory of Bergen.

From Holland the conqueror of the English was despatched, early in 1800,

by the First Consul to quell the rising in La Vendee, where his former

experience of guerilla warfare in Switzerland stood him in good stead,

and he soon brought the rebels to their knees. During the Marengo

campaign he commanded the real Army of Reserve at Dijon, but in August,

when Bonaparte found it necessary to replace Massena, he despatched

Brune to take command of the Army of Italy. Unfortunately the future

Marshal's genius was more suited to the details of administration and

the direction of small columns than to the command of large forces in

the field. Though at the head of a hundred thousand men, and supported

admirably by Murat, Marmont, Macdonald, Suchet and Dupont, he failed

conspicuously as a commander-in-chief. His movements at the crossing of

the Mincio were hesitating and slow, and he neglected to seize the

opportunity which Dupont's successful movements presented to him. At

Treviso, as in Holland, he showed only too clearly his limitations: he

held the enemy in the hollow of his hand, but, failing to see his

advantage, he once again signed an armistice which permitted the foe to

escape out of his net.

On his return to France the First Consul regarded him with suspicion.

His well-known republican opinions did not harmonise with Bonaparte's

schemes of self-aggrandisement. The First Consul had a very poor

estimate of his military ability, but the people at large still hailed

him as the saviour of Holland and France. Bonaparte treated him like all

those whom he suspected but whom he could not afford to despise, and

under the pretext of a diplomatic appointment he practically banished

him to Constantinople. Diplomacy was not Brune's forte, and after

eighteen months' residence in Turkey he was obliged to quit the Porte,

which had fallen entirely under Russian influence.

The general was still abroad when the Emperor created his Marshals: his

appointment of Brune, like his appointment of Lefebvre, was part of his

scheme for binding the republican interest to his dynasty, for his

opinion of the Marshal's talent was such that he scarcely ever employed

him in the field. From 1805 to 1807 Brune was occupied in drilling the

troops left at Boulogne. In May, 1807, he was appointed to command the

reserve corps of the Grand Army, and when in July the King of Sweden

declared war on Napoleon, he was entrusted with the operations round

Stralsund, and captured that fortress and the island of Ruegen. During

this short campaign the Marshal had an interview with Gustavus of

Sweden, and tried to point out to him the folly of fighting against

France. A garbled account of this interview, full of unjust

insinuations, came to Napoleon's ears. In anger the Emperor sent for

Brune and taxed him with the false accusations. The Marshal, furious

that his good faith should be suspected, refused any explanation and

merely contented himself with repeating: "It is a lie." The Emperor,

equally furious at his obstinacy, deprived him of his command. The

result of this quarrel was that for the next five years Brune lived at

home in disgrace. On the Restoration he made his submission to Louis

XVIII., and received the cross of St. Louis. But in 1815, on the return

from Elba, he answered the Emperor's summons, for Napoleon could no

longer afford the luxury of quarrelling with generous Frenchmen who were

willing to serve him. Remembering the Marshal's talent for

administration and a war of posts, he offered him the command of the

Midi. Brune hesitated; Napoleon had treated him disgracefully, but in

his generosity he was ready to overlook all that; still, he knew well

that the Empire was not the Republic: yet he preferred Napoleon's regime

to that of the Bourbons, and at last he accepted, but set out for his

new duties depressed and not at all himself. The difficulties he had to

contend with were enormous; the Austrians and Sardinians were massing on

the frontiers, the allied fleet commanded the Mediterranean, while

Provence was covered by bands of brigands who called themselves

royalists. Marseilles, the fickle, which had given France and the

Republic the "Marseillaise," was now red-hot Legitimist. So the news of

Waterloo and of Napoleon's abdication came as a relief to the harassed

Marshal, who was only too glad on July 22nd to hand over Toulon to the

English. Thereon, in obedience to the command of the King, he set out

for Paris.

Napoleon's Marshals · 第 22 / 30 段