Among the recruits who enlisted in the Auxerrois regiment in 1778 was

the son of the local doctor of Limoges, Jean Baptiste Jourdan. But

sixteen years old, having been born on April 29, 1762, Jean Baptiste was

attracted to the service by the desire to see America and to aid in the

good cause against "perfide Albion." Returning to France in 1784, with

all hopes of gaining a commission dashed to the ground by Segur's

ordinance, which excluded from commissioned rank all but those of noble

birth, Jourdan took his discharge. The ex-sergeant married a marchande

de modes, and set up a small drapery shop, but so humble was this

venture that the future Marshal had to carry his stock in a valise on

his back, and trudge from fair to fair to peddle his wares. As he went

from village to village he retold his adventures and fired his listeners

with the account of the glorious freedom of the New World, comparing it

with the miserable restrictions which had driven from the army himself

and many another fine soldier. When in the autumn of 1791 there came the

call for volunteers, Jean Baptiste gladly left his counter and enlisted

in the battalion of the Upper Vienne. His experience and ability soon

marked him out for command, and he was chosen by his comrades as

lieutenant-colonel. The opportunity he had long dreamed of had at last

arrived, and he made the most of it. Methodical and industrious, with

the lessons of handling and equipping irregulars which he had had in

America, he made his battalion a pattern for the others, and was

complimented by Lafayette on the admirable condition of his command.

Serving under Dumouriez in the invasion of Belgium, he was present at

Jemappes, and there proved that, in addition to powers of organisation,

he possessed the capacity for leading in the field. Promotion came

speedily when the guillotine cleared the way in the higher ranks by

removing the incompetent and unfortunate.

By May, 1793, he had gained the grade of general of brigade; two months

later he became general of division. His first opportunity of

distinguishing himself in high command came six weeks later, when he was

entrusted by Houchard with the command of the advance guard in the

operations which ended in driving the English from the siege of Dunkirk.

So well did he execute his orders at the battle of Handschoetten that

Carnot selected him to succeed his commander when Houchard was hurried

off to the guillotine for failing to reap the full fruits of victory.

Jourdan was fortunate in that Carnot, "the organiser of victory," was

responsible for the welfare of the French arms, and not the despicable

Bouchotte. Carnot had grasped the fact that, if you are to defeat your

enemy, you must bring superior moral and physical force against him at

the decisive spot. Thanks therefore to him, Jourdan was able to mass

superior weight, and at Maubeuge hurl himself on the scattered forces of

the enemy, who were covering the siege of Valenciennes. But the victory

of Maubeuge nearly cost him his head, as that of Handschoetten had done

for his predecessor. The Committee of Public Safety, with that

incompetent rashness which those who know least of war most readily

believe to be military wisdom, ordered him to pursue the enemy and

conquer Belgium. It was in vain that he pointed out the strength of the

Allies, his want of transport and stores, and the difficulty of

undertaking a winter campaign with raw troops: reason was of no avail;

his resignation was wrathfully accepted, and he was ordered to Paris to

give an account of his actions. Face to face with the Committee, the

General renewed his arguments, explained how the old battalions of

regulars had dwindled down to some two hundred muskets apiece; how the

new levies possessed neither arms nor clothing; how some battalions were

armed with pikes, some merely with cudgels; and finished by offering, as

a proof of his zeal for the Republic, to go to La Vendee and fight

against the rebels. The truth of his statement and his obvious

disinterestedness won the day, and, though for the moment he was refused

a new command, his life was saved. Moreover, the Committee of Safety

profited by his advice, and during the winter the Army of the North was

reclothed and equipped. Thanks partly to his suggestion, the battalions

of the line were brigaded with the volunteers, and this reorganisation

produced the magnificent regiments which Napoleon found to hand when he

commenced his career in Italy.

[Illustration: JEAN BAPTISTE JOURDAN

AFTER A DRAWING BY AMBROISE TARDIEU]

Jourdan's time of inactivity was but short. He had proved his worth in

the field, and France needed every capable soldier. Moreover, he had

made open testimony of his republicanism in the Jacobin Club, swearing

before the Tribune that "the sword which he wore should only be

unsheathed to oppose tyrants and defend the rights of the people." So,

in March, 1794, he was sent to take command of a new army which Carnot

had been raising during the winter. By June this new force of one

hundred thousand, known to history as the famous Army of the Sambre and

Meuse, had established itself on the Meuse and taken Charleroi. Coburg,

the commander-in-chief of the Allies, anxious about his communications,

hurried to oppose this successful advance, and on June 25th was fought

the battle of Fleurus, which caused the Allies to evacuate France, ended

the Reign of Terror, and was the starting-point for the long period of

offensive warfare which was at last brought to an end twenty-one years

later on the field of Waterloo. At Fleurus Jourdan proved his ability as

a tactician, and the victory was due to the moral courage with which he

threw his last reserve into the fray. Backed by the Army of the North

under Pichegru, he then swept over Belgium, and by the autumn the

republican armies had crossed the Rhine.

During the next year Jourdan was engaged in the Rhine valley. But in

1796 he was ordered to advance through the Black Forest on Ratisbon, and

there join another French army under Moreau, which was moving down the

right bank of the Danube. Against this defective strategy he protested

in vain, and, as he had expected, was driven back by the able measures

of the Austrian general, the Archduke Charles. After this misfortune he

was placed on the unemployed list, and, for some time, had to find an

outlet for his energies in the field of politics. Entering the Council

of Five Hundred as the representative of the Upper Vienne, he was warmly

received by the republican party, and voted against the proposed

re-establishment of the Catholic religion, and supported the coup d'etat

of the 18th Fructidor, by which the royalist councillors were driven

into exile. Full of fiery zeal for the Republic, a rhetorical speaker

ready to appeal to the gallery, swearing on his sabre the oath of

fidelity, he nevertheless had a cool head for business, and it was at

his suggestion that in September, 1798, the celebrated law was passed

whereby conscription became the sole method of recruiting for the army.

Jourdan introduced the law with a flourish of trumpets, assuring the

Council that "in agreeing to it they had decreed the power of the

Republic to be imperishable," while as a matter of fact they were

forging the weapon which was to place their country at the mercy of the

first adventurer who had the courage and capacity to make himself

dictator. In 1799 foreign danger once again caused him to be entrusted

with a military command, and once again he was opposed by his old

adversary, the Archduke Charles, and driven back in retreat across the

Rhine. Thereon the Directory superseded him by Massena, and he returned

to the Council of Five Hundred, and in September proposed his memorable

resolution, "that the country is in danger." "Italy under the yoke, the

barbarians of the north at our very barriers, Holland invaded, the fleet

treacherously given up, Helvetia ravaged, bands of royalists indulging

in every excess, the republicans proscribed under the name of Terrorists

and Jacobins." Such were the outlines of his picture. "One more reverse

on our frontier," he added, "and the alarm bell of royalty will ring

over the whole surface of France." But France had had enough of the

Terror, and knew that she could evolve her safety by other means than

that of the guillotine. Six weeks later Bonaparte returned from Egypt.

From the advent of the Consulate a blight fell over Jourdan's career.

Napoleon could never forgive him for the obstinacy with which he had

opposed him on the 18th Brumaire. True, in 1800 he appointed him

Governor of Piedmont, and in 1804 created him Marshal. He could not

withhold the baton from the general who had in 1794 driven the enemy

from the sacred soil of France, who, more often than any other general,

had commanded in chief the armies of the Republic, and who, in spite of

numerous defeats, had established a reputation as one of the most

brilliant of the generals of republican France. But though he gave him

his baton Napoleon thought but little of his military ability, and

called him "a poor general"; for in his eyes success, and success alone,

was the test of merit, and he could see nothing in a general who, from

his capacity for emerging with credit from defeat, was surnamed "The

Anvil." But it was not this which caused Napoleon to snub the gallant

Marshal: it was his ardent republicanism and well-known Jacobin

sentiments which made him so hateful to the Emperor. But though Napoleon

treated him shamefully, and did all he could to cast him into ill

repute, the Marshal showed he had a soul above mere personal ambitions,

and served France faithfully. At St. Helena the fallen Emperor

confessed: "I certainly used that man very ill: he is a true patriot,

and that is the answer to many things urged against him." From 1805 to

1815 Jourdan's life was full of mortification. When the war broke out

against Austria in 1805 he was in command of the army in Italy, but was

at once superseded, under the plea that his health was bad, and that he

did not know the theatre of war like Massena. However cleverly the pill

was gilded, the Marshal knew that it was the Emperor's distrust which

had lost him the command. But, though Napoleon disliked him, Joseph was

his friend, and in 1806 the new King of Naples applied to be allowed to

take him with him to Italy as his major-general and chief of the staff.

When in 1808 Joseph exchanged the crown of Naples for that of Spain the

Marshal accompanied him, and when, in 1809, Napoleon hurriedly left

Spain to return to Paris, he appointed him chief of the staff to King

Joseph. The major-general's task was a difficult one. He had no

executive authority: his duty was simply to give advice to the King, and

to transmit such orders as he received; but unfortunately neither Joseph

nor he had the power to enforce orders once given, for although certain

French corps had been placed at the disposal of the King, and were

supposed to obey his orders, their commanders had still to communicate

with Berthier and to receive through him the decrees of the Emperor.

Hence there was a dual authority, and, to make matters worse, Napoleon

did not attempt to veil his contempt of Joseph's military ability. At

the same time he cast aspersions on Jourdan's skill, and showed his open

dislike to the Marshal by omitting his name from the list of French

Marshals in the "Almanack," under the pretence that he had been

transferred to the Spanish establishment and was no longer a Frenchman.

Consequently the other Marshals paid but little attention to the King or

the major-general. At the battle of Talavera Jourdan's advice was

utterly disregarded and his orders entirely neglected, and still he had

to bear the blame, and endure the whole of Napoleon's wrath. In despair,

broken down in health, he applied to be relieved of his duties, and

returned home to private life. But in 1812, when the Emperor was

summoning his vast army for the invasion of Russia, being short of

officers, he sent the Marshal back to his old post in Spain. The task

had been a hard one in 1809, it was harder still in 1812. The flower of

the French troops were now withdrawn for the Russian campaign. The

authority of the King was more feeble than ever, and years of warfare

had transformed the English army into a perfect fighting machine. The

Spaniards were now past masters in guerilla warfare, while the

iniquitous scheme of making war support war had subverted discipline and

broken the morale of the French army. With admirable lucidity the

Marshal drew up a memoir showing the state of affairs in Spain, and

pointing out what was at fault; but memoirs written for Joseph could not

alter evils which flowed directly from Napoleon's having broken the

golden canon of the "unity of command." With three practically

independent commanders-in-chief who refused to acknowledge the

controlling authority of the King, who were too jealous of each other to

work with mutual accord, disaster was bound to follow. The temporary

co-operation of all three drove the English back on Portugal at the end

of 1812. But in 1813 the disaster in Russia had caused the Emperor to

make further heavy drafts on the force in Spain. Jourdan could only

advise a steady retirement towards France. The culminating blow at

Vittoria was no fault of his. Struck down by a fever the day before the

action, he was unable to give his advice at the critical moment. So

Joseph had to fight Vittoria without the assistance of the chief of his

staff, and with subordinates who not only despised, but disobeyed him in

the presence of the enemy. It was no wonder that defeat easily turned

into rout. The whole of the French baggage was captured, and in the

flight the Marshal had the misfortune to lose his baton, which was

picked up by the 87th Regiment and sent to England.

After 1813 Jourdan's career came to a close. Napoleon heaped reproaches

on him, and refused him further employment, entirely oblivious of the

fact that it was he himself who was responsible for the Spanish

disaster, and that the Marshal had done all that was possible. On the

Emperor's abdication the old Jacobin took the oath of allegiance to King

Louis, and remained true to his allegiance during the Hundred Days. Time

had chastened and mellowed his fiery republicanism, and seeing that a

Republic was impossible, he preferred the chance of constitutional

liberty under a monarchy to the tyranny of the Empire. In 1817, as a

reward for his services, he was created a peer of France. But though he

accepted the Restoration in preference to the Empire, all his sympathies

were liberal, and no one had a greater dislike for the reactionary

policy of Charles X. In 1830 he gladly accepted the new liberal

constitution of Louis Philippe, the old Philip Egalite of the days of

Jemappes. The new monarch appointed his former comrade governor of the

Hospital of the Invalides, and there, among his old fellow-soldiers of

the revolutionary wars, the Marshal breathed his last on November 23,

1833, in his seventy-second year.

XV

CHARLES PIERRE FRANCOIS AUGEREAU, MARSHAL, DUKE OF CASTIGLIONE

The future Duke of Castiglione was born in Paris on November 11, 1757.

His father was a mason by trade and his mother, a native of Munich, kept

a furniture shop in the Faubourg Saint Marceau. From his earliest youth

Pierre Francois, handsome and long-limbed, hot-blooded and vain,

thirsted after adventure. At the age of seventeen, on his mother's

death, he enlisted in the carabineers. A keen soldier and a fine

horseman, he soon became sergeant, and within a few years gained the

name of being one of the best blades in the army; but in upholding this

reputation Sergeant Augereau constantly fell into disgrace with the

authorities. Though a blusterer by nature and full of bravado, the

sergeant was certainly no coward. On one occasion a noted professional

duellist thought that he could intimidate him. Accordingly, he swaggered

into a cafe, where Augereau was talking to some friends, and plunged

himself down on the table at which the sergeant was sitting, and,

lolling back till he almost leant against him, began to boast how, on

the previous day, he had accounted for two sergeants of the Garde

Francaise. This was sufficient insult to cause a challenge, but Augereau

preferred to let the challenge come from his adversary, and,

accordingly, undoing the leather belt of his would-be opponent, he

quietly poured the whole of a cup of scalding coffee down the inside of

his breeches. Having thus taken the upper hand of the quarrel, he so

completely mastered the spirit of the bully that he had little

difficulty in disposing of him in the duel which followed. An

unfortunate incident cut short his career in the carabineers. One day a

young officer, losing his temper with him on parade, threatened to

strike him with his whip. Thereon, Augereau in fury snatched the whip

from the officer, who at once drew his sword and attacked him. Augereau

at first confined himself to parrying, but at last, being wounded, he

thrust out and killed his opponent. The colonel, well aware that it was

not the sergeant's fault, arranged for his escape across the frontier.

After wandering about Constantinople and the Levant, Augereau passed

some years as sergeant in the Russian army, and served under Suvaroff at

the taking of Ismailia, but, getting tired of service in the East, he

deserted and escaped to Prussia. There he enlisted, and, owing to his

height and proficiency in drill, was transferred to the guards. His

captain held out hopes of a commission, but these were dashed, for when

he was brought to the King's notice Frederick asked who he was. "A

Frenchman, sire," was the reply. "So much the worse," answered the King;

"so much the worse. If he had been a Swiss, or a German, we might have

done something for him." Augereau, on hearing this, determined to quit

the Prussian service. Desertion was the only way of escape, but the

Prussians, by offering heavy rewards for recapture, had made desertion

almost impossible. Luckily, he was not the only guardsman dissatisfied

with the Prussian service, and he had little difficulty in getting

together about sixty of the boldest of the regiment, and, seizing a

favourable opportunity, he marched off his squad with their arms and

ammunition, and, beating off all attacks from the peasants and

detachments of soldiers who tried to stop them, he safely convoyed his

comrades across the frontier to Saxony. After this escapade Augereau

settled down as a dancing and fencing master at Dresden, but on the

amnesty, at the birth of the Dauphin, he returned to France and regained

his rank in his old regiment. His adventurous life and his natural

aspirations soon made him tire of always holding a subordinate position,

and in 1788 he applied to be sent, as one of the French instructors, to

help in the reorganisation of the Neapolitan army. There he soon gained

a commission. In 1791 he fell in love with the daughter of a Greek

merchant, and, as her father refused to listen to him, he quietly

married her and carried her off by ship to Lisbon. In Portugal his

freedom of speech, and approval of the changes which were happening in

France, caused the authorities to hand him over to the Inquisition, from

whence he was rescued by a French skipper and conveyed, with his wife,

to Havre.

[Illustration: CHARLES PIERRE AUGEREAU, DUKE OF CASTIGLIONE

FROM AN ENGRAVING BY RUOTTE]

Augereau returned to France ready to absorb the most republican

doctrines. His banishment, after killing the officer, had always seemed

unfair; his long subordination and the harshness of military discipline

had rankled in his soul; physically, he knew himself superior to most

men, and by his wits he had found himself able to hold his own and make

his way in nearly every country in Europe; so far birth had seemed to be

the only barrier which cut him off from success. But now caste was

hurled aside, and France was calling for talent; good soldiers were

scarce: Augereau saw his opportunity, and used it to the full. A few

months spent fighting in La Vendee taught him that renown was not to be

gained in civil war, and, accordingly, he got himself transferred to the

Army of the Pyrenees, where he rose in six months from simple captain to

general of division. From the Pyrenees he was transferred with his

division to Italy, and covered himself with glory at Loano, Millesimo,

and Lodi. But it was his conduct at Castiglione which once and for all

made his reputation; though it is not true, as he boasted in 1814 after

deserting the Emperor, that it was only his invincible firmness which

caused Bonaparte to fight instead of retreat; for Bonaparte was

concentrating to fight, and his abandonment of the siege of Mantua,

against which Augereau so wildly protested, was but part of the

preparation for victory. Though he would not listen to Augereau's

strategic advice, he had enough confidence in him to leave the first

attack on Castiglione entirely in his hands. According to the Marshal's

Memoirs, Bonaparte was afraid of attacking. "I wash my hands of it and

go away," he said. "And who will command if you go?" asked Augereau.

"You," retorted Bonaparte. And well he did his work, for not only did he

defeat the fifteen thousand Austrians at Castiglione, but he restored

the fallen confidence of his soldiers and refreshed the morale of the

whole army. Napoleon never forgot this service, and when detractors saw

fit to cast their venom at Augereau, he answered, "Let us not forget

that he saved us at Castiglione." From Castiglione onwards the soldiers

of Augereau's division would do anything for their commander. It was not

only that they respected his tactical gifts, and had complete confidence

in him in the hour of battle, but they loved him for his care of them.

In time of peace a stern disciplinarian, with a touch of the drill

sergeant, he was ever ready to hear their complaints, and never spared

himself in looking after their welfare, while in war time he was always

thinking of their food and clothing; but, above all, he gave them booty.

Adventurer as he was by nature and training, he loved the spoils of war

himself, and, while the "baggage wagon of Augereau" was the by-word in

the army, he saw to it that his men had their wagons also well loaded

with plunder. His courage was a thing to conjure with; at Lodi he had

been one of the numerous generals who rushed the bridge; but at Arcola,

alone, flag in hand, he stood on the bridge and hurled taunts and

encouragements at his struggling troops, and for three continuous days

exposed himself, the guiding spirit of every assault and forlorn hope.

While adding to his reputation as a stern and courageous fighter, a

clever tactician, and a born leader of men, Augereau's opinion of

himself increased by leaps and bounds. He was in no way surprised when,

after Leoben, Bonaparte entrusted him with a delicate secret mission to

Paris. In his own opinion no better agent could have been found in the

role of a stern, unbending republican and fiery Jacobin. Bonaparte told

him he would represent the feeling of the Army of Italy, and help to

bring to nothing the wiles of the royalists. So the general arrived at

Paris full of his mission and of his own importance, to the delight of

his father--the old mason--who saw him ride into the city covered with

gold lace to present sixty stands of captured colours to the Directory.

Once in Paris, the fighting general's threats against the Clicheans were

turned into deeds. Though he protested that "Paris has nothing to fear

from me: I am a Paris boy myself," on September 4, 1797, he quietly drew

a cordon of troops round the Tuileries, where the Councils sat, and

arrested and banished all whose political opinions opposed his own.

Relying on the promises of Barras, he now thought that he would become a

Director, in place of either Carnot or Barthelemy, who had been deposed.

But he soon found, to his sorrow, that he was not the great politician

he had believed himself to be, but merely the dupe of Bonaparte and

others, who had allowed him to clear the ground for them and to incur

the consequent odium. His immediate reward was the command of the Army

of the Rhine. Full of bitterness, he arrived at his new headquarters

"covered with gold embroidery, even down to his short boots," and

thought to debauch his soldiers and get himself accepted as dictator by

telling how, in the Army of Italy, everybody had a pocketful of gold.

But the Directory, though unable to curb a Bonaparte, had no fears of

the "Fructidor General," and very soon deprived him of his command, and

sent him to an unimportant post at Perpignan, on the Spanish frontier.

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