BISMARCK AND THE NEW GERMAN EMPIRE
Building the Bulwarks of the Twentieth Century Nation
Bismarck as a Statesman—Uniting the German States—William I Crowned at
Versailles—A Significant Decade—The Problem of Church Power—Progress of
Socialism—William II and the Resignation of Bismarck—Old Age
Insurance—Political and Industrial Conditions in Germany
Throughout the various events narrated in the two preceding chapters
the hand of Bismarck was everywhere visible. He had proved himself a
statesman of the highest powers, and these powers were devoted without
stint to the aggrandizement of Prussia. As for the surrounding nations
and their rights and immunities, these did not count as against his
policies. Conscience did not trouble him. The slaughter of thousands of
men on the battle-field did not disturb his equanimity. He was
unalterably fixed in his purposes, unscrupulous in the means employed,
shrewd, keen and far-sighted in his measures, Europe being to him but a
great chess-board, on which his hand moved kings, knights, and pawns
with mechanical inflexibility. To him the end justified the means,
however lacking in justice or mercy these means might prove.
Denmark was despoiled to extend the territory of Prussia to the north.
Austria, Bismarck’s unwary accomplice in this act of spoliation, was
robbed of its share of the spoils, and drawn into a war in which it met
with disastrous defeat, the prestige of Prussia being vastly increased
on the field of Sadowa. Subsequently came the great struggle with
France, fomented by his wiles and ending in triumph for his policies So
far all had gone well for him, the final outcome of his schemes
resulting in the unification of the minor German states into one
powerful empire.
BISMARCK AS A STATESMAN
It was in the formation of the modern German Empire that the
far-sighted plans of Bismarck culminated. King William was a willing
partner for this purpose, moving as he suggested and doing as he
wished. The states of Germany, aside from Austria, had actively
participated in the recent war, the steps towards unification which had
been taken during the few preceding years having now reached the point
in which a complete amalgamation might be effected.
The Holy Roman Empire, which had lasted throughout the medieval period
in some phase of strength and power, at times predominant, at times
little more than a title, had received its death-blow from the hands of
Napoleon and vanished from the historic stage. It was Bismarck’s design
to restore the German Empire—not the old, moth-eaten fiction of the
past, but an entirely new one—and give Prussia the position it had
earned, that of the great center of German racial unity. In this
project Austria, long at the head of the old empire, was to have no
part, the imperial dignity being conferred upon the venerable King
William of Prussia, a monarch whose birth dated back to the eighteenth
century, and who had lived throughout the Napoleonic wars.
UNITING THE GERMAN STATES
Near the close of 1870 Bismarck concluded treaties with the ambassadors
of the South German States, in which they agreed to accept the
constitution of the North German Union. These treaties were ratified,
after some opposition from members of the lower house, by the
legislatures of the four states involved. The next step in the
proceeding was a suggestion from the king of Bavaria to the other
princes that the imperial crown of Germany should be offered to King
William of Prussia.
When the North German diet at Berlin had given its consent to the new
constitution, a congratulatory address was despatched to the Prussian
monarch at Versailles. It announced to the aged hero-king the nation’s
wish that he should accept the new dignity. He replied to the
deputation in solemn audience that he accepted the imperial dignity
which the German nation and its princes had offered him. On the 1st of
January, 1871, the new constitution was to come into operation.
WILLIAM I CROWNED AT VERSAILLES
The solemn assumption of the imperial office did not take place,
however, until the 18th of January, the day on which, one hundred and
seventy years before, the new emperor’s ancestor, Frederick I, had
placed the Prussian crown on his head at Konigsberg, and thus laid the
basis of the growing greatness of his house. It was an ever-memorable
coincidence that, in the superb-mirrored hall of the Versailles palace,
where since the days of Richelieu so many plans had been concocted for
the humiliation of Germany, King William should now proclaim himself
German emperor. After the reading of the imperial proclamation to the
German people by Count Bismarck, the Grand Duke led a cheer, in which
the whole assembly joined amid the singing of national hymns. Thus the
important event had taken place which again summoned the German Empire
to life, and made over the imperial crown with renewed splendor to
another royal house. Barbarossa’s old legend, that the dominion of the
empire was, after long tribulation, to pass from the Hohenstaufen to
the Hohenzollern, was now fulfilled; the dream long aspired after by
German youth had now become a reality and a living fact.
The tidings of the conclusion of peace with France, whose preliminaries
were completed at Frankfort on the 10th of May, 1871, filled all
Germany with joy, and peace festivals on the most splendid scale
extended from end to end of the new empire, in all parts of which an
earnest spirit of patriotism was shown, while Germans from all regions
of the world sent home expressions of warm sympathy with the new
national organization of their fatherland.
A SIGNIFICANT DECADE
The decade just completed had been one of remarkable political changes
in Europe, unsurpassed in significance during any other period of equal
length. The temporal dominion of the pope had vanished and all Italy
had been united under the rule of a single king. The empire of France
had been overthrown and a republic established in its place, while that
country had sunk greatly in prominence among the European states.
Austria had been utterly defeated in war, had lost its last hold on
Italy and its position of influence among the German states. And all
the remaining German lands had united into a great and powerful empire,
promising to gain such extraordinary military strength that the
surrounding nations looked on in doubt, full of vague fears of trouble
from this new and potent power introduced into their midst.
Bismarck, however, showed an earnest desire to maintain international
peace and good relations, seeking to win the confidence of foreign
governments, while at the same time improving and increasing that
military force which had been proved to be so mighty an engine of war.
In the constitution of the new empire two legislative bodies, already
possessed by the Confederation of North German States were provided
for—the BUNDESRATH or Federal Council, whose members are annually
appointed by the respective state governments and the REICHSTAG or
representative body. whose members are elected by universal suffrage
for a period of three years, an annual session being required. Germany,
therefore, in its present organization, is practically a federal union
of states, each with its own powers of internal government, and with a
common legislature approximating to our Senate and House of
Representatives. But this did not make the German emperor a
parliamentary monarch. From the fact that the consent of both
assemblies was necessary to change the law, he governed as he pleased
and had no other ministerial representative than the high chancellor of
the empire, depending solely on the sovereign. After 1870 he was in the
empire what he had been previously in Prussia, the essential
representative of the country and the supreme head of the military
forces.
The remaining incidents of Bismarck’s remarkable career may be briefly
given. It consisted largely in a struggle with the Catholic Church
organization, which had attained to great power in Germany, and was
aggressive to an extent that roused the vigorous opposition of the
chancellor of the empire, who was not willing to acknowledge any power
in Germany other than that of the emperor.
King Frederick William IV, the predecessor of the reigning monarch, had
made active efforts to strengthen the Catholic Church in Prussia, its
clergy gaining greater privileges in that Protestant state than they
possessed in any of the Catholic states. They had established
everywhere in North Germany their congregations and monasteries, and by
their control of public education seemed in a fair way eventually to
make Catholicism supreme in the empire.
THE PROBLEM OF CHURCH POWER
This state of affairs Bismark set himself energetically to reform. The
minister of religious affairs was forced to resign, and his place was
taken by Falk, an energetic statesman, who introduced a new school law,
bringing the whole educational system under state control, and
carefully regulating the power of the clergy over religious and moral
education. This law met with such violent opposition that all the
personal influence of Bismarck and Falk was needed to carry it, and it
gave such deep offense to the pope that he refused to receive the
German ambassador. He declared the Falk law invalid, and the German
bishops united in a declaration against the chancellor. Bismarck
retorted by a law expelling the Jesuits from the empire.
In 1873 the state of affairs became so embittered that the rights and
liberties of the citizens seemed to need protection against a
priesthood armed with extensive powers of discipline and
excommunication. In consequence Bismarck introduced, and by his
eloquence and influence carried, what were known as the May Laws. These
required the scientific education of the Catholic clergy, the
confirmation of clerical appointments by the state, and the formation
of a tribunal to consider and revise the conduct of the bishops.
These enactments precipitated a bitter contest between Church and
State, while the pope declared the May Laws null and void and
threatened with excommunication all priests who should submit to them.
The State retorted by withdrawing its financial support from the
Catholic church and abolishing those clauses of the constitution under
which the Church claimed independence of the State. Pope Pius IX died
in 1878, and on the election of Leo XIII attempts were made to
reconcile the existing differences. The reconciliation was a victory
for the Church, since the May Laws ceased to be operative, the church
revenues were restored and the control of the clergy over education in
considerable measure was regained. New concessions were granted in 1886
and 1887, and Bismarck felt himself beaten in his long conflict with
his clerical opponents, who had proved too strong and deeply entrenched
for him.
PROGRESS OF SOCIALISM
Economic questions became also prominent, the revenues of the empire
requiring some change in the system of free trade and the adoption of
protective duties, while the railroads were acquired as public property
by the various states of the empire. Meanwhile the rapid growth of
socialism excited apprehension, which was added to when two attempts
were made on the life of the emperor. These were attributed to the
socialists, and severe laws for the suppression of socialism were
enacted. Bismark also sought to cut the ground from under the feet of
the socialists by an endeavor to improve the condition of the working
classes. In 1881 laws were passed compelling employers to insure their
workmen in case of sickness or accident, and in 1888 a system of
compulsory insurance against death and old age was introduced. None of
these measures, however, checked the growth of socialism, which very
actively continued.
In 1882 a meeting was arranged by the chancellor between the emperors
of Germany, Russia, and Austria, which was looked upon in Europe as a
political alliance. In 1878 Russia drifted somewhat apart from Germany,
but in the following year an alliance of defense and offense was
concluded with Austria, and a similar alliance at a later date with
Italy. This, which continued to 1914, was known as the Triple Alliance.
In 1877 Bismarck announced his intention to retire, being worn out with
the great labors of his position. To this the emperor, who felt that
his state rested on the shoulders of the “Iron Chancellor,” would not
listen, though he gave him indefinite leave of absence.
On March 9, 1888, Emperor William died. He was ninety years of age,
having been born in 1797. He was succeeded by his son Frederick, then
incurably ill from a cancerous affection of the throat, which carried
him to the grave after a reign of ninety-nine days. His oldest son,
William, succeeded on June 15, 1888, as William II.
WILLIAM II AND THE RESIGNATION OF BISMARCK
The liberal era which was looked for under Frederick was checked by his
untimely death, his son at once returning to the policy of William I
and Bismarck. He proved to be far more positive and dictatorial in
disposition than his grandfather, with decided and vigorous views of
his own, which soon brought him into conflict with the equally positive
chancellor. The result was a rupture with Bismarck, and his resignation
(a virtual dismissal) from the premiership in 1890. The young emperor
proposed to be his own minister and subsequently devoted himself in a
large measure to the increase of the army and navy, a policy which
brought him into frequent conflicts with the Reichstag, whose rapidly
growing socialistic membership was in strong opposition to this
development of militarism.
The old statesman, to whom Germany owed so much, was deeply aggrieved
by this lack of gratitude on the part of the self-opinionated young
emperor, in view of his great services to the state. The wound rankled
deeply, though a seeming reconciliation took place. But the political
career of the great Bismarck was at an end, and he died on July 30,
1898. It is an interesting coincidence that almost at the same time
died the distinguished but markedly different statesman of England,
William Edward Gladstone. Count Cavour, another great European
statesman of the latter half of the nineteenth century, had completed
his work and passed away nearly forty years before.
The career of William II soon became one of much interest and some
alarm to the other nations of Europe. His eagerness for the development
of the army and navy, and the energy with which he pushed forward its
organization and sought to add to its strength, seemed significant of
warlike intentions, and there was dread that this energetic young
monarch might break the peace of Europe, if only to prove the
irresistible strength of the military machine he had formed. But as
years went on the apprehensions to which his early career and
expressions gave rise were quieted, and the fear that he would plunge
Europe into war lessened. The army and navy appeared to some as rather
a costly plaything of the active young man than an engine of
destruction, while it tended in considerable measure to the
preservation of peace by rendering Germany a power dangerous to go to
war with.
The speeches with which the emperor began his reign showed an
exaggerated sense of the imperial dignity, though his later career
indicated far more judgment and good sense than the early display of
overweening self-importance promised, and the views of William II
eventually came to command far more respect than they did at first. He
showed himself a man of exuberant energy. Despite a permanent weakness
of his left arm and a serious affection of the ear, he early became a
skilful horseman and an untiring hunter, as well as an enthusiastic
yachtsman, and there were few men in the empire more active and
enterprising than the Kaiser.
OLD AGE INSURANCE
A principal cause of the break between William and Bismarck was the
imperial interference with the laws for the suppression of socialism.
As already stated, the old chancellor had established a system of
compulsory old age insurance, through which workmen and their
employers—aided by the state—were obliged to provide for the support of
artisans after a certain age. The system seems to have worked
satisfactorily, but socialism of a more radical kind grew in the empire
far more rapidly than the emperor approved of, and he vigorously,
though unsuccessfully endeavored to prevent its increase. Another of
his favorite measures, a religious education bill, he was obliged to
withdraw on account of the opposition it excited. On more than one
occasion he came into sharp conflict with the Reichstag concerning
increased taxation for the army and navy, and a strong party against
his autocratic methods sprang up, and forced him more than once to
recede from warmly-cherished measures.
POLITICAL AND INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS IN GERMANY
It may be of interest here to say something concerning the organization
of the German empire. The constitution of this empire, as adopted April
16, 1871, proposes to “form an eternal union for the protection of the
realm and the care of the welfare of the German people,” and places the
supreme direction of military and political affairs in the King of
Prussia, under the title of Deutscher Kaiser (German emperor). The
war-making powers of the emperor, however, are restricted, since he is
required to obtain the consent of the Bundesrath (the Federal Council)
before he can declare war otherwise than for the defense of the realm.
His authority as emperor, in fact, is much less than that which he
exercises as King of Prussia, since the imperial legislature is
independent of him, he having no power of veto over the laws passed by
it. His actual military power, however, is practically supreme, as
demonstrated in the opening events of the war of 1914.
The legislature, as stated, consists of two bodies, the Bundesrath,
representing the states of the union, whose members, 58 in number, are
chosen for each session by the several state governments; and the
Reichstag, representing the people, whose members, 397 in number, are
elected by universal suffrage for periods of five years. The German
union, as constituted in 1914, comprised four kingdoms, six grand
duchies, five duchies, seven principalities, three sovereign cities,
and the Reichsland of Alsace-Lorraine; twenty-six separate states in
all. It included all the German peoples of Europe with the exception of
those in Austria.
The progress of Germany within the modern period has been very great.
The population of the states of the empire, 24,831,000 at the end of
the Napoleonic wars, had become, a century later, over 64,000,000,
having added 40,000,000 to the roll of inhabitants. The country, once
divided into an unwieldy multitude of states, often of minute
proportions, has become consolidated into the number above named, each
of these possessing some degree of importance. These, as combined into
a federal union, or empire, have an area of 208,830 square miles, of
which Prussia holds the lion’s share, its area being 134,605 square
miles.
The presidency of the empire belongs to the king of Prussia and is
hereditary in his family. Besides the Imperial Parliament, each state
has its own special legislature and laws, but railroads regarded as
necessary for the defense of Germany or the facilitating of general
communications may come under a law of the empire, even against the
opposition of the members of the confederation whose territory is
traversed. The states have their respective armies, but it is the
emperor who disposes of them; he appoints the heads of the contingents,
approves the generals, and has the right to establish fortresses over
the whole territory of the empire.
The wealth of the German empire has grown in a far greater area than
its population, it having developed into the most active manufacturing
country in Europe. Agriculture has similarly advanced, and one of its
chief products, that of the sugar beet, has enormously increased,
beet-root sugar being among its chief industrial yields. In addition,
Germany has grown to be one of the most active commercial nations of
the earth. Thus it has taken a place among the most active productive
and commercial countries, its wealth and importance being
correspondingly augmented. These particulars are of interest as showing
the standing of Germany at the outbreak of the war of 1914 and
indicating its degree of ability to bear the fearful strain of so great
a war.