_Zenobia_, and _Aurelian_ persisting not to have it dismembered: He
marched against her, and having in two Battles routed her Forces, he
shut her up and Besieged her in _Palmyra_: And the Besieged finding
that the great resistance they made, availed not against that resolute
Emperor, they yielded the Town; and _Zenobia_ flying with her Son,
was pursued and taken: With which _Aurelian_ being contented, spared
the City, and leaving a small Garrison, march'd for _Rome_ with this
Captive Lady: But the Inhabitants believing he would not return, set up
again for themselves, and (as _Vopiscus_ has it) slew the Garrison he
had left in the Place. Which _Aurelian_ understanding, tho' by this
time he was gotten into _Europe_, with his usual fierceness, speedily
returned; and collecting a sufficient Army by the way, he again took
the City without any great Opposition, and put it to the Sword, with
an uncommon Cruelty, as he himself confesses in a Letter (extant in
_Vopiscus_), and delivered them to the Pillage of his Soldiers. And
it is observable, that none of the Greek Inscriptions are after the
date of this Calamity, which befell the City in or about the Year of
_Christ_ 272, as far as may be collected, after it had been nine or ten
Years the Seat of the Empire of the East, not without Glory.
In this appears also the great utility of Coins to illustrate Matters
of History; for by them alone 'tis made out, that there was such a
Prince as _Waballathus_, _Vopiscus_ singly mentioning him by the Name
of _Balbatus_. And from the same Coins it appears, that _Odænathus_ had
the Title of _Augustus_ four Years, and _Waballathus_ six at least;
and that the first Year of _Aurelian_ was the fourth of _Waballathus_.
And by the Testimony of _Pollio_, _Odænathus_ was declared Emperor
of the East, _Gallieno_ & _Saturnino Coss._ which was _Anno Christi_
263, and died before _Gallienus_, but in the same Year, _viz._ _Anno_
267, which, by the Coins, was the first of _Waballathus_. He therefore
immediately succeeded _Odænathus_, and was without doubt his Eldest
Son by _Zenobia_, and not his Grandson the Son of _Herodes_, as some
learned Men have supposed: For if _Zenobia_ could not endure that
_Herodes_ Son of _Odænathus_ by a former Wife, should succeed his
Father in prejudice to her Children, and for that reason was consenting
to his Murther (as _Pollio_ intimates in _Herodes_ and _Mæonius_,) much
less would she endure the Title of _Augustus_ in the Son of _Herodes_,
especially when her own Sons were, as 'tis probable, elder than such
Grandson. So that 'tis most likely that _Herennianus_ and _Timolaus_,
whom _Pollio_ reckons among his XXX Tyrants, might be the Younger Sons
of _Zenobia_, on whom also, out of Motherly Affection, she might bestow
the same Titles of Honour.
But it must be observed, that in the Greek Coins, this Prince's Name
is usually written ΑΥΤ. ΕΡΜΙΑΣ ΟΥΑΒΑΛΛΑΘΟΣ ΑΘΗΝΟΥ (as _Tristan_ says
he found it upon several Medals,) but _Patin_ has the last Word only
ΑΘΗ. I should be glad to peruse some of these curious Coins, especially
if found in or near _Palmyra_: but I am inclinable to believe that his
true Name was _Æranes Waballathus_ (as was one of his Progenitors, in
Inscription _Pag._ 91.) though perhaps the remoter Cities of _Asia_ and
_Ionia_ might by mistake write it _Hermias_. And 'tis probable that
ΑΘΗΝ might be for the first Letters of the Name of ΟΔΗΝΑΘΟΣ, which in
Syriack begun with an _Aleph_; and the Δ was with those People used
instead of Θ, as we see the Month _Xanthicus_, written Ξανδικὸς in many
of these Inscriptions, which doubtless was pronounced like D _blæsum_
or the Saxon D.
Though this City were at that time so roughly treated by _Aurelian_,
yet it is certain that he did not burn it, or destroy the Buildings
thereof: And though _Zosimus_, on this occasion, uses the Words τὴν
πόλιν κατασκάψας, yet that seems only to relate to his demolishing the
Walls and Defences of the Place; and that Emperors own Letter extant
in _Vopiscus_, doth sufficiently shew that he spared the City it self,
and that he took care to re-instate the beautiful Temple of the _Sun_
that was there, which had been Plundered by his Soldiers. However,
the Damage then sustained was never retrieved by the Inhabitants, and
I do not find that ever this City made any figure in History after
it: Yet the _Latin Inscription_, (Pag. 106.) seems to intimate, as
if _Dioclesian_ had restored their Walls within thirty Years after.
About the Year of Christ 400, it was the Head Quarters of the _Legio
Prima Illyricorum_; and though _Stephanus_ gives it no better Title
than φρούριον, yet it appears to have been an Archbishop's See,
under the Metropolitan of _Damascus_. To say in what Age, or from
what Hand it received its final Overthrow, which reduced it to the
miserable Condition it now appears in, there is no light in any of our
Historians; but it is probable it perish'd long since, in the obscure
Ages of the World, during the Wars of the _Saracen_ Empire; and being
burnt and desolated, it was never rebuilt; which occasions the Ruins
to lie so entire, in a manner as they were left, neither being used to
other Structures on the Place, nor worth carrying away, because of the
great distance thereof from any other City.
As to the Geographical Site of _Palmyra_, _Ptolemy_ places it in the
Latitude of _Tripoly_ on the Coast of _Syria_, and four Degrees more
Easterly, _viz._
Παλμύρα. οα, ϛ′. λδ.
and he makes it the Capital of sixteen Cities in _Syria Palmyrena_,
whereof _Alalis_, _Danaba_ and _Evaria_ were afterwards _Bishops Sees_.
_Pliny_ places it CCIII Miles from the nearest Coast of _Syria_, and
CCCXXXVII from _Seleucia ad Tygrim_ near _Bagdat_, (which Numbers are
erroneously Printed 252 and 537 in most Editions, contrary to the
Authority of the MSS.) _Josephus_ places it one Days Journey from
_Euphrates_, and six from _Babylon_; which must be understood of
Horse-man's Journeys of about sixty Miles _per diem_, it being more
than so much from this City to _Euphrates_. _Ptolemy_ also mentions a
River running by _Palmyra_, which did not appear to our Travellers,
unless that Gut or Channel wherein they were overflowed by the
Rain-Waters, were the Bed thereof; which may, possibly, run with a
constant Stream in the Winter or times of much Rain: But this (as the
Rivers of _Aleppo_ and _Damascus_ at this Day) is made by _Ptolomy_ to
have no _exit_; but to go off in _Vapour_, and to be imbibed by the
thirsty Earth of these Desarts.
The _Æra_ or Accompt of Years observed by the _Palmyreni_ in these
Inscriptions, is evidently that of _Seleucus_, call'd afterwards
_Dhilcarnian_ or _Bicornis_ by the _Arabians_, and by them kept in use
till above 900 Years of Christ (as appears by the Observations of
_Albatani_, published in _Numb._ 204 of the _Philosoph. Transact._) and
not that of the Death of _Alexander_. This may be demonstrated from
the Inscription (_Pag. 101._) wherein _Alexander Severus_ is stiled
ΘΕΟΣ; that is, after the Death and Consecration of that Emperor, or
after the Year of our Lord 234; and from the Name of _Julius_, who,
when this Inscription was put up, was _Præfectus Prætorio_, (and could
be no other than _Julius Philippus Arabs_ who might be esteemed by the
_Palmyreni_ as their Country-man,) it follows, that it was in the last
Year of _Gordian_ _Anno Christi_ 242 or 243: And that Emperor being
soon after Murder'd by the Treachery of this _Philip_, who succeeded
him: And his Treason coming afterwards to light, 'tis not strange that
his Name was purposely effaced in this Inscription. The Date thereof,
_Anno_ 554, shews the beginning of this Accompt 311 or 312 Years before
Christ, co-incident with the _Æra_ of _Seleucus_, which was likewise
observed by several other Cities in the East.
I shall not undertake the part of a Critick on these Inscriptions, but
chuse rather to leave them to the more professedly skilful in that part
of Learning, and shall only make some few Remarks on them, such as
occurred whilst they pass'd through my Hands.
1. That the more ancient of these Inscriptions dated before the Year
500, do no where make use of _Roman Prænomina_, which yet are very
frequent in them that follow; particularly _Julius_, _Aurelius_ and
_Septimius_, taken up by these People out of Respect to the Emperors
that bore those Names; and consequently that _Septimius Odænathus_ (the
Inscription of whose Tomb we have, _pag. 91._) was most probably the
same who was afterwards _Augustus_. That Name growing in use in the
Reign of _Septimius Severus_, under whom or his Son _Caracalla_ this
_Odænathus_ was certainly Born. And this Monument being erected by
him whilst he was yet a private Man; and he afterwards attaining the
Imperial Dignity, it was necessary the Inscription of his Tomb (which
perhaps was that single one that was all of Marble) should be changed:
Upon which occasion this Stone might be brought back into the Town, and
after its Destruction, be clapt up casually over the little Gate-way
where now it stands.
2. _Pag. 100._ ΚΑΤΕΛΘΟΝΤΕΣ ΕΙΣ ΟΛΟΓΕΣΙΑΔΑ ΕΝΠΟΡΟΙΑΝ ΕΣΤΗΣΑΝ:
_Descendentes Vologesiada Commercium stabiliverunt, Anno_ 558, _sive
Anno Christi_ 247. Whereby it appears, that this People having had
their Trade interrupted by the Wars between the _Romans_ and the
_Persians_, under _Gordian_; did now send an Embassy to the Court of
_Sapores_ King of the _Persians_, to get it re-established; which
succeeded according to their Desires. _Vologesias_ was a City built
by _Vologeses_ King of the _Parthians_ in the time of _Nero_, on
the _Euphrates_ below _Babylon_. _Ptolemy_ calls it Οὐολογεσιάς;
_Stephanus_, Βολογεσιὰς; _Ammianus_ _Vologessia_; and _Pliny_ lib. 6.
_Vologesocirta_.
3. _Pag. 101._ ΚΑΙ ΟΥΚΟΝΙΣΩΝΑ ΦΕΙΔΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΧΡΗΜΑΤΩΝ. I submit it to the
Judgment of the Criticks, whether this faulty Place may not be amended
by reading it ΟΥΚ ΟΙΚΕΙΩΝ ΑΦΕΙΔΗΣΑΝΤΑ, _&c._ as likewise whether
ΔΙΣΜΑΛΚΟΥ in the same Inscription may not be instead of ΜΑΛΛΟΥ ΤΟΥ
ΜΑΛΚΟΥ, which is the Ingenious Conjecture of that excellent Grammarian
Mr. _William Baxter_.
4. _Pag. 102._ _Septimium Vorodem Procuratorem Ducenarium Augusti &_
ΑΡΟΑΠΕΤΗΝ. This Word, if _Greek_, is faultily transcribed; and in
one Copy I have seen, the Ο is very small, as I suppose it on the
Stone, which might occasion the transcribing thereof without it in
the former Voyage (_Pag. 130._) So that 'tis most probable that 'tis
the remains of some other Letter almost worn out. I conjecture it to
have been ΑΡΤΑΓΕΤΗΝ, Π being taken for Γ, and that this _Septimius_
was _Præfectus Annonæ_, having the Care to see that the City were
sufficiently provided with Bread; which was a most necessary Officer
in a Place that must needs be furnish'd with Corn from Abroad. And
this same _Septimius_, (in the Inscription, _Pag. 105._) is
stiled .... ΕΟΔΟΤΗΝ ΤΗΣ ΜΗΤΡΟΚΟΛΩΝΕΙΑΣ. _lege_ ΚΡΕΟΔΟΤΗΝ, which should
signifie that he was the Distributor of the Emperor's Munificence in
Flesh to the People. These Inscriptions bear Date in _April_, _Anno
Dom._ 267. not long before the Death of _Odænathus_, who is herein
stiled ΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΣ: and 'tis not improbable but he might institute such
a Custom, as at the Publick Charge, to give the People a Largess in
Flesh on particular Days, to reconcile them to the Dominion of their
Fellow-Citizen. This is certain, that _Aurelian_ first instituted such
a Custom of giving Flesh at _Rome_: The Words of _Vopiscus_ are, _Idem
Aurelianus & porcinam carnem populo Romano distribuit, quæ hodieque
dividitur_; which Custom continued till the time of _Constantine_,
when (according to _Zosimus_) one _Lucian_, who had this Office of
distributing Swines Flesh at _Rome_, had Interest enough among the
People to set up _Maxentius_ for Emperor; and _Salmasius_ assures us,
that it was not discontinued till the time of _Heraclius_. It will not
therefore seem strange, if I suppose _Aurelian_ might find that Custom
at _Palmyra_, and at his return from thence institute the like at
_Rome_.
I am inclined to believe, that not only those two Inscriptions, _Pag.
102_, and the last of _Pag. 103_, but also that of _Pag. 106_, were
in Honour of the same _Septimius Vorodes_ who seems to have been a
great Favourite of _Odænathus_, and was without doubt respected by
the _Romans_ on that account, whom I conclude to have effaced all the
Memorials of _Zenobia_ and _Waballathus_, insomuch that no one appears,
among those many taken, that was set up during the six Years they
reigned. The Name _Vorodes_ seems the same with _Orodes_, which was
the Name of the King of the _Parthians_ that slew _Crassus_: and the
_Persians_ having, about forty Years before, expelled the Race of the
_Arsacidæ_, 'tis not improbable but the Remains of that Royal Family
might fly for Succour to _Palmyra_, and this _Vorodes_ might be one of
them.
5. In two other Copies of these Inscriptions; the first of _pag. 104._
is read, Σεπτίμιον Αἰράνην Ὀδαινάθου, and not Ὀδαινόθου as in the
first Copy, and perhaps ought rather to be Ὀδαίναθον, as being the
Inscription under a Statue of the same _Odænathus_, who is here, as
well as on his Tomb, stiled _Illustrissimus Patricius_, but without a
Date.
6. ΥΠΟ ΙΑΡΙΒΩΛΟΥ ΘΕΟΥ (_pag. 101._ & 109.) It cannot well be doubted
but that this _Deus Jaribolus_ is the same with what _Gruter_ (_pag._
86.) and _Spon_ (in the first of his Inscriptions) reads ΑΓΛΙΒΩΛΩ.
By the Figure of the Idol extant in _Spon_, it appears that this God
was made with the Moon upon his Shoulders, and consequently was the
_Deus Lunus_ worshipped by the _Syrians_, whose Name, in the Language
of that Country, could not be better expressed than by _Jarehbol_ ירה
ביעל _Dominus Lunus_. Whence I am induced to believe, that _Gruter_
mistook it ΑΓΛΙΒΩΛΩ for ΑΓΑΙΒΩΛΩ, the Ι in the beginning, and the lower
part of the round stroke of the Ρ, being effaced, so as to pass for Γ.
I have taken care to have the Stone purposely viewed, as also to get
from thence the exact Figure of the _Syrian_ or _Palmyrene_ Characters
thereon, wherein there is an irreconcilable difference between _Spon_
and _Gruter_. By the help of these, compared with two others taken
at _Palmyra_, which I have by me, (they being all very near the same
Date,) I hope we may be able, one Day, to make out the _Palmyrene_
Alphabet: But it were to be wish'd our Travellers had transcribed them
with more Curiosity, and taken more of them.
By the way, it is remarkable, that the Person who dedicated this
Monument, in _Gruter_ and _Spon_, is stiled Λ. ΑΥΡ. ΗΛΙΟΔΩΡΟΣ: and the
same Name occurs in a broken Inscription which Mr. _Hallifax_ omitted
in his Letter to Dr. _Bernard_, as being too imperfect. It stood on the
right Hand of the entrance to the little Temple described _pag. 110._
and was thus,
ΛΟΥΚΙΟΥ ΑΥΡΗ[ΛΙ]ΟΥ ..... ΗΛΙΟΔΩΡΟΥ ΤΟΥ.
And after a Blank of three lines all worn out except one single Ο,
there followed,
[ΤΕΙ]ΜΗΣ ΧΑΡΙΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ....... ΜΗΝΟΣ [ΑΠ]ΕΛΛΑΙ[ΟΥ]. And that imperfect one
in _pag. 104._ seems to have relation to the same Name.
7. _Pag. 111._ ΜΑΛΕΝΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΓΡΙΠΠΑΝ _lege_ ΜΑΛΗΝ ΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΓΡΙΠΠΑΝ, it
being written ΜΑΛΗΝΤΟΝ, with Η in the two other Copies I have seen,
whereby the Sence is cleared.
8. _Pag. 117._ ΑΓΑΘΑΝΓΕΛΟΣ ΑΒΙΛΗΝΟΣ ΤΗΣ ΔΕΚΑΠΟΛΕΟΣ, _Agathangelus
Abilenus, Decapolitanus, Patronymice_. There were in these Parts two
Cities known by the Name of _Abila_; to distinguish which, the one was
called _Abila Lysaniæ_, from the Name of the Tetrarch: St. _Luke_, ch.
3. 1. and is placed by _Ptolemy_ (in his _Cælosyria_) about mid-way
between _Damascus_ and _Heliopolis_: The other in _Judæa_, called
_Abila ad Jordanem_, described by _Josephus_ in many Places, to lie
over-against _Jericho_, near the _Dead-Sea_. _Decapolis_ was so called
from its Ten Cities, enumerated by _Pliny_ (_lib._ 5. 18.) And with
them he reckons up, among others, the _Tetrarchy_ of _Abila_, in the
same _Decapolis_: Which demonstrates the _Abila Decapolis_ and _Abila
Lysaniæ_ to be the same Place. And tho' it cannot be denied, but
that some of _Pliny_'s Ten Cities are not far distant from that near
_Jordan_; yet it doth not appear that ever this other had the Title
of a _Tetrarchy_. Here it is to be observed, that what _Pliny_ calls
_Decapolis_, _Ptolemy_ makes his _Cæle Syria_; and the _Cæle Syria_
of _Pliny_, is that part of _Syria_ about _Aleppo_, formerly call'd
_Chalcidene_, _Cyrrhistice_, &c.
What this Town of _Teibe_ was anciently call'd, is not so easily
conjectured: But if the Numbers of _Ptolemy_ may be confided in, it is
very near the Situation of a City he calls _Oriza_; and perhaps his
_Adada_ may be our _Soukney_, and his _Rhæsapha_ what is now called
_Arsoffa_.
It is taken for granted, that Old _Aleppo_ was anciently the City of
_Berrhæa_, and there wants not ancient Testimony to prove it; which
being granted, I think I may without scruple conclude, that _Andrene_
(_pag. 122._ and 133.) is the Ruins of the City of _Androna_; and
_Esree_ (_pag. 135._) that of _Seriane_, both mentioned in the
Itinerary of _Antoninus_, in the Journey _à Dolicâ Seriane_. But this
whole Country is laid about half a Degree more Southerly than it
ought, by _Ptolemy_, who places _Berrhæa_ in Lat. 36 _deg._ For the
Meridian Altitude of the Tropical Sun at _Aleppo_ is found there but
77 _deg._ whence the Latitude 36 _deg._ 30 _min._ as it was observed,
_Anno_ 1680. by three several Quadrants, in the presence of a curious
Gentleman, to whom I am obliged for this Communication.
By the same Observation a much greater Error is amended in the
Latitude of _Aleppo_, in the _Rudolfine_ Tables of _Kepler_, who
supposes _Aleppo_ to have been the ancient _Antiochia ad Taurum_, and
accordingly places it Lat. 37. _deg._ 20 _min._ wherein he is followed
by _Bullialdus_ and others; and several Maps have copied the Mistake.
But a much greater use of it is, that thereby we are assured, that the
City of _Aracta_, wherein _Albatani_ made the Observations we have
Publish'd in the _Philosoph. Transact. Numb._ 204. was, without doubt,
the same which is now called _Racca_ on the _Euphrates_; of which Town
an Account may be seen in _Rauwolf_'s Voyages, and which was not many
Miles below the Place where our Travellers first came on the River:
And if _Arecca_, in the Language of this Country, relates to Victory
(as is said in _pag. 143._) it was, doubtless, anciently the City
_Nicephorion_, built by _Alexander_ the Great; with which the Situation
exactly agrees. The Latitude thereof was observed by that _Albatani_
with great accurateness, about eight hundred Years since; and therefore
I recommended it to all that are curious of such Matters, to endeavour
to get some good Observation made at this Place, to determine the
Height of the Pole there, thereby to decide the Controversie, whether
there hath really been any Change in the Axis of the Earth, in so long
an Interval; which some great Authors of late, have been willing to
suppose. And if any curious Traveller, or Merchant residing there,
would please to observe, with due care, the Phases of the Moons
Eclipses at _Bagdat_, _Aleppo_ and _Alexandria_, thereby to determin
their Longitudes, they could not do the Science of Astronomy a greater
Service: For in and near these Places were made all the Observations
whereby the middle Motions of the Sun and Moon are limited: And I could
then pronounce in what Proportion the Moon's Motion does Accelerate;
which that it does, I think I can demonstrate, and shall (God willing)
one Day, make it appear to the Publick.
* * * * *
The _Philosophical Reader_ is desired to excuse our breaking in upon
the Subject of these Tracts, by intermixing Historical and Philological
Matters, as also our exceeding the Bounds of an Extract: But we hope
the Curiosity of the Subject, joyned to the Desires of the _Royal
Society_, may make an easie Apology suffice. There may be many other
Instructive Remarks made thereon, which still deserve the Consideration
of the Learned, and from such the Publick may yet expect a further
Account.
_A Voyage of the Emperour of _China_ into the Eastern _Tartary_,
Anno. 1682._
The Emperour of _China_ made a Voyage into Eastern _Tartary_, in the
beginning of this Year 1682, after having appeased (by the Death of
three Rebellious Kings) a Revolt, formed in some Provinces of the
Empire: One of those revolted Princes, was Strangled in the Province,
of which he had made himself Master: The second being brought to
_Pekin_ with the Principal Heads of his Faction, was cut in Pieces
in the sight of the whole Court: The most Considerable among the
_Mandarines_, acting with their own hands in this sad Execution, to
Revenge upon this Rebel the Death of their Parents, which he had caused
to be Cruelly Murdered.
The third which was the most Considerable, (and indeed the Chief of all
the Revolt) had by a voluntary Death prevented his deserved Punishment,
and so put an end to a War, which had lasted for Seven Years.
The Peace having been settled, by the Re-establishing in the Empire and
all the Provinces, the Peaceable Enjoyment of their Ancient Liberties:
The Emperour departed the 23_d._ of _March_ to go into the Province of
_Leao-tum_, the Country of his Ancestors, with a Design of visiting
their Sepulchers, and (after having honoured them with the usual
Ceremonies) of prosecuting his Journey into the Eastern _Tartary_: This
Journey was was about 1100 _miles_, from _Pekin_ to the end of it.
The Emperour took with him his eldest Son, a young Prince of ten
years old, which had already been declared Heir of the Empire: The
three principal Queens went also in this Journy, each in their
gilded Chariot; the principal Kings also which compose this Empire,
were accompanying with all the Grandees of the Court: And the most
considerable _Mandarines_ of all the Orders, who having all a very
great Train of Attendants, and very numerous Equipage, made a Court
about the Emperour of more then 70000 Persons.
It was his Will that I should accompany him in this Journey, and that
I should be always near him, to the end I might make in his Presence,
the Observations, necessary for knowing the disposition of the Heavens,
the elevation of the Pole, the Magnetical Declinations of every Place,
and for Measuring with Mathematical Instruments the height of the
Mountains, and the distances of Places: He was well pleased also to
be informed of what concerned Meteors, and many other Physical and
Mathematical Matters.
In so much, that he gave Order to an Officer to carry upon Horses such
Instruments as I should have occasion to make use of, and recommended
me to the Prince his Unkle, who is also his Father in Law, and the
second Person of the State, he is called by a _Chinese_ Name, which
signifies an Associate of the Empire: He gave charge to him to cause
all things to be provided for me which were necessary for this Journey,
which this Prince performed with a very particular goodness, causing me
to Lodge always in his own Tent, and to eat at his Table.
The Emperour ordered that they should give me Horses of his own
Stables, to the End I might the more easily Change in Riding, and
some of those were of them He Himself had Rid, which is a Mark of
very extraordinary distinction. In this Journey we always went toward
the North-east: From _Pekin_ to the Province of _Leao-tum_, the Way
being about 300 Miles is pretty equal: In the Province it self of
_Leao-tum_, it is about 400 Miles, but much more unequal by Reason of
the Mountains; from the Frontier of this Province to the City of _La_,
or the River which the _Tartars_ call _Songoro_, and the _Chinoise_
_Sumhoa_, the way (which is about 400 Miles) is very difficult, being
crossed sometimes by Mountains extreamly Steep, sometimes by Valleys
of extraordinary Depth, and through Desert Plains, wherein for two or
three Days March we met with nothing. The Mountains of this Country are
Covered on the East side with great Oaks and old Forrests, which have
not been cut for some Ages.